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Full text of "The Katyn Forest Massacre : hearings before the Select Committee to Conduct an Investigation of the Facts, Evidence and Circumstances of the Katyn Forest Massacre, Eighty-second Congress, first[-second] session, on investigation of the murder of thousands of Polish officers in the Katyn Forest near Smolensk, Russia .."

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PART  4 


APRIL  16,  17,  18,  AND  19,  1952 

Printed  for  the  use  of  the  Select  Committee  To  Conduct  an  Investigation 
of  the  Facts,  Evidence,  and  Circumstances  of  the  Katyn  Forest  Massacre 














PART  4 


APRIL  16,  17,  18,  AND  19,  1952 

Printed  for  the  use  of  the  Select  Committee  To  Conduct  an  Investigation 
of  the  Facts,  Evidence,  and  Circumstances  of  the  Katyn  Forest  Massacre 

«3744  WASHINGTON  :   1952 


BAY  J.  MADDEN,  Indiana,  Chairman 
DANIEL  J.  FLOOD,  Pennsylvania  GEORGE  A.  DOKDERO,  Michigan 

FOSTER  FURCOLO,  Massachusetts  ALVIN  E.  O'KONSKI,  Wisconsin 

THADDEUS  M.  MACHROWICZ,  Michigan       TIMOTHY  P.  SHEEHAN,  Illinois 

John  J.  Mitchell,  Chief  Counsel 






Letter  of  invitation  to  Polit^h  Government  in  Warsaw 503 

Reply  of  Polish  Government  through  United  States  State  Department 504 

Letter  of  invitation  to  Gen.  Wladyslaw  Anders 505 

Testimony  of — 

A,  Mr.,  London,  England 524,  552,  571 

Anders,    Gen.    Wladyslaw,    of    Waverton    Street,    W.    I;    Shaftsbury 

Avenue,  Kenton,  Middlesex;  London,  England 931 

B,  Mr 60S- 

Bohusz-Szyszko,  Lt.  Gen.  Zygmunt  Peter,  44  Lower  Bridge  Street, 

Chester,  England 656 

Bor-Komorowski,  Lt.^Gen.  Tadeusz,  3  Bowrons  Avenue,  Wembley, 

Middlesex,  England ..       708 

C,  Mr 700 

Felsztyn,  Tadeusz 624 

Furtek,  Wladvslaw  Jan,  69  Parkview  Court,  SW.  6,  London,  England.       506 

Garlinski,  Josef,  No.  104  Holland  Road,  London  W.  14,  England 779 

Goetel,  Ferdinand,  No.  14,  Empress  Place,  London,  S.  W.  6,  England ^        760 

Kaczkowski,  Maj.  Jan,  43  Bromley  Road,  London,  E.  17 628,  866 

Knopp,  Mrs.  Janina,  54  Solent  Road,  London,  N.  W.  6 618 

Kot,  Stanislaw,  Paris,  France 881 

Kukiel,  Lt.  Gen.  Marian 738 

Lewszecki,  Jerzy,  2  Queensborough  Terrace  W.  2,  London,  England--       775 

Lubodziecki,  Col.  Stanislaw,  54,  Solent  Road,  London,  N.  W.  6 611 

Lubomirski,  Capt  Eugeniusz 632 

Lunkiewicz,  Jerzy 551,  556,  799,  842 

Luszczynski,  Zygmunt,  43,  Angel  Road,  London,  N.  W.  3 614 

Mackiewicz,    Joseph,    44,    Marlborough    Place,    London,    N.    W.    8, 

England 867 

Moszynski,  Adam,  Penhros  Camp,  near  Pwllelli,  North  Wales 648 

Pucinski,  Roman,  investigator  for  the  committee 839 

Raczynski,  Edward,  7  Armitage  Road,  London,  N.  W.  11 665 

Rowinski,  Zbigniew,  London,  England 680 

Sawczynski,  Adam,  20  Princes  Gate  S.  W.  7,  London,  England 771 

Szlaski,  Janus  Prawdzic,  22  Buer  Road,  London  S.  W.  6 785 

Voit,  Roman 636 

W,  Mr - 517 

Wolkowicki,  Gen.  Jerzy,   Penross  Camp,   Pwllelli,  Wales 638 

Zamoyski,  Stefan,  20  St.  Stephens  Close,  London,  N.  W.  8 756 


1 .  Photo  of  prisoner  of  war  camp  at  Kozielsk 507 

2.  List  of  prisoners  at  Kozielsk,  Starobielsk,  and  Ostashkov 526-548 

3.  Returned  to  witness. 

4.  Returned  to  witness. 

5.  Statement  of  Witness  A  (original  and  translation) 557-565 

6.  Record  of  the  hearing  of  Witness  A  (original  and  translation) 566—571 

7.  8,  9,  10,  and  11.   Letters  to  Witness  A  from  members  of  his  family.-  572-602 

12.  Postcard  received  bv  Mrs.  Knopp  from  her  husband 620 

13.  Transcription  of  e.xliibit  12 621 

14.  Postcard  to  Tadensz  Knopp  from  Eugenia  Zenerman  (original  and 

translation) 623,  624 

15.  Deposition  of  Captain  Lubomirski  (original  and  translation) 634 

16.  Letter  written  by  General  Wolkowicki  (original  and  translation)-  643-645 

17.  Certificate  of  an  inoculation  against  typhus  submitted  by  General 

Wolkowicki  (original  and  translation) 646,  647 

18.  Note  of  January  28,  1942,  from  Mr.  Raczynski,  Polish  Minister  of 

Foreign  Afl'airs,  to  Ambassador  Bogomolov 668 



Exhibits— Continued  Pae» 

19.  Polish-Soviet  relations,  1918-43 969 

19A.  Note  of  March  13,  1942,  from  Ambassador  Bogomolov  to  Mr. 

Raczynski,  Polish  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 670 

20.  Note  of  April  20,  1943,  from  Mr.  Raczynski,  Polish  Minister  of 

Foreign    Affairs,    to    Mr.    Bogomolov,     Ambassador     of    the 

U.  S.  S.  R - 674 

21.  Statement  of  Polish  Government,  April  17,  1943,  concerning  dis- 

covery of  graves  of  Polish  officers  near  Smolensk 678 

22.  Photo  of  cord  identified  as  a  piece  which  was  removed  from  the 

body  of  one  of  the  victims  found  dead  in  Katyn 685 

23  23A,  24,  24A,  and  24B.  Notes  written  by  Mr.  Rowinski  after  visit 

to  Katyn 694-705 

25.  Translation  of  radiograms 712-714 

26.  Translation  of  radiograms 715,  716 

27.  Translation  of  radiograms 716,  717 

28.  Diary  (original  and  translation) 721-731 

28A.  Diary  (original  and  translation) 732-734 

29.  Returned  to  witness. 

30.  Conversation  of  Lieutenant  General  Kukiel,  Polish  Minister  of 

War,  with  Soviet  Ambassador  Bogomolov  (original  and  trans- 
lation)    742-746 

30 A.  Communique  issued  by  Polish  Minister  of  National  Defense 748 

30B     30C,     30D,     30E.    Correspondence    from     International     Red 

Cross 750-753 

31.  Copy  of  order  found  on  body  of  Russian  officer  (translated  into 

Polish) 787,  788 

32.  Published  in  a  separate  volume,  part  6. 

33.  Published  in  a  separate  volume,  part  6. 

34.  Returned  to  witness. 

35.  Translation  of  Komarnicki  report 801 

35  A.  Translation  of  Lopianowski  report 807 

36.  Returned  to  witness. 

37.  Map  of  Katyn  and  report  of  Polish  Red  Cross 824-826 

38.  Returned  to  witness. 

39.  39A,  39B,  and  40.  Documents  with  reference  to  the  Kriwoserczew 

case  (originals  and  translations) 828-838,  840-842 

41.  Report  by  Ferdynand  Goetel  on  visit  to  Katyn 843 

42.  Report  of  Mrs.  Janina  DowIi6r-Mugnicka 848 

43.  Documents  showing  instructions  by  the  NKVD  concerning  Baltic 

prisoners  (originals  and  translations) 849-863 

44.  Returned  to  witness. 

45.  Proclamation  to  Polish  soldiers  by  Marshal  Timoshenko,  Soviet 

commander  (original  and  translation) 864,  865 

46  and  47.  List  of  missing  officers  at  Katyn.  (Too  voluminous  to  be 
printed  in  record  and  has  been  placed  in  the  permanent  files  of 

48.  Minutes  of  conference  between  Dr.  Kot  Polish  Ambassador  to 

Moscow,  and  Mr.  Vishinsky,  Deputy  People's  Commissar  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  September  20,  1941 885 

49.  Conversations  between  Dr.  Kot  and  Mr.  Vishinsky,  October  6, 

1941 894 

49 A.  Note   of    October    13,    1941,    from    Ambassador    Kot   to    Mr. 

Vishinsky 895 

49B.  Minutes  of  conversation  of  Ambassador  Kot  with  J.   Stalin, 

November  14,  1941 905 

49C.  Minutes  of  conversation  between  Gen.  Wladyslaw  Sikorski  and 

Joseph  Stalin,  December  3,  1941 914 

49D.  Note  of  October  15,  1941,  from  General  Sikorski  to  Ambassador 

Bogomolov . 923 

50.  Returned  to  witness. 

50A.   Memorandum  concerning  Polish  prisoners  of  war  (original  and 

translation) .  944-950 

51.  Returned  to  witness. 

51  A.  Telegram  from  J.  Stalin  to  General  Anders  (original  and  transla- 
tion)   953-955 

52.  Minutes  of  conversation  between  General  Anders  and  J.  Stalin —       957 

53.  Russian  agreement  to  permit  evacuation  of  Poles  to  Middle  East 

(original  and  translation) _ 964,  965 


WEDNESDAY,  APRIL  16,   1952 

House  of  Representatives, 

THE  Select  Committee  on  the  Katyn  Forest  Massacre, 

London,  England. 

The  select  committee  met  at  10  a.  m.,  pursuant  to  call,  in  room  111, 
Kensington  Palace  Hotel,  De  Vere  Gardens,  W.  8,  Hon.  Ray  J. 
Madden  (chairman)  presiding. 

Present:  Messrs.  Madden,  Flood,  Machrowicz,  Dondero,  and 

Also  present:  Roman  Pucinski,  investigator  foe  the  committee. 

Chairman  Madden.  The  committee  will  come  to  order. 

This  is  the  fourth  of  a  series  of  meetmgs  of  the  special  committee 
created  by  Congress  m  September  1951,  to  investigate  the  Katyn 
Forest  massacres.  In  October  the  committee  to  take  testimony 
in  Washington.  Again,  in  February,  the  committee  held  a  series  of 
hearings  in  the  city  of  Washington.  In  March  the  committee  held^a 
series  of  hearmgs  in  the  city  of  Chicago. 

The  meetings  here  in  London,  England,  will  be  for  the  purposeof 
recording  essential  testimony  pertaming  to  the  Katyn  Forest  mas- 
sacres, which  were  committed  m  the  Katyn  Forest,  near  the  city  of 
Smolensk,  in  Russia,  during  the  early  part  of  World  War  II. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  hope  the  record  will  show  aU 
members  who  came  abroad  are  present. 

Chairman  Madden.  I  was  going  to  mention  that. 

Present  this  morning  are  Congressman  Flood,  of  Pennsylvania; 
Congressman  Machrowicz,  of  Michigan;  Congressman  Dondero,  of 
Michigan,  and  Congressman  O'Konski,  of  Wisconsin.  Congressman 
Furcolo  of  Massachusetts,  and  Congressman  Sheehan,  of  Illinois, 
were  unable  to  attend  these  meetings  in  London. 

Mr.  Pucinski.  Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  my  understanding  that  you 
instructed  Committee  Counsel  John  Mitchell  to  introduce  the  follow- 
ing documents  into  the  record.  With  your  permission,  I  will  read 
them  into  the  record  at  this  time.  They  are  the  invitation  this 
committee  extended  to  the  Polish  Government  in  Warsaw  and  that 
Government's  reply. 

Mr.  Madden.  Proceed. 

Mr.  Pucinski.  The  fii-st  document  is  the  letter  of  invitation  ex- 
tended by  this  committee  to  the  Polish  Government  in  Warsaw,  It 
is  dated  March  18,  1952,  and  is  as  follows: 

HotrsE  OF  Representatives, 
Select  Committee  To  Investigate  the  Katyn  Forest  Massacre, 

Washington,  D.  C,  March  18,  1952. 
His  Excellency  the  Ambassador  of  Poland. 

My  Dear  Mr.  Ambassador:  The  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America  on  September  18,  1951,  unanimously  passed  House  Resolution 
390.     A  copy  of  this  resolution  is  attached  for  your  information. 



This  resolution  authorizes  and  directs  a  committee  of  Congress  to  conduct  a  full 
and  complete  investigation  and  study  of  the  facts,  evidence,  and  extenuating  cir- 
cumstances both  before  and  after  the  massacre  of  thousands  of  Polish  officers 
buried  in  a  mass  grave  in  the  Katyn  Forest  on  the  banks  of  the  Dnieper  in  the 
vicinity  of  Smolensk,  U.  S.  S.  R. 

This  official  committee  of  the  United  States  Congress  respectfully  invites  the 
Government  of  Poland  to  submit  any  evidence,  documents,  and  witnesses  it  may 
desire  on  or  before  May  1,  1952,  pertaining  to  the  Katyn  Forest  massacre.  The 
committee  will  be  in  Europe  during  the  month  of  April  to  hear  and  consider  any 
testimon}^  which  may  be  available. 

These  hearings  and  the  taking  of  testimony  from  witnesses  are  being  conducted 
in  accordance  with  the  rules  and  regulations  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  United  States  of  America. 
Sincerely  yours, 

Ray  J.   Madden, 
Chairman,  Select  Committee  To  Conduct  an  Investigation  and  Study  of  the 
Facts,  Evidence,  and  Circumstances  oj  the  Katyn,  Forest  Massacre. 

Mr.  Madden.  That  now  becomes  part  of  the  record  of  this  com- 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Mr.  Chairman,  the  second  document  is  the  reply 
which  this  committee  received  from  the  PoHsh  Government  in  Warsaw 
through  the  United  States  State  Department. 
Mr.  Madden.  Proceed. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  This  letter  was  dated  March  31,  1952  and  is  as 

Department  op  State, 
Washington,  March  31,  1952. 
My  Dear  Mr.  Chairman  :  The  American  Embassy  in  War.-aw  has  received  a 
note  from  the  Government  of  Poland,  a  translation  of  which  is  as  follows: 

"On  March  24,  1952,  the  Embassy  of  the  Republic  of  Poland  in  "Washington 
received  a  note  from  the  Department  of  State  transmitting  a  communication  from 
Mr.  Madden,  Member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States 
Congress,  to  the  Polish  Ambassador,  in  which  as  chairman  of  the  Committee  of 
the  House  of  Represeiitatives  for  Katyn  Affairs  he  invites  the  Polish  Government 
to  present  documents  and  witnesses  in  this  matter. 

"The  transmission  of  the  above  invitation  of  the  chairman  of  the  congressional 
committee  of  the  United  States  who,  contrarj^  to  binding  international  customs, 
usurps  to  himself  the  right  to  extend  invitations  to  sovereign  governments  has  no 
precedent  in  the  historj^  of  international  relations. 

"The  attitude  of  the  Polish  Government  re  the  activities  of  this  committee 
was  expressed  in  a  declaration  of  the  Polish  Government  published  on  March  1, 
1952,  and  the  Polish  Government  does  not  intend  to  return  to  this  matter  again." 
Sincerely  yours, 

Jack  K.  MoFall, 

Assistant  Secretarii, 
(For  the  Secretary  of  State). 
Hon.  Ray  J.  Madden, 

Chairman,  Select  Committee  to  Investigate  the  Katyn  Forest  Massacre, 
House  of  Representatives. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Mr.  Chairman,  the  third  document  is  a  letter  of 
invitation  extended  to  Gen.  Wladyslaw  Anders,  who  was  Commander 
in  Chief  of  the  Polish  armed  forces  during  World  War  II  and  personally 
directed  the  extensive  search  for  the  missing  Polish  officers. 

Mr.  Madden.  Proceed. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  This  letter  was  dated  March  20,  1952,  and  is  as 


HorsE  OF  Representatives, 
Select  Committee  To  Investigate 

THE  Katyn  Forest  Massacre, 
Washington,  D.  C,  March  20,  1952. 
I'oi-isH  Govern MENT-iN-ExiLE, 
7  Waverton  Street, 

London  W.  I,  England. 

Dear  General  Anders:  The  special  committee  created  by  the  United  States 
House  of  Representatives  to  investigate  the  Katyn  massacre  will  hold  hearings 
in  London  during  the  month  of  April.  Congressman  Alvin  E.  O'Konski,  a 
member  of  this  committee,  and  Roman  Pucinski,  the  investigator,  are  sailing 
this  evening  on  the  ^.veen  Elizabeth  and  will  contact  you  when  they  arrive  in 

Our  committee  is  aware  that  the  Polish  Government-in-exile  began  inquiry 
in  1941  about  the  fate  of  the  Polish  prisoners  of  war  in  the  Soviet  Union,  and 
l)egan  accumulating  pertinent  evidence  with  respect  thereto.  In  1943,  at  the 
time  of  the  disclosure  of  the  Katyn  Forest  massacre,  the  Polish  Government-in- 
exile  sought  an  independent,  impartial  investigation,  but  such  an  investigation 
was  not  permitted. 

Our  committee  invites  the  Polish  Government-in-exile  to  cooperate  with  us  in 
every  way  and  submit  whatever  testimony,  evidence,  documents,  and  witnesses 
they  desire  while  we  are  holding  hearings  in  London  and  on  the  Continent. 

These  hearings  and  the  taking  of  testimony  from  witnesses  are  being  conducted 
in  accordance  with  the  rules  and  regulations  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 
Sincerely  yours, 

Ray  J.   IMadden, 
Chairman,  Select  Committee  To  Conduct  an  Investigation  and  Study  of  the 
Facts,  Evidence,  and  Circumstances  of  the  Katyn  Forest  Massacre. 

Mr.  O'Konski.  Mr.  Chaii'man,  upon  my  arrival  here  in  London  I 
conducted  a  series  of  conferences  with  General  Anders,  members  of 
his  staff,  and  officers  of  the  Polish  Combatants  Association  in  an  effort 
to  arrange  these  hearings  in  London.  I  want  to  report  to  this  com- 
mittee that  the  whole-hearted  and  sincere  cooperation  which  we  re- 
ceived both  from  General  Anders  and  his  associates  was  beyond  all 
my  expectations. 

Chairman  Madden.  Tlie  first  witness  will  be  W.  J.  Furtek. 

Mr.  Furtek,  will  you  give  your  address? 

Mr.  Furtek.  SLxty-nine  Parkview  Court,  SW.  6. 

Chairman  Madden.  Mr.  Furtek,  before  you  make  your  statement, 
it  is  our  wish  that  you  be  advised  that  in  giving  this  testimony  you 
would  be  open  to  a  possible  risk  of  action  m  the  courts  if  any  mdividual 
or  set  of  mdividuals  might  suffer  injury  by  reason  of  your  testimony. 
At  the  same  time,  I  wish  to  make  i^  clear  that  the  Government  of  the 
LTnited  States  and  the  House  of  Representatives  do  not  assume  any 
responsibility  in  your  behalf  with  respect  to  libel  or  slander  proceed- 
ings which  may  arise  as  the  result  of  your  testimony. 

Are  you  prepared  to  be  sworn? 

Mr.  Furtek.  Yes,  sir. 

Chairman  Madden.  Raise  your  hand. 

Do  you  swear,  by  the  God  Almighty  and  Omniscient,  that  you  will, 
according  to  your  best  knowledge,  tell  the  pure  truth,  the  whole 
truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth;  so  help  you  God? 

Mr.  Furtek.  I  do. 

Chairman  Madden.  I  might  say,  for  the  record,  that  Mr.  Roman 
Pucinski,  of  Chicago,  111.,  will  act  as  special  interrogator  in  the  absence 
of  Counsel  John  Mitchell,  who  has  just  left  London  for  Germany 
where  he  is  preparing  our  next  set  of  hearings  which  will  begin  in 
Frankfurt  on  April  21. 



Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Do  you  want  to  give  us  your  full  name? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  I  do.     Wladyslaw  Jan  Furtek. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  We  have  your  address. 

Where  were  you  born,  Mr.  Furtek? 

Mr.  Furtek.  I  was  born  in  Poland;  Cieszanow,  Poland;  county 
of  Lwow. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  When  were  vou  born,  sir? 

Mr.  Furtek.  1921. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Did  you  serve  in  the  Polish  Army  subsequent  to 
September  1,  1939? 

Mr.  Furtek.  Yes,  I  did.  I  joined  the  Polish  Army  on  the  30th  of 
September,  1938. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Were  you  ever  taken  prisoner  by  any  enemy  forces 
while  a  member  of  the  Polish  armed  forces? 

Mr.  Furtek.  Yes,  I  was. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Would  you  like  to  tell  us  when  and  where? 

Mr.  Furtek.  Yes.  I  was  a  cadet  officer  in  the  Polish  Cadet 
Officers'  School  at  Komorowo,  regular  army  officers'  school. 

I  took  part  in  the  September  campaign  in  Poland  and  I  was  captured 
by  the  Russian  forces  in  Tarnopol  on  the  18th  of  September  1939. 
From  there  I  was  sent  to  a  transient  camp,  which  was  called  Tiotkino. 
I  stayed  there  for  about  3  weeks,  and  afterward,  as  my  parents  lived 
in  a  part  of  Poland  which  was  occupied  by  the  Russian  forces,  I  was 
promised  to  be  sent  home.  A  transport  was  formed,  in  which  I  was 
included,  and  we  were  sent  home. 

Well,  we  were  told  we  were  being  sent  home,  but  instead  of  being 
sent  home  we  were  sent  to  Kriwoj  Rog,  which  is  in  the  iron  basin  of  the 
Ukraine,  and  I  was  forced  to  work  as  a  miner  in  the  mines.  I  refused 
to  do  it  and,  as  a  punishment,  I  was  sent  to  several  prisons  in  that 
locality.  I  was  interrogated  by  several  political  commissars  and 
finally  I  was  sent  to  Kharkov.  That  is  in  "Russia,  the  Ukraine. 

After  several  days  of  interrogations,  I  was  sent  to  Kursk.  From 
there  I  went  to  Orzel,  from  that  place  further  on  to  Smolensk. 
Finally,  from  Smolensk,  I  was  sent  to  Kozielsk,  where  I  arrived — 
I  don't  remember  the  date,  but  it  Avas  somewhere  in  the  middle  of 
January  1940. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  How  long  did  vou  stav  at  Kozielsk? 

Mr.  Furtek.  Till  the  26th  of  April  1940.  For  the  first  few  days 
I  was  kept  in  solitary  confinement. 

I  don't  want  to  go  mto  much  detail,  but  there  was  one  part  of  the 
compound  which  was  surromided  by  barbed  wire,  and  it  was  actually 
a  sort  of  tower  in  which  they  kept  prisoners  in  solitary  confinement. 
But  after  6  or  7  days  I  was  released  and  was  given  freedom.  I  could 
move,  go  and  see  my  friejids,  and  I  could  live  the  ordmary  life  of  a 
prisoner  of  war  in  that  camp. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Could  you  tell  us  what  Kozielsk  was? 
Mr.  Furtek.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  I  have  an  original  picture  of 
part  of  the  Kozielsk  camp  with  me,  which  I  smuggled  out  of  Kozielsk. 
Would  you  like  to  see  it? 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Would  the  committee  like  to  see  that  picture? 
Chairman  Madden.  Have  you  the  picture  with  you? 



Mr.  FuRTEK.  Yes:  I  have  it  on  me, 

Chaii-man  Madden.  You  might  submit  it  to  the  committee  if 
you  have  it  with  you. 

(The  witness  produced  a  photograph.) 

Chairman  Madden.  I  will  hand  this  to  the  reporter  to  mark 
''Exhibit  1,"  which  the  witness  says  is  a  picture  of  the  prison  camp  at 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  right. 

(The  picture  referred  to  was  marked  "Exhibit  1"  and  is  shown 

Photo  of  prisoner-of-Ts.i 


Air.  FuRTEK.  Kozielsk  itself  was  an  old  monastery,  a  very  old 
monastery.  I  don't  know  the  history  of  the  monastery,  but  the 
buildings  and  the  churches  and  chapels  told  us  it  was  a  monastery. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Wiiile  you  were  there,  was  Kozielsk  a  camp  for 
prisoners  of  war? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Yes. 

Air.  PuciNSKi.  "Wliat  prisoners  of  war;  what  country? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Polish  officers. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Would  you  say  how  many  there  were  in  that  camp? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  About  five  thousand.  I  can't  swear,  can't  remember 
the  exact  number,  but  between  4,500  to  5,000. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  On  April  26,  when  you  were  evacuated  from  that 
camp,  approximately  how  many  were  there? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  About  800. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Wliat  happened  to  the  others  that  were  there? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Well,  the  others  disappeared  and  some  of  them  were 
found  in  Katyn,  but  a  few  of  them   joined  us  in  Pawlizczew  Bor. 


That  was  the  camp  we  were  sent  to  from  Kozielsk.  There  was  a 
very  insignificant  number;  you  could  count  them  on  your  hands. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Do  you  have  any  information,  based  on  your  stay 
or  experience  at  Kozielsk,  wliich  may  be  helpful  to  this  committee 
in  determining  what  may  have  happened  to  those  of  your  friends  who 
were  evacuated  prior  to  your  own  departure  on  April  26? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Well,  they  completely  disappeared  and  we  never 
heard  anythmg  about  them.  Well,  the  story  is  this:  Before  April, 
we  knew  something  was  coming  but  we  didn't  know  what  it  was. 
The  news  was  spread  that  we  were  going  to  be  sent  to  Germany  and, 
of  course,  everybody  was  rather  excited  because  we  thought  we  would 
leave  Russia. 

Nobody  liked  Russia  at  that  time  because  the  conditions  were 
pretty  grim  and,  of  course,  we  wanted  a  change  after  stagnation  and 
a  stagnated  life  in  the  camp. 

The  political  commissars  were  tellmg  us,  "Well,  you  are  going 
home.  You  will  be  exchanged  at  the  border."  And  the  town  of 
Bzescz  was  mentioned,  and  I  believe  it  was  the  3d  of  April.  The 
first  were  called  out  and  the  first  from  my  block  was  the 
commanding  officer  of  my  block  No.  1.  I  was  accommodated  in 
block  No.  1.  His  name  was  Captain  Bychowiec.  They  called  out 
about  150  to  180  or  200  men  altogether. 

There  was  a  search  in  a  club  of  the  camp — that  was  a  club  that  we 
had  for  entertainment — and  after  that  they  were  taken  not  through 
the  main  gate  but  through  the  cellar  of  one  of  the  blocks.  There  was 
another  search  there,  a  very  strict  one.  They  were  deprived  of  all 
personal  effects  and  belongmgs,  and  that  is  all  we  saw  of  the  first 

Chairman  Madden.  Who  did  the  searching? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  The  Russian  staff;  well,  the  guards. 

Chairman  Madden.  Russian  guards? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Russian  guards. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  When  you  say  personal  belongings,  what  do  you 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Pen  knives,  pens,  combs,  spoons;  everything. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Do  you  mean  also  correspondence,  letters,  and 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Well,  no.  For  instance,  I  had  a  few  private  photo- 
graphs of  my  family,  and  when  they  searched  me  they  left  it  on  me. 
I  had  some  notes  scribbled,  some  poems  that  I  used  to  write  in  camp, 
and  they  left  that. 

Of  course,  I  tried  to  hide  the  things.  For  instance,  I  was  not  very 
cautious  and  some  of  m.y  papers,  playing  cards,  that  wore  made  in  the 
camp  were  taken  away  from  me. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  But  they  did  permit  you  to  keep  your  letters,  pic- 
tures, diaries? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Yes,  they  did;  they  didn't  take  that  off  me. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Proceed. 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  And  I  believe  2  days  afterward,  another  group  was 
formed  and  again  taken  away. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Another  group  of  about  200? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Yes.  I  can't  really  rememiber  the  exact  number,  but 
the  groups  were  in  100  to  300;  maybe  120  to  150. 

Chairman  Madden.  Did  tliis  happen  each  day? 


Mr.  FuRTEK.  It  didn't  happen  each  day.  There  was  always  a 
break  of  1  day,  sometimes  2  days.  I  remember  even  one  time  there 
was  a  break  lasting;  4  days.    We  didn't  know  what  was  going  on. 

Mr.  Flood.  Just  a  minute.  I  do  not  want  to  interrupt  you,  but 
the  record  is  not  clear. 

You,  of  course,  were  not  present  at  any  of  the  examinations  given 
to  any  of  the  other  groups,  were  you? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  only  present  as  one  of  the  group  of  which 
you  were  a  member;  is  that  right? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  When  you  described  what  was  taken  from  you  and 
what  was  left  with  you  and  the  men  in  your  group,  that  is  all  you 
know  about  it  as  a  fact,  is  it  not? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  take  for  granted  that  the  same  kind  of  investiga- 
tion was  conducted  on  the  other  groups? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Yes. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Let  the  witness  proceed,  Mr.  Chairman,  with  what 
happened  after  he  was  searched. 

Just  tell  your  own  story;  that  is  what  we  want  to  know. 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  There  was  a  small  incident  during  the  search  of  the 
group  that  I  was  in,  namely,  Colonel  Grobicki. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Is  his  first  name  Jerzy? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  right. 

He  had  a  fountain  pen.  It  was  taken  from  him  and  he  objected 
strongly  and  demanded  from  the  commanding  officer  of  the  guards 
for  that  pen  to  be  returned.  And  that  officer  said,  "Well,  of  course, 
they  wouldn't  take  a  pen  from  you;  it's  a  harmless  thing." 

"But  they  have  taken  it  from  me." 

So  he  turned  around  to  the  guard  and  said,  "Well,  give  it  back. 
Don't  do  any  more  stealing — when  they  see  it." 

There  is  one,  to  my  mind,  very  important  aspect.  Before  I  was 
taken  away  from  the  compound,  there  was  that  group  waiting  to 
enter  that  cellar  where  the  search  was  being  made,  and  before  we 
entered,  the  political  commissar  of  the  camp,  Dymidowicz,  looked 
at  our  group  and  said,  "Well — " 

(The  witness  made  a  statement  in  his  native  tongue.) 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Mr.  Chairman,  the  witness  at  this  point  would  like 
to  say  something  in  Polish  and  would  like  to  have  it  translated. 

Chairman  Madden.  All  right,  Mr.  Pucinski,  will  you  be  sworn? 

Do  you  solemnly  swear  the  interpretation  you  will  give  of  the  testi- 
mony of  the  witness,  as  interpreter,  will  be  a  true  interpretation? 

Mr.  Pucinski.  I  do. 

The  witness  repeated  a  statement  made  to  him  by  a  Kussian  guard, 
in  the  Russian  language,  which  he  then  translated  into  Polish.  He 
said  that  the  Russian  guard  told  him  that,  "For  you  people,  you  got 
away  with  it." 

Mr.  Furtek.  One  correctioii:  He  didn't  tell  it  to  me,  and  it  wasn't 
a  guard;  it  was  a  political  commissar  of  the  camp,  Dymidowicz,  and 
it  was  just  said  to  almost  everybody.  He  looked  at  us  and  said, 
"Well,  you  got  away  with  it." 

Mr.  Pucinski.  When  was  this? 


Mr.  FuRTEK.  It  was  on  tho  26th  of  April;  an  hour  before  we  loft 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  At  Koziolsk? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  At  Kozielsk;  witliin  the  compound. 

Mr.  P'lood.  What  was  that  date? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  26th  of  April. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  j^ear? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.   1940. 

Mr.  Flood.  By  that  time,  I  take  for  granted  that  several  groups 
of  your  fellow  prisoners  had  been  removed  from  time  to  time? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  To  where,  you  do  not  know? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Under  the  circumstances  and  in  the  manner  that  you 
have  just  described? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Pracisely. 

Mr.  Flood.  Finally,  or  ultimately,  they  came  to  another  group  and 
you  were  included  in  that  group;  is  that  right? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  you  wore  in  that  group  that  you  are  discussing 
now,  were  you? 

Air.  FuRTEK.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  wero  lined  up  in  the  compound? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  Had  you  been  examined  at  that  point  and  investigated 
and  searched? 

Mr.  Furtek.  Yes;  I  was  searched  in  that  cellar  that  I  described. 

Mr.  Flood.  Everything  was  all  over,  you  were  being  lined  up  in 
the  compound  ready  to  be  transported  some  place? 

Mr.  Furtek.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  While  you  were  lined  up  there,  the  Russian  political 
commissar  whose  name  you  have  given  was  standing  in  front  of  you; 
is  that  right? 

Mr.  Furtek.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  He  turned  to  your  group  and  repeated  the  words  that 
you  have  just  stated? 

Mr.  Furtek.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  he  say  anything  else  that  you  remember? 

Mr.  Furtek.  We  were  within  the  compound  when  he  addressed  us. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  in  the  compound. 

Mr.  Furtek.  Before  entering  the  searching  cellar,  the  cellar  in 
which  we  were  searched. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  lined  up  in  the  compound,  and  before  you 
were  searched,  the  Russian  commissar  turned  and  made  the  statement 
to  your  group,  which  you  have  just  repeated? 

Mr.  Furtek.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  said,  before  you  made  that  statement,  that  you 
had  an  incident  of  considerable  importa-nce  to  state  to  the  committee. 

Mr.  Furtek.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Was  that  the  incident? 

Mr.  Furtek.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  Why  do  you  think  it  was  of  any  importance? 

Mr.  Furtek.  To  begin  with,  we  didn't  know  what  he  meant.  But 
I  thought  there  was  some  significanco  attached  to  it. 


Mr.  Flood.  I  iindcisland  that.  What  do  you  irean  by  "signifi- 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Because  it  came  back  to  me  in  1943,  when  the  dis- 
covery of  Katyn  was  made,  that  he  addressed  us  in  that  way. 

Mr.  Flood.  In  1943,  after  the  (Hscovery  of  Katyn  was  made,  then 
your  mind  went  l)ack  to  the  statement  made  by  this  commissar? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.   Precisely. 

}^lr.  Flood.  As  of  1943,  what  particular  significance  did  you  attach 
to  that  statement  made  to  you  and  your  group  in  1940?  Why  was  it 
significant  to  you  in  1943  and  wdiy  is  it  significant  to  you  today? 

Air.  FuRTEK.  Because  in  1943,  when  the  discovery  was  made,  I 
personally  was  convinced  that  the  massacre  was  done  by  the  Russians. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  massacre? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Katyn. 

Mr.  Flood.  Had  you  heard  about  it  ])efore  1943? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  No.  But  1  am  talking  about  1943.  And  that  state- 
ment that  he  made  to  our  group  brought  back  to  mc  the  circumstances 
in  which  we  w^ere  evaciuited  from  Kozielsk,  and  I  had  the  conviction 
that  he  knew  what  was  going  to  happen  to  us. 

Mr.  Flood.  1  am  sure  I  understand  what  you  mean  and  I  know 
you  know"  wiiat  you  mean,  but  probably,  because  of  the  language 
difficulty,  you  are  not  c{uite  able  to  make  it  clear  to  the  committee. 
Let  me  see  if  I  can  help  you.  During  the  time  that  you  were  in 
Kozielsk,  as  you  have  described,  certain  groups  of  your  fellow  prisoners 
were  being  removed  periodically,  after  a  search  and  exammalion,  to 
some  place. 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  did  not  know  wliere  they  went? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  heard  rumors  they  were  going  to  Germany? 

Mr.  FvRTEK.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  heard  rumors  they  were  going  to  some  place  else; 
you  did  not  know.  After  1940  to  1943  you  never  heard  from  any  of 
those  men,  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  right;  1940  to  1943. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  never  heard  of  them  after? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Your  group  was  removed  from  Kozielsk? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Your  group  survived  Pawlizczew  Bor  and  ultimately 
you  were  with  General  Anders? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  riglit. 

Mr.  Flood.  In  1943,  when  you  heard  of  Katyn  and  the  names  of 
the  men  who  died  at  Katyn,  then  your  mind  went  back  to  this  incident 
in  the  compound  and  the  words  of  the  Russian  commissar  wdien  he 
said — what? 

Mr.  PuciNSKi  [translating].  "You  have  succeeded." 

Mr.  Flood.  "You  have  succeeded?" 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Then  you  understood  that  to  mean,  "You  are  lucky; 
your  group  are  not  going  to  Katyn,  your  group  are  not  going  to  be 
liquidated;  you  are  going  to  survive";  is  that  what  you  mean? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  precisely  what  I  mean. 


Mr.  DoNDERO.  I  might  say,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  memorandum 
handed  to  us  says,  "You  sure  are  lucky." 

Is  that  what  you  mean? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  It  is  very  difficult  to  give  an  exact  translation,  even 
from  Russian  into  Polish. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  That  is  what  he  meant? 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Would  you  put  the  expression  you  made  as  a 
sort  of  colloquial  Pohsh  expression,  something  hke  the  EngUsh  "You 
got  away  with  it;  you  are  lucky"? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  right;  a  very  idiomatic  expression. 

Mr.  Flood.  In  my  interpretation  of  your  phrasing,  I  was  not 
putting  any  words  into  your  mouth,  was  I? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  It  is  precisely  what  you  mean? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  It  is  perfectly  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  In  1943  and  as  of  today? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Mr.  Furtek,  what  was  your  ranlc? 

Mr.  Furtek.  Cadet  officer. 

Mr.  Flood.  When  you  went  to  Pawhzczew  Bor  with  this  group, 
what  was  the  next  camp? 

Mr.  Furtek.  Griazowiec. 

Mr.  Flood.  When  did  you  leave  Griazowiec,  about? 

Mr.  Furtek.  2d  or  3d  of  September,  1941. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  advised  at  Griazowiec  that  you  were  going 
to  be  permitted  to  join  General  Anders'  Polish  Army? 

Mr.  Furtek.  I  joined  the  Army  in  Griazowiec. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  ultimately  joined  General  Anders,  served  through 
the  war  and  came  to  England? 

Mr.  Furtek.  I  came  to  England  in  1942. 

Mr.  Flood.  Are  you  testifying  voluntarily? 

Mr.  Furtek.  Yes. 

Mr.  G'Konski.  May  I  ask  a  question,  Mr.  Chairman? 

Chairman  Madden.  Congressman  G'Konski. 

Mr.  G'Konski.  These  people  at  the  camp  were  mostly  cadet 
officers ;  they  were  the  heart  of  the  military  in  Poland,  were  they  not? 

Mr.  Furtek.  Do  j^ou  mean  in  Kozielsk? 

Mr.  G'Konski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Furtek.  No. 

Mr.  G'Konski.  What  were  they? 

Mr.  Furtek.  Mostly  officers.  It  was  only  a  small  group  of  cadet 
officers  because  all  noncommissioned  officers  and  privates  and  cadet 
officers  were  removed  from  Kozielsk  prior  to  the  officers'  arrival,  of 
the  officers  from  various  camps. 

Mr.  G'Konski.  You  have  since  seen  the  names  of  the  Polish  people 
who  were  found  in  the  graves  at  Katyn;  have  you  not? 

Mr.  Furtek.  Yes. 

Mr.  G'Konski.  As  you  read  over  that  list  of  names,  did  you  recog- 
nize any  names  that  were  in  the  Kozielsk  camp  at  the  time  that  j'ou 
were  there? 

Mr.  Furtek.  I  did. 

Mr.  G'Konski.  From  the  names  that  you  saw,  were  those  names 
among  those  groups  of  100  to  300  that  they  took  out  periodically  and 
said  the}^  were  going  some  place? 


Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Ill  other  words,  those  hsts  of  names  of  the  people 
that  were  found  buried  in  the  Kat;y7i  graves  were  names  that  you 
recognized,  who  were  in  tliat  camp,  who  were  taken  out  in  those 
groups  periodically  during  the  month  of  April  of  1940? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  correct,  sh'. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Mr.  Chamnan,  might  I  ask  if  this  witness  knows 
anything  further  about  this,  personally? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Yes.  After  being  searched,  we  were  taken  by  lorries 
to  the — well,  it  wasn't  the  marshaling  yard,  it  was  a  siding  of  the 
Kozielsk  station.  There  we  saw  a  train  waiting  for  us;  about — well, 
I  don't  remember  how  man}^  cariiages,  but  carriages  of  the  prison  type; 
the  ordinary  carriage — well,  it  wasn't  ordinary;  specially  built,  with  a 
corridor  along,  and  small  compartments. 

Chairman  Madden.  Railroad  car? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Yes.  It  had  a  grated  door  first,  a  steel  grated  door, 
and  then  a  steel  ordinary  door  with  a  small  hole  or  opening  for  the 
guard  to  look  inside. 

We  were  very  crammed  in  those  carriages  because  there  was  usually 
private  place  for  8  and  in  my  compartment  there  were  24  of  us.  We 
were  almost  packed  like  sardines.  All  we  got  was  very  little  bread 
and  a  few  herrings;  and,  of  course,  we  always  refused  to  take  the 
herrings  because  we  knew  of  the  Russian  practice  not  to  give  you 
water  afterward. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  see  any  inscriptions  on  these  cars? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  what  I  am  coming  to. 

I  was  lying  on  the  upper  shelf.  There  Avere  three  shelves.  You 
can  unfold  them  and  they  form  a  platform,  the  fii'st  platform,  second 
platform;  but  there  is  no  platform  on  the  third  shelf.  I  was  lying 
on  a  shelf  with  Commander  Dzienisiewicz,  and  then  I  noticed  on  the 
board  an  inscription.  It  might  have  been  made — I  don't  Icnow  if  it 
was  a  pencil  or  match,  or  an}^  other  object  that  could  leave  a  black 
or  grayish  mark  on  a  white-painted  board.  It  read,  as  far  as  I 
remember  now:  "Two  stations  past" — or  behind — "Smolensk,  dis- 
embarking, bemg  loaded  on  lorries";  or  something  of  that  kind.  I 
remember  "bemg  loaded"  or  "entering  lorries"  or  "being  taken  by 
lorries."  Anyway,  "Two  stations  behind"— or  past — "Smolensk,  dis- 
embarking and  being  taken" — or  "bemg  loaded — on  lorries." 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Of  course,  that  was  in  the  Polish  language,  is 
that  right? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Yes;  and  the  date  might  have  been  the  12th  or  13th 
of  April. 

Mr.  Flood.  By  the  date,  do  you  mean  the  date  was  marked  on  there 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  1940? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  1940,  that  is  right. 

In  our  compartment  was  Colonel  Prokop 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Are  you  still  continuing  about  the  inscription? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  I  am  still  continuing  with  the  inscription — ^who  was 
very  interested  in  the  inscription.  He  said,  "Well,  I  believe  this  is 
a  mark  left  by  mj^  friend  with  whom  I  arranged  to  leave  some  sign, 
if  possible." 

Well,  of  course,  I  don't  know  whether  it  is  true,  or  not. 


And  he  mentioned  the  name  of  Colonel  Kutyba. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Was  there  a  signature  to  it? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  No;  there  was  no  signature  to  it;  there  was  only  his 
assumption.  It  was  only  an  assumption;  it  might  have  been  him  or 
it  migiit  have  been  somebody  else. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  At  any  rate,  it  was  a  Polish  inscription? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Yes.  It  was  written  in  Polish,  and  I  say  it  was  cither 
a  pencil  or  piece  of  match,  or  any  other  object  that  could  leave  a  dirty 
gray  mark  on  white  paintwork. 

Chairman  Madden.  "Two  stations  behind  Smolensk"  would  be 
where,  if  you  know? 

Mr.  Flood.  You  do  not  know  that,  do  you? 

Mr.  FuRTBK.  I  don't  know  that. 

Mr.  Flood.  T  want  to  be  sure  about  the  date.  What  figures  did 
you  see  on  the  inscription;  what  numbers? 

Mr.  Furtek.  I  would  say  "12"  or  it  might  have  been  "13/4/40." 
But  I  am  not  certain  whether  it  was  "12,"  or  "13." 

Mr.  Flood.  Would  you  mark  down  in  writing  and  show  to  the 
chairman  what  you  saw  indicating  the  date? 

Mr.  Furtek.  Certainly  [writing]. 

Air.  Machrowicz.  Before  you  go  any  further;  in  explanation  of 
that,  so  there  will  not  be  any  midunderstanding  on  the  part  of  the 
committee,  let  me  say  that  in  the  Polish  language,  the  day  of  the 
month  is  stated  first  and  then  tbe  month  and  then  the  year. 

Mr.  Furtek.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  witness  has  shown  to  the  chairman  the  numbers, 
wi'itten  in  his  own  handwriting  on  a  piece  of  paper,  in  the  presence  of 
the  committee. 

Mr.  Furtek.  It  might  have  been  "12"  or  "13." 

Mr.  Flood.  "12"  or  "13"? 

Mr.  Furtek.  It  was  blurred. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  next  number  is  "4"  and  the  final  number  is  "40"; 
is  that  right? 

Mr.  Furtek.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  first  number  means  which  date;  the  "12"  or  "13"? 

Mr.  Furtek.   12th  or  13th. 

Mr.  Flood.  "4"  means  what  month? 

Mr.  Furtek.  April. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  "40"  moans  what? 

Mr.  Furtek.  Yi  ar. 

Mi-.  Flood.  What  vear? 

Mr.  FiuiTEK.   1940." 

Ml-.  O'Konski.  May  I  ask  you:  Keferrhig  to  this  arrangemtMit  that 
this  officer  made,  for  someone  to  leave  a  sign  or  something,  did  you 
find  the  person  who  supposedly  wrote  that  sign  that  you  saw?  Did 
you  find  his  name  among  those  bodies  that  were  found  at  Katyn? 

Mr.  FiHTEK.  Well,  I  really  don't  rememlxM-  whetl\(>r  the  name  of 
Colonel  Kutyba  is  on  the  list. 

Mr.  Do.NDERO.  Kuty])a  was  not  killed,  because  he  went  out  with 

Mr.  FiHTEK.  \o;Pr()k()]).  He  nuuh>  the  arrangement  with  Kutyba. 
He  might  have  Ixmmi  the  man  who  made  the  sigti. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.   What  was  Kutyl)a's  (irst  name? 

Mr.  FruTEK.   1  couldn't  tell  you,  sir. 


Mr.  Flood.  I  now  show  the  witness  a  document,  wliieh  is  the  list 
of  names  of  the  Pohsh  officers  discovered  at  Katyn.  The  document 
has  already  been  placed  in  evidence  in  the  hearings  thus  far  conducted 
in  the  United  States.  I  direct  the  attention  of  the  witness  to  page  94 
of  said  document,  and  especially  to  that  part  of  page  94  where  is 
found,  third  from  the  bottom,  the  name  of  Jozef  Kutyba  and  ask  the 
witness  if  that  is  the  spelling  or  the  pronunciation  of  the  name  Kutyba 
that  he  mentioned  in  his  previous  testimony  thi    mornin   ? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  Colonel  Prokop  tell  vou  what  rank  Kutvba 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wliat  was  his  rank? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Colonel. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  rank  appears  in  that  list? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Lieutenant  colonel. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  So  it  is  the  same  rank. 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Yes;  because  we  don't  distinguish  in  Polish  whether 
it  is  colonel  or  lieutenant  colonel. 

Mr.  Flood.  It  is  the  practice  in  the  Polish  Army,  as  in  all  armies, 
to  refer  to  a  lieutenant  colonel,  by  courtesy,  as  colonel? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Do  you  know  anything  more  about  this,  personally? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Yes.  The  train  that  we  entrained  in  Kozielsk  con- 
sisted of  several  carriages— there  might  have  been  up  to  five — and 
after  we  entrained,  another  group  was  brought  into  the  station,  and 
they  were  put  in  the  remaining  carriages.  But  we  lost  those  car- 
riages somewhere  on  the  way;  where,  I  don't  know. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  see  any  other  inscriptions  besides  the 
one  that  you  described? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  I  personall}^  didn't. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Was  there  anyone  in  your  group  who  reported 
to  you  any  other  inscriptions  that  they  saw? 

Air.  FuRTEK.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  were  they?  Just  tell  us  briefly:  Were 
there  any  other  inscriptions  that  were  found  by  others  in  the  group, 
in  3^our  group? 

Air.  FuRTEK.  Yes.  Before  we  entrained,  everybody  was  called 
out  by  name.  We  all  had  to  kneel  down.  Then  we  were  called  out, 
our  were  called  out.  We  answered  "Yes"  and  then  we  were 
taken  and  put  in  a  compartm.ent.  And  while  we  were  waiting,  in 
front  of  carriages,  one  of  our  men,  whose  name  was  Lieutenant  Abram- 
ski,  had  noticed  an  inscription  on  the  outside  wall  of  the  carriage, 
"Gniezdowo."  And  he  pointed  it  to  Dr.  Skotlewski,  the  dental 
surgeon,  and  said  something  to  this  efTect:  "Look,  we  are  going  to 
Gniezdowo."  And  that  was  heard  by  the  Russian  guard — we  were 
surrounded  by  the  guards — and  he  said — ■ — 

(The  witness  made  a  statement  in  his  native  tongue.) 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  The  witness,  Mr.  Chairman,  has  quoted  in  Polish, 
the  guard,  who  spoke  in  Russian,  as  saying  "they  found  out." 

Air.  FuRTEK.  Yes.  And  then  he  said,  "How  did  you  find  it  out?" 
And  he  was  cross  with  said,  "Well,  it's  simple.  Look."  And  he  pointed  to  the 
inscription  on  the  carriage.    That  was  the  end  of  the  incident. 

93744— 52— pt.  4 2 


Afr.  Machrowicz.  Where  is  Gniezdowo? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Well,  I  am  not  very  good  at  geography,  but 
Gniezdowo  is  the  station  for  Katyn,  as  far  as  I  remember. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  The  last  station  before  Katyn,  actually. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  When  you  speak  of  the  carriage  you  mean  a  railroad 
car,  do  you? 

Mr,  FuRTEK.  Yes,  railroad  car. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  present,  waiting  to  get  aboard  yourself? 
Did  you  hear  the  conversation? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  I  didn't  hear  the  conversation. 

Mr.  Flood.  Was  it  subsequently  reported  by  one  of  your  group? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Yes;  by  a  friend  of  mine.  Madden.  Are  there  any  further  questions? 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Do  you  know  the  man  who  told  you  that? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Yes,  I  do. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Is  he  here  in  London? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Yes,  he  is  in  London.  I  can  give  you  his  telephone 
number  and  address. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  have  just  one  other  question.  Did  you  see 
any  of  your  com.rades  of  those  groups  that  preceded  you  on  these 
trips  in  the  cars,  after  they  left  your  cam.p? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Never. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  know  of  any  in  your  group  that  ever 
saw  any  of  them? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  No. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  other  words,  that  was  the  last  time? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Yes,  that  was  the  last;  that  is  right.  I  received  two 
post  cards  while  I  was  in  the  army,  from  the  families  of  men  who  were 
missing,  asking  me  to  help  them  in  tracing  them. 

Mr.  PucKiNSKi.  Mr.  Furtek,  what  is  that  man's  name? 

Mr.  Furtek.  Skotlewski. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Do  you  know  his  first  name? 

Mr.  Furtek.  Czeslaw. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  think  the  record  should  show  that  during  the  course 
of  the  hearings  in  Washington  and  Chicago,  a  member  of  this  com- 
mittee, the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  Mr.  Furcolo,  repeatedly 
directed  interrogations  to  other  witnesses  who  were  in  Kozielsk  as 
to  whether  or  not  they  knew  of  the  witness  who  is  now  testifying,  by 
name  and  in  person. 

Chairman  Madden.  Are  there  any  further  questions? 

Mr.  Dondero.  No  questions. 

Chairman  Madden.  Mr.  Furtek,  from  your  experiences  in  the 
prison  camp  at  Kozielsk  and  from  the  further  testimony  that  you  have 
outlined  here,  of  your  experiences  and  the  statements  which  you  heard 
made  by  your  comrades  and  by  Russian  guards,  would  you  be  in  a 
position  to  state  your  opinion  as  to  who  was  responsible  for  the 
murders  at  Katyn?    You  can  answer  that  yes  or  no. 

Mr.  Furtek.  Yes,  of  course,  I  can  answer  that. 

Chairman  Madden.  Wlio,  would  you  say,  was  responsible  and  com- 
mitted the  massacres  at  Katyn? 

Mr.  Furtek.  Well,  my  personal  and  private  opinion  is  that  the 
murder  was  done  by  the  Russians. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  May  I  ask  one  more  question,  Mr.  Chairman? 

Chairman  Madden.  Proceed. 


Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  You  have  since  seen  descriptions  of  these  bodies 
and  the  clothing  that  they  wore  when  they  were  dug  out  of  the  graves 
at  Katyn,  have  you  not? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  To  your  recollection,  is  that  the  way  those  people 
left  the  camp,  dressed  as  they  were  found  in  the  graves,  with  over- 
coats on,  boots? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  precisely  the  case. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  In  other  words,  the  way  they  were  found  in  the 
gi-aves  is  exactly  the  way  you  saw  them  leaving  the  camp;  is  that 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  In  April  of  1940? 

Mr.  FuRTEK.  Yes.  Because  you  must  remember  the  climate 
should  be  taken  into  consideration.  April  in  that  part  of  Russia  is 
quite  a  chilly  and  cold  month. 

Chairman  Madden.  Mr.  Furtek,  we  wish  to  thank  you  for  coming 
here  and  offering  your  testimony. 

Let  me  ask  you  this:  You  have  not  been  promised  any  remuneration 
in  any  way,  have  you? 

Mr.  Furtek.  I  never  expected  it,  sir. 

Chairman  Madden.  The  witness  is  excused. 


Just  state  your  name  for  the  record. 

Mr.  W.  I  will  state  my  name  but  not  for  publication,  because  I 
have  relatives  in  Poland. 

(The  witness  stated  his  name  for  the  information  of  the  committee.) 

Chairman  Madden.  I  might  state,  for  the  record,  that  this  witness, 
for  the  reason  that  he  has  relatives  in  Poland,  wishes  that  his  name 
be  not  recorded.  However,  for  the  record,  I  can  state  that  the 
members  of  the  committee  have  the  name  and  address  of  the  witness 
about  to  testif}^,  and  he  will  be  referred  to  in  the  record  as  Mr.  W., 
in  accordance  with  his  suggestion. 

Let  me  state,  sir,  that  before  you  make  your  statement,  it  is  our 
wish  to  advise  you  that  any  testhnony  that  you  may  make  that 
possibly  might  be  interpreted  by  somebody  as  libel  or  slander  will  be 
your  responsibility;  that  you  will  be  responsible  for  any  statements 
of  that  kind  that  might  develop  into  legal  action  against  yourself, 
and,  further,  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  and  the 
House  of  Representatives  does  not  assume  any  responsibility  in  your 
behalf  with  respect  to  libel  or  slander  proceedings  that  may  arise  as 
a  result  of  your  testimony. 

Mr.  W.  I  am  aware  of  that. 

Chairman  Madden.  Now,  will  you  be  sworn? 

Do  you  solemnly  swear  that  the  testimony  you  give  in  the  hearing 
now  in  trial  will  be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the 
truth,  so  help  vou  God? 

Mr.  W.  I  do. 

Chairman  ]Maddex.  I  will  say  this,  Mr.  Witness:  I  would  suggest 
that,  if  you  can,  you  just  narrate  j^our  statement  very  briefly  and 
confine  it  to  what  you  know  regarding  the  Katyn  massacre.  It  will 
aid  the  committee  in  conducting  this  hearing  and  help  to  dispose,  in 


better  time,  of  the  testimony  of  the  great  number  of  witnesses  we 
expect  to  liear, 

Mr.  W.  Yes,  sir. 

I  had  been  brought  to  the  Koziolsk  camp  in  the  first  davs  of  Novem- 
ber 1989.  Later,  I  worked  in  the  kitchen  as  a  stoker,  and  I  saw  quite 
often,  in  the  course  of  my  duties,  tlie  Russian  staff  of  the  camp,  both 
the  administration  of  the  camp  and  the  civihans.  When  the  dis- 
charging of  the  camp  commenced  on  the  3d  of  April,  and  even  before 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Wliat  year? 

Mr.  W.  1940. 

There  were  plenty  of  rumors  about  our  future.  It  was  obvious 
that  because  of  congestion  and  the  lack  of  sanitary  amenities,  we 
couldn't  stay  longer  than  just  the  first  months  in  the  spring,  otherwise 
we  would  have  been  killed  by  epidemics  and  other  things.  One 
rumor  had  it  that  we  would  go  to  Germany.  The  second  was  that 
we  would  go  to  Poland,  and  the  third  rumor  was  that  we  would  be 
simply  transferred  to  another  camp,  in  Russia. 

These  rumors,  of  course,  were  the  result  of  the  talks  of  the  prisoners 
themselves,  but  those  talks  were  made  quite  often  in  the  front  of  the 
Soviet  administration  of  the  camp. 

The  direction  of  the  Soviet  administration,  I  may  mention  here  an 
Urbanowicz,  who  was  the  head  of  our  economic  department,  I  would 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  do  you  mean  by  "our  economic  depart- 

Mr.  W.  I  mean  the  camp's  department. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  He  was  a  prisoner,  though,  was  he? 

Mr.  W.  No.  Urbanowicz  was  a  member  of  the  Soviet  staff,  and 
he  just  was  responsible  for  our  feeding,  for  our  food.  Wlien  we 
mentioned  to  him,  we  were  seeking  repudiation  of  those  rumors,  or 
his  approval.  They  were  various;  they  varied  from  time  to  time. 
He  never  denied  anything,  but  he  never  confirmed  anything,  either. 

But  I  can  remember  that  there  was  a  talk  that,  ''Oh,  you  will  be 
welcomed  by  bands  and  you  will  go  home."  That  is  definitely  what 
I  remember  of  those  Soviet  staffs  saying  about  our  future. 

When  those  batches  of  officers  and  other  ranks  and  civilians  were 
moving,  they  were  given  food  for  their  journey.  The  instructions 
were  to  the  effect — as  I  was  in  the  kitcheji,  stoker — we  noticed  that 
the  instructions  were  various.  Some  batclu>s  got  Ix'tter  food  or  more 
plentiful,  some  not.  And  we  simply  could  not  make  any  idea  where 
those  ])]"isoners  were  goine:.  When  we  were  l()()kiu<i'  from  the  iiiside  of 
the  camp,  thei'e  was  a  hill  in  the  camp.  \Ve  coulchrt  see  more,  only 
that  the  pi'isoners,  when  taken  out  of  the  wall  of  the  camp,  wer(>  taken 
l)y  lorry  and  that  was  all.  No  news  whatsoever  returned  back  from 

Once  we  understood  that  there  was  a  careful  search  of  all  of  them 
leaving  the  camp,  but  we  had  no  idea  whatsoever  whether  we  were 
going  to  Turkey  or  to  Germany  or  to  another  cami). 

On  the  26th  of  April  my  name  was  called,  and  I  took  my  things. 

Chairman  Maddkn.   1940? 

Afr.  W.   1940,  of  com-se. 

On  the  20111  of  April  1940  I  took  my  things.  T  joined  the  party. 
We  were  107.     The  senior  officer,  I  could  see,  was  (Jeneral  Wolkowicki. 


We  were  given  food  and  then  we  were  taken  out  to  tlie  little  hut  which 
was  at  the  entrance  of  the  wall.  A  search  of  all  of  us  was  made.  I 
mean  we  had  to  take  off  our  shoes.  We  were  to  give  up  all  sharp 
weapons.  But  still  I  managed  to  hide  my  knife  in  the  tooth  powder. 
I  had  a  box  of  tooth  powder  and  I  managed  to  put  m.y  knife  into  the 
powder,  and  it  went  like  that,  the  search  did  not  notice  it. 

After  the  search  we  were  taken  to  a  lorry  in  a  very  bad  congestion, 
and  under  the  threats  of  the  guards,  who  pointed  to  us  their  guns,  we 
had  to  kneel  or  sit  in  the  lorry  whether  w^e  could  or  not.  We  were 
taken  to  a  railway  siding,  and  when  we  were  approaching  that  siding, 
I  remarked  I  noticed  two  railroad  carriages,  but  prison  carriages. 

This  was  the  first  time  that  we  were  carried  in  those  carriages  having 
the  bars  on  their  ^^^ndows;  before,  we  used  to  travel  in  cattle  trucks, 
which  was  maich  n^ore  comfortable. 

I  was  put  in  a  com.partment  with  some  other  officers.  We  were 
15  or  16  in  a  compartm.ent  which  usually  is  used  for  8  persons.  Being 
one  of  the  youngest,  I  was  put  on  the  shelf.  There  were  two  levels 
of  the  shelves,  one  being,  in  this  case,  three  seats  to  one  shelf,  and  the 
second  shelf,  which  was  quite  on  the  top  of  the  carriage.  And  I 
couldn't  sit  there  even;  I  had  to  crouch  or  to  lay. 

^Vlien  I  was  laying  there  I  noticed  that  there  were  various  inscrip- 
tions on  the  roof  of  the  coach — some  in  pencil,  some  definitely  with 
the  nail.  I  could  read  some  Christian  names;  but  I  don't  remember 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  When  j^ou  say  nail,  you  mean  fingernail  do  you? 

Mr.  W.  Yes;  because  the  nails  were  supposed  to  be  taken  away. 

I  remember  very  well  that  there  was  an  inscription  saying-  "Dis- 
embarking at  Gniezdowo."  It  was  in  Polish,  "Disembarking  at  rail- 
way station,  Gniezdowo."  It  was  written  in  pencil  and  it  was — I  still 
can  see — in  a  corner  of  the  right-hand  shelf,  where  I  was  lying. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  How  old  are  you  now? 

Mr.  W.  I  am  now  89. 

The  voyage  was  not  very  pleasant  because  we  had  in  our  compart- 
ment at  least  two  men  who  were  known  for  their  Communist  activities 
in  the  camps.  One  of  them,  by  the  way,  was  my  colleague  from  the 
Army,  a  cadet  officer,  as  I  was,  Kukulienski. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Pardon  me,  Mr.  Witness;  you  have  not  told  us 
what  your  rank  was  when  you  were  taken  prisoner. 

Mr.  W.  I  was  a  cadet  officer. 

And  practically  the  whole  time  we  were  discussing  and  nearly 
worrying  about  our  futiu-e  and  about  oiu'  attitude  toward  the  politics, 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  a^ou  know  what  happened  to  Kukulienski 

Mr.  W.  He  w^s  taken  to  Moscow  with  Berling. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  mean  Colonel  Berling,  who  later  became 
a  part  of  the  puppet  government  in  Poland? 

Mr.  W.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  he  is  still  there,  as  far  as  you  know? 

Mr.  W,  Yes. 

Kukulienski  went  with  him.  Because  I  was  in  the  same  regiment 
with  Berling  before  1939,  and  Kukulienski  kept  company  with 
Berling,  and  they  went  together  to  that  villa. 

We  traveled  for  about  2  days,  I  remember  that  we  had  passed  a 
railroad  station,  Sukennice,  and  I  remember  that  in  the  morning  we 


stopped  at  a  station.  We  were  tired  and  we  didn't  pay  too  much 
attention.  I  remember  it  was  a  nice  day,  and  suddenly  Colonel 
Maramaja  exclaimed  that  the  station  was  Babenino  and  that  a  camp 
was  nearby  called  Pawlizczew  Bor. 

After  several  hours  we  were  taken  out  of  the  railway  carriages.  We 
were  put  on  the  lorries.  We  traveled  in  the  countryside  for  2  hours 
also  and  were  put  in  the  camp  called  Pawlizczew  Bor.  Several  days 
later  we  were  joined  by  a  group  of  63  officers,  candidate  officers,  and 
civilians,  I  thinlv,  who  came  from  Starobielsk. 

I  remember  those  figures  very  well  because  I  was  still  in  the  kitchen 
and  I  had  to  make  the  appropriate  number  of  meals. 

Then  after,  we  were  joined  by  a  smaller  group  from  Ostashkov  and 
other  groups,  making  up  to  nearly  400  people.  We  still  believed  then 
that  all  our  colleagues  were  sent  to  another  camp  as  we  were,  and  as 
the  accommodation  was  better,  we  thought  that  it  was  done  in  view 
of  the  difficulties  at  Kozielsk.  And  I  must  say  that  we  were  rather 
hopeful,  as  far  as  the  near  future  was  concerned. 

After  several  weeks  we  were  told  that  we  would  move  out  of  that 
camp,  and  I  remember  a  Mr.  Lacinski,  with  whom  we  became  friendly, 
and  who  was  from  Kozielsk,  as  myself.  This  Mr.  Lacinski,  having  told 
me  that  our  Politruk,  Alexandrovitch,  assured  him  that  we  were  going 
to  another  camp,  bigger  in  size,  more  comfortable,  as  far  as  accommo- 
dation was  concerned,  and  having  a  river. 

Air.  Flood.  By  Politruk  do  you  mean  the  Russian  political  com- 

Mr.  W.  Alexandrovitch;  who  was  at  Kozielsk  and  then  also,  after, 
came  to  Griazowiec. 

And  we  were  indeed  once  again  put  in  the  railway  coaches,  the 
same  prison  wagons,  and  this  time  the  trouble  was  rather  uneventful 
because  we  felt  sure  we  had — the  first  time  we  had  confidence  that 
at  last  the  Bolsheviks  told  us  the  truth  and  were  sm-e  that  we  were 
going  to  another  camp.  And  this  became  truth;  in  June  we  were 
transferred  to  Griazowiec. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  In  June  1940? 

Mr.  W.  June  1940.  I  remember  that  it  was  about  the  18th  because 
the  news  of  the  collapse  of  France  caught  us  when  we  were  on  truck. 

Mr.  Flood.  After  you  left  Griazowiec,  you  later  on  were  permitted 
to  join  the  Polish  Ai'my,  and  you  did  and  you  joined  General  Anders 
some  place,  and  ultimately,  after  the  war,  you  came  here;  is  that 

Mr.  W.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  mentioned  in  your  testimony  that  when  you  were 
in  this  prison  car,  you  saw  written  on  the  roof  of  the  car,  or  some  place 
on  the  car,  somehow  or  other,  certain  words.  Will  you  write  down 
what  those  words  were  that  you  saw,  in  Polish? 

Mr.  W.  Yes,  sir. 

(The  witness  wrote  on  a  blank  sheet  of  paper.) 

Mr.  Flood.  The  witness  has  wi-itten  certain  words  on  a  blank 
piece  of  paper,  and  wo  will  ask  the  interpreter  to  read  into  the  record 
the  Polish  wording  and  translate  it. 

Chairman  Madden.  Read  the  Polish. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  "Wysiadamy  na  stacji  Gniezdowo." 

The  translation  is:  "We  are  getthig  off  at  the  station  in  Gniezdowo." 

Mr.  Flood.  Is  that  correct,  Mr.  Witness? 


Mr.  W.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  see  any  dates,  that  you  remember? 

Mr.  W.  I  don't  remember  any  dates,  but  the  whole  roof — there 
were  so  many  inscriptions.  And,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  we  did  not 
realize  then,  as  there  was  nothing  which  would  give  us  some  guidance 
or  any  specific  news 

Mr.  Flood.  But  you  remember  this  language  in  particular? 

Mr.  W.  This  language  I  remember  very  clearly. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  remember  any  other  words  or  plirases  just  as 

Mr.  W.  No,  sir.  I  remember  they  were  Christian  names,  but  I 
wouldn't  remember  whether  it  was  a  Janek  or  whatever  it  was. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  saw  dates  but  are  not  sure? 

Mr.  W.  No;  I  didn't. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  reason  it  had  significance  at  the  time  and  you  were 
interested  in  this  was  because  you  were  interested  in  the  station  your- 
self; is  that  about  right,  is  that  it? 

Mr.  W.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  we  were  even  expecting,  when  we  were 
put  on  the  railway,  that  we  would  join  at  least  some  of  our  previous 
transport  at  the  place  of  destination. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  ever  see  any  of  the  prisoners  who  were  with 
you  at  Kozielsk,  who  left  Kozielsk  with  you;  to  this  date,  have  you 
seen  them  since? 

Mr.  W.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  know  of  anybody  who  ever  did? 

Mr.  W.  No;  I  don't  know  of  anybody  who  did. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  When  was  the  first  time  you  heard  about  them 

Mr.  "W.  Only  after  the  Germans  had  broadcast  the  news  of  the 
Kattyn  Forest  in  1943. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  when  you  saw  the  list? 

Mr.  W.  When  I  saw  some  of  the  names.  I  remember  very  well  the 
name  of  General  Smorawinski,  which  was  one  of  the  first  to  be  given, 
because  I  remember  very  well  the  moment  how  General  Smorawinski 
was  leaving  Kozielsk. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  In  other  words,  you  knew  the  people  who  left  the 

Mr.  W.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  And  when  you  saw  the  list  of  people  who  were 
found  in  the  Katyn  graves,  you  recognized  them  as  being  the  same 
people  who  left  at  that  time? 

Mr.  W.  Yes,  sir;  I  did. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  there  the  early  part  of  November  of  1939? 

Mr.  W.  1939. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  part  of  the  month,  about? 

Mr.  W.  The  1st  or  the  2d  of  November  it  was. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  there  in  the  very  early  days  of  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Kozielsk  camp? 

Mr.  W.  Yes,  su". 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  working  in  the  kitchen  all  the  time? 

Mr.  W.  Not  all  the  tune 

Mr.  Flood.  Most  of  the  time  until  you  left  in  April? 

Mr.  W.  Yes. 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  Mr.  Witness,  in  the  light  of  what  you  now  know 
as  to  the  fate  of  some  of  your  comrades  at  Kozielsk,  do  you  have  any 
explanation  in  your  owti  mind  as  to  why  you  were  spared  their  fate? 

Mr.  W.  No,  sir.  That  is  what  always  puzzled  me  when  the  fate 
of  those  other  colleagues  had  become  known.  I  can't  remember  of  any 
specific  moment  during  my  interrogations  in  the  camp.  I  remember 
only  that  my  last  interrogation  at  Kozielsk  camp  was  carried  out  by 
a  woman,  and  I  had  just  a  conventional  conversation  with  her.  The 
interrogation  made  an  impression  on  me  that  it  was  just  a  routine 
one,  that  they  didn't  try  to  find  out  something  new  out  of  me. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  were  one  of  the  j^ounger  ofhcers,  were  you? 

Mr.  W.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Was  there  anything  particular  about  the  people 
that  were  with  you;  were  they  all  younger  officers? 

Mr.  W.  There  was  no  rule  in  accordance  with  which  we  could  make 
a  guidance  that,  for  instance,  there  Vv^^ere  just  people  coming  from  one 
part  of  Poland  or  one  regiment,  one  service,  or  whatever  it  might  be, 
whether  they  were  blond  or  brunette.  It  was  absolutely  impossible 
to  find  any  principle  in  accordance  of  which  this  choice  of  107  people 
was  made. 

Air.  O'KoxsKi.  Did  you  see  these  boys  leave  the  camp?  As  these 
groups  left  the  camp,  did  you  see  them  as  they  were  dressed? 

Mr.  W.  Yes,  sir.  They  were  dressed  in  the  dress  we  usually  had. 
Nobody  had — ^I  don't  think  there  were  lucky  people  who  had  more 
than  one  dress,  which  they  were  wearing  on  them. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  There  is  no  disagreement  between  the  Germans 
and  the  Polish  people  as  to  how  these  soldiers  were  dressed  when 
they  were  found  in  the  graves.  You  have  read  the  descriptions, 
have  you  not,  about  how  these  bodies  were  dressed  that  were  found 
in  the  graves? 

Mr.  W.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Is  that  the  way  you  saw  them  leave  the  camp? 

Mr.  W.  It  is  perfectly  clear.  And  I  may  say  that  during  Kozielsk, 
our  stay  in  Kozielsk,  all  badges  of  rank  were  very  carefully  preserved. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Were  they  dressed  in  their  uniforms  of  Polish 

Mr.  W.  Yes;  because  I  say  when  we  were  later  in  Griazowiec, 
we  didn't  care  so  much  for  the  badges.  I  mean  oin-  dress  was  being 
worn  out  and,  obviously,  we  couldn't  replace  the  badges  or  something 
like  that;  so  it  was  the  custom  not  to  wear  badges  if  one  could  have 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Did  they  wear  shoes,  or  boots? 

Mr.  W.  It  depended. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  are  speaking  now  about  Griazowiec;  but 
what  was  the  state  of  yoiu'  uniform  at  Kozielsk? 

Mr.  W.  It  was  in  a  fairly  good  condition  I  mean  that  some  of  the 
officers  who  had  received  the  new  uniforms,  they  were  still  wearing 
them  and  they  were  hi  a  fairly  good  condition,  because  we  were  very 
careful  about  preservuig  our  dress.  I  remenil)er  how  we  used  to 
conserve  and  preserve  our  shoes,  for  instance,  that  we  shined,  to  get 
some  fat  and  to  preserve,  to  put  the  fat  on  the  shoes  so  that  they  would 
last  longer,  because  we  were  well  aware  that  we  may  not  easily  get 
new  shoes. 

Chairman  Madden.  Any  further  questions? 


Mr.  W.  I  have  something  more  to  add  then.  After  we  have  been 
in  Griazowiec,  and  when  we  were  allowed  to  write  to  our  families  in 
Poland,  which  I  did  sometime  in  August  1940,  among  other  replies 
to  my  letters  I  received  one  from  one  of  my  sisters,  and  one  of  the 
paragraphs  of  that  letter  read  like  this:  "When  you  were  in  Kozielsk 
there  was  a  cadet  officer  of  the  name"  so-and-so — the  name  was  given 
but  I  cannot  remember  now  what  the  name  was.  "This  cadet  officer 
is  the  fiancee  of  a  good  friend  of  mine.  Could  you  ask  him  to  write 
to  his  fiancee  because  she  is  much  worried  about  the  lack  of  news 
from  him."  I  wrote  back  saying:  "Unfortunately  this  cadet  officer 
is  not  with  me,  but  I  am  convmced  that  he  must  be  in  one  of  the 
camps  like  ours,  and  I  am  sure  he  will  write  soon  to  his  fiancee." 

Chairman  Madden.  Is  there  anything  further  now? 

Mr.  W.  I  should  like  to  emphasize  the  difference  between  when 
we  were  leaving  Kozielsk  and  when  we  were  leaving  Pawlizczew  Bor. 
As  I  said  before,  there  were  many  rumors  as  far  as  our  near  future 
was  concerned;  and  the  Bolsheviks,  who  never  told  us  the  truth 
were  keeping  us  in  an  atmosphere  of  uncertainty,  and  of  never  know- 
ing the  truth.  They  kept  the  destination  of  Kozielsk  perfectly  in 
that  atmosphere.  They  let  us  have  our  explanation,  and  they  were 
sometimes  only  stirring  up  our  imagination;  whereas  when  we  were 
leaving  Pawlizczew  Bor,  through  this  Lacinski^ — who  was,  I  would 
say,  on  speaking  terms  with  this  Alexandrovicz — we  got  the  assur- 
ance and  we  got  clear-cut  information:  "You  are  going  to  another 
camp,  and  you  will  be  much  better  oft'  there."  That  is  the  only  time 
I  can  remember  that  the  Bolsheviks  told  us  the  truth. 

Chairman  Madden.  Is  there  anything  further  regarding  the  mas- 

Mr.  W.  Maybe  jou  have  some  questions? 

Chairman  AIadden.  That  is  all.  Now  considering  your  experience 
as  a  prisoner  in  these  camps  and  all  the  extenuating  circumstances, 
would  you  be  in  a  position  to  state  your  personal  opinion  as  to  who 
committed  the  massacres  at  Katvn? 

Mr.  W.  In  my  owai  mind,  and  from  the  best  of  my  knowledge  of  all 
the  facts  which  were  accompanying  my  2%  years  in  Russia,  and  all 
the  circmnstances,  for  me  there  was  no  doubt  that  those  people  dis- 
appeared in  April  and  May  1940  directly  after  they  had  been  taken 
out  of  Kozielsk,  and  that  the  first  time  when  we  realized  it  was 
October  in  1941. 

Chairman  Madden.  Who  did  it? 

Mr.  W.  The  Russians. 

Chairman  Madden.  That  is  all.  We  wish  to  thank  you  for  coming 
here  to  testify  toda3^  There  has  been  nobody  make  any  promises  to 
you  regarding  any  recompense  or  emoluments  for  coming  here  to 
testify,  is  there? 

Air,  W.  No,  sh.  I  would  say  that  against  many  difficulties  when 
I  have  been  trying  to  point  to  this  aft'air  in  1943,  when  I  was  in  the 
Middle  East,  it  was  rather  unpleasant  to  speak  about  this. 

Chairman  Madden.  That  is  all.     We  wish  to  thank  you. 

I  might  state  for  the  record  that  the  witness  now  to  be  heard  has 
relatives  behind  the  iron  curtain  and  prefers  that  his  name  be  con- 
cealed from  publicity ;  but  the  committee  has  his  name  and  address  and 
are  familiar  with  his  authenticity.  For  the  pm-pose  of  the  record  this 
witness  will  be  identified  as  witness  Mr.  A.     Proceed, 



Mr.  PuciNSKi.  This  witness  has  indicated  that  because  of  liis 
language  difficulties  he  would  like  to  have  a  translator.  He  also 
desires  liis  identity  be  concealed  because  of  relatives  in  Poland. 

Mr.  Flood.  May  I  say  for  the  record,  in  order  that  all  witnesses 
have  very  clear  understanding  of  the  warnings  that  are  being  presented 
to  them  by  the  chairman  of  this  committee,  I  think  that  in  all  cases 
the  identical  language  should  be  read  to  each  witness  either  by  the 
chairman  or  by  a  representative  of  the  committee,  so  that  in  all  cases 
of  witnesses  the  identical  warning  is  the  same  on  the  record.  Mr. 
Pucinski,  will  you  read  to  the  witness  in  Polish  the  translation  of  the 
warning  that  we  give?  Mr.  Stenographer,  take  this  on  the  record. 
This  is  the  admonition  to  the  witness.  Before  you  make  a  statement, 
it  is  our  wish  that  you  ba  advised  that  you  would  run  the  risk  of 
action  in  the  courts  by  anyone  who  considered  he  had  suffered  injury. 
At  the  same  time,  I  wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  and  the  House  of  Representatives  do  not  assume 
any  responsibility  in  your  behalf  with  respect  to  libel  or  slander 
proceedings  which  may  arise  as  the  result  of  the  testimony. 

Mr.  Pucinski.  The  witness  states  that  he  understands  that  clearly. 

Chairman  Madden.  Have  him  sworn.  You  solemnly  swear  by 
Almighty  God  that  you  will,  according  to  your  best  knowledge,  tell 
the  pure  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  and  will  not 
conceal  anytliing? 

Mr.  A.  Yes,  sir. 

Chairman  Madden.  Now  j^ou  might  state  to  the  witness  that  he 
can  proceed  and  tell  just  what  he  knows  regarding  the  Katyn  mas- 
sacres in  liis  own  words.  Since  the  witness  indicated  he  doesn't  want 
his  name  revealed,  we  will  refer  to  him  as  Witness  A  even  though 
his  full  identity  is  known  to  the  committee. 

Mr.  A.  I  arrived  at  the  camp  at  Starobielsk  on  October  11  with  a 
group  of  other  Poles  consisting  of  a  few  thousand. 

Chairman  IVIadden.  In  what  year? 

Mr.  A.  1939 — from  Woloczyska.  These  were  primarily  Polish 
officers  who  had  capitulated  in  Lwow  according  to  an  agreement 
reached  between  General  Langner,  of  the  Polish  Army,  and  the 
Russian  Marshal  Timoshenko.  I  was  merely  attached  to  this  trans- 

Mr.  Flood.  In  what  capacity,  in  what  rank? 

Mr.  A.  I  was  wounded  and  became  a  Russian  prisoner  on  October  1. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  yoiu*  rank? 

Mr.  A.  I  was  a  major.  I  remained  at  Starobielsk  from  October 
11,  1939,  until  April  25,  1940.  During  that  time  there  was  a  con- 
stant procedure  of  segregating  the  officers  at  the  camp  through  long 
examinations  by  NKVD  officers  from  Moscow.  They  were  selecting 
officers  from  the  military  police,  officers  from  the  border  guard,  officers 
from  the  vSecond  Division,  also  chaplains  of  all  faiths,  judges  and 
prosecutors.  The  interrogations  and  selectivity  of  these  men  lasted 
until  December  1939. 

These  specially  selected  officers  were  removed  from  the  camp  to  an 
imknown  destination,  but  the  interrogations  continued  without  end 


until  the  end  of  January.  In  February  we  began  to  hear  rumors 
that  we  would  be  removed  from  this  camp  to  Germany  according  to 
a  Russian-German  agreement.  In  March  we  heard  another  rumor 
which  was  started  by  the  Russian  authorities  that  we  will  be  taken 
into  a  neutral  country,  and  on  April  5  large-scale  evacuation  of  the 
camp  began.  The  first  transport  left  on  April  5.  The  evacuation 
proceeded  in  a  very  systematic  manner  in  groups  ranging  from  250 
to  360  officers,  who  wei-e  loaded  into  specially  prepared  prison  rail 
cars  consisting  in  man}'  instances  of  37  cars.  There  were  75  men  to 
a  car.  (The  witness  corrected  the  translation  to  indicate  that  there 
were  two  or  three  prison  rail  cars  to  each  train  and  there  were  up  to 
75  prisoners  in  each  car.)  Before  our  departure  there  was  a  very 
rigid  inspection  of  the  men.  We  were  given  bread  and  herring  for 
the  road.  So  our  fi'iends  concealed  various  personal  items  including 
notes  and  knives — particularly  knives,  because  knives  were  always 
very  important- — in  between  the  bread  and  the  herrings.  At  the 
gates  before  we  left^I  noticed  personally  how  the  prison  guards  took 
away  the  bread  and  the  herring  from  these  men  and  gave  them  another 
piece  of  bread  and  herring.  On  April  25  I  was  summoned  to  a 
transport  along  with  65  others.  From  this  group  one  other  member 
had  left  by  a  previous  transport,  and  another  one  was  very  seriously 
ilL  So  that  day  there  were  63  of  us  who  actually  went  to  the  railroad 
station.  They  were  three-tier  rail  cars  and  I  sat  on  the  third  tier. 
I  noticed  an  inscription:  "We  are  being  removed  or  unloaded  in 
Kharkov."  The  inscriptions  were  written  in  pencil  on  the  ceilings 
of  the  cars  and  on  the  walls.  We,  however,  passed  Kharkov  and, 
by  way  of  Orzel  and  the  city  of  Zuchenice,  we  were  brought  to  the 
railroad  station  at  Babanino  on  May  1.  From  there,  in  two  trucks 
we  were  taken  to  a  camp  at  Pavlishchev  Bor.  There  we  met  our 
comrades  from  Kozielsk  and  Ostashkov.  W^e  were  very  much  sur- 
prised. I  say  particularly  surprised,  because  this  was  a  very  small 
camp,  in  comparison,  for  instance,  to  Starobielsk,  where  there  were 
4,000  of  us.  During  the  period  of  just  a  few  days  there  arrived  at 
this  camp  approximately  400  of  us  from  these  three  camps.  I  pre- 
pared a  list  of  those  who  survived  from  those  three  camps.  I  am 
presenting  this  list  to  the  committee. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  By  "the  camps,"  he  means  that  tJhose  people  came 
from  Starobielsk,  from  Kozielsk,  and  from  Ostashkov? 

Mr.  A.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  witness  has  presented  to  the  committee  a  docu- 
ment and  I  will  ask  to  have  this  marked  as  "Exhibit  2"  by  the  stenog- 

(The  document  referred  to  was  marked  "Exhibit  2"). 

I  now  show  the  witness  exhibit  2  and  ask  him,  is  it  true,  as  he 
stated,  that  this  exhibit  2  is  a  list  of  the  names  of  the  fellow  prisoners 
of  the  witness  from  the  tliree  camps  of  Kozielsk,  Starobielsk,  and 
Ostashkov,  at  Pavlishchev  Bor  with  him,  and  he  made  the  list  of  these 
names  at  Pavlishchev  Bor? 

Mr.  A.  This  list  I  had  prepared  at  Cairo,  but  it  does  represent  the 
400  men  who  did  come  from  the  three  camps  that  you  named. 

(Exhibit  No.  2  follows:) 




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93744— 52— pt.  4 3 



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93744— 52— pt.  4- 4 





Mr.  Flood.  The  exhibit  wOl  speak  for  itself.  The  first  page  of 
the  exliibit  indicates  that  what  the  witness  has  said  is  correct;  but  the 
point  1  want  to  make  is  that  exhibit  2,  which  we  are  about  to  introduce 
on  the  record  is  a  hst  of  names  of  the  survivors  who  were  at  Pavhshchev 
Bor  and  Griazowiec  with  this  witness  and  who  came  from  tlie  tliree 
camps  we  have  mentioned;  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  A.  That  is  correct.  Notations  on  that  hst  were  made  by 
General  Wolkowicki. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  prepared  this  list  yourself  and  were  associated  in 
its  preparation  and  notation  by  others;  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  A.  No;  I  prepared  this  list  personally,  but  I  took  advantage  of 
the  notes  that  had  been  made  by  General  Wolkowicki. 

Air.  Flood.  A  translation  of  the  first  page  of  exhibit  2,  which  is 
written  in  Polish,  confirms  the  statement  the  witness  has  just  made. 
Now,  in  order  to  save  time,  I  want  to  get  this  information  from  this 
witness  thi'ough  the  interpreter.  Ask  the  witness:  he  has  heard  of  the 
Katyn  massacre? 

Mr.  A.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  He  knew  that  there  were  some  4,000  Polish  officers  at 

Mr.  A.  There  were  more  than  4,000. 

Mr.  Flood.  He  knows  that  there  were  some  4,000  bodies  discovered 
at  Katyn? 

Mr.  A.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  For  the  purpose  of  this  discussion  we  will  not  use 
exact  and  precise  figures,  which  the  record  already  has. 

Mr.  A.  Yes,  sir. 

Air.  Flood.  Has  the  witness  heard  or  read  at  any  time — and  you 
can  tell  him  that  we  have  evidence  which  supports  these  statements — 
that  the  prisoners  in  batches  being  taken  from  Kozielsk  were  taken 
in  the  same  kind  of  cars  that  his  batch  were  taken  from  at  Starobielsk? 

Mr.  A.  The  same  kind  of  cars  were  used  at  Starobielsk. 

Mr.  Flood.  Has  the  witness  heard  or  read  in  any  accounts  or  con- 
versations he  has  had  in  connection  with  Katyn  that  the  same  kind  of 
writings  that  he  told  us  lie  saw  on  the  prison  cars  which  took  him  from 
Starobielsk,  only  using  dift"erent  destinations,  were  found  on  the  roofs 
of  the  prison  cars  transporting  the  prisoners  from  Kozielsk? 

Mr.  A.  TMien  we  arrived  from  these  three  camps  at  Pavlishchev 
Bor  we  began  to  discuss  our  respective  trips  and  exchange  our  obser- 
vations on  those  trips. 

Mr.  Flood.  As  the  result  of  the  conversations  had  at  Pavlishchev 
Bor  and  Woloczysko  with  prisoners  from  Kozielsk  and  Ostashkov, 
this  witness  found  out  that  similar  writings  were  on  other  prison  cars 
from  the  other  camps? 

Mr.  A.  Yes. 

Air.  Flood.  I  am  interested  now  only  in  the  wi-itings  on  the  cars 
that  the  witness  saw  from  Starobielsk.  Will  j^ou  ask  the  witness  to 
write  down  on  a  piece  of  paper  what  he  saw  on  the  car  leaving  Staro- 
bielsk. The  witness,  in  the  presence  of  the  committee,  wrote  the  fol- 
lowing on  a  piece  of  paper,  and  we  will  ask  the  interpreter  to  read  the 
Polish  on  to  the  record  and  then  translate  it  into  the  record. 

The  Interpreter.  The  Polish  is  as  follows:  "Wysadzono  nas  w 
charkowie".  The  translation  is:  "We  are  being  unloaded  at  Ivharkov." 
Mr.  Flood,  I  think  I  want  to  point  out  here  that  the  wording  of  the 


English  translation  is  almost  identical  and  similar  to  the  translation 
of  the  previous  witness. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  does  not  make  any  difference.  I  am  only  in- 
terested in  what  the  words  were.  The  words  will  speak  for  them- 
selves. Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  pursued  this  last  line  of  questioning 
for  this  purpose:  in  the  entire  investigations  that  have  been  made  by 
this  committee  nnd  other  committees  heretofore  with  reference  to  the- 
fate  of  Polish  ^nilitary  and  civilian  prisoners  of  various  categories  at 
the  Russian  pri  on  camps  at  Kozielsk  and  so  on,  there  is  considerable 
evidence  as  to  the  fate  of  the  prisoners  at  Kozielsk.  There  is  little^ 
if  any,  evidence  as  to  the  fate  of  the  prisoners  who  have  not  yet  been 
discovered  alive  from  the  camps  at  Starobielsk  or  Ostashkov.  I 
would  like  the  attention  of  the  committee  to  the  following  analogy: 
we  have  quite  a  good  deal  of  testimony  describing  certain  writings- 
found  upon  the  prison  cars  taking  the  Polish  prisoners  from  the  camp 
at  Kozielsk.  Those  writings  indicate  that  those  prison  cars  were 
stopped  at  and  the  prisoners  unloaded  from  the  cars  at  the  railroad 
station  for  the  town  of  Katyn,  and  it  was  the  practice  of  prisoners  in 
these  cases  and  in  many  others  to  leave  those  writings  as  information 
for  their  friends  who  might  follow.  It  is  clear  from  the  testimony 
that  the  prisoners  taken  from  Kozielsk  on  these  prison  care  were  later 
disposed  of  at  Katyn.  Since  so  far  we  have  no  evidence  of  what 
happened  to  the  missing  prisoners  from  Starobielsk,  it  is  interesting  to 
observe  that  the  prisoners  from  the  camp  of  Starobielsk  were  taken 
from  the  same  in  about  the  same  number  of  batches  with  about  the 
same  number  of  prisoners  to  a  batch;  were  inspected  in  the  same  way 
that  they  were  at  Kozielsk;  were  placed  in  the  same  kind  of  cars  that 
the  prisoners  in  Kozielsk  were  placed  in  and  were  transported  follow- 
ing the  same  series  of  rumors  as  to  destinations  that  were  experienced 
by  the  prisoners  at  Kozielsk.  This  witness  describes  the  marking  on  a 
car  which  says  that  the  prisoners  taken  from  Starobielsk  were  being 
disembarked  at  the  station  of  Kharkov.  I  suggest  that  it  is  a  perfect 
analogy  to  indicate  that  the  prisoners  from  Starobielsk  were  disposed 
of  in  the  vicinity  of  Kharkov  in  the  same  manner  that  the  prisoners 
from  Kozielsk  were  disposed  of  in  the  vicinity  of  the  railroad  stations 
mentioned  by  witnesses  from  the  Kozielsk  camp,  namely.  Gniezdovo. 
If  it  is  so,  that  the  guilty  party  of  this  case  was  Soviet  Russia,  this  per- 
mits the  theory  that  special  execution  depots  were  set  up  for  various 
geographic  areas  for  the  disposal  of  prisoners  from  camps  within  that 
area,  and  that  at  sometime  or  other,  if  the  circumstances  would  ever 
permit  an  investigation  of  the  area  geographically  suiTOunding 
Kharkov  as  took  place  surrounding  Katyn,  it  could  conceivably  pro- 
duce the  answer  as  to  the  fate  of  the  missing  officers  from  Starobielsk. 

Do  I  understand  you  to  say  you  have  some  other  comments  to  make 
in  connection  with  Kharkov? 

Mr.  A.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  tell  us  what  that  is? 

Mr.  A.  After  we  arrived  at  Kharkov,  our  train  car  was  not  dis- 
connected from  the  train,  but  a  porter  came  by  and  he  began  cleaning 
out  our  car.  I  began  a  discussion  with  him  and  asked  him,  "Are  we 
going  to  proceed  further?"  He  replied  in  Russian,  "Your  people 
previously  had  been  unloaded  here." 

Mr.  Flood.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  been  advised  by  the  interpreter 
that  this  witness  has  some  additional  testimony  having  to  do  with  his- 


l)eing  taken  subsequently  by  the  Russians  to  Moscow  to  a  place 
known  as  Villa  of  Bliss.  I  am  advised  and  have  been  presented  with 
certain  documents  purporting  to  be  statements  heretofore  made  by 
the  witness  to  authorized  representatives  of  the  so-called  London 
Polish  Government.  These  are  in  Polish  and  should  later  be  trans- 
lated. I  am  advised  that  there  is  present  the  custodian  of  these 
documents  of  the  so-called  Polish  London  Government  who  is  prepared 
to  identify  them.  Will  you  mark  for  identification  these  two  docu- 
ments Nos.  3  and  4. 

(The  documents  referred  to  were  marked  by  the  stenographer 
'"Exliibit  3"  and  "Exhibit  4".) 

I  now  show  the  witness  exliibits  3  and  4  and  ask  him  whether  or 
not  these  are  statements  which  he  gave  to  authorized  representatives 
of  the  so-called  London  Polish  Government. 

(The  witness  examined  exhibits  3  and  4.) 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  He  does  not  have  to  read  it  all;  just  identify  it. 

The  Interpreter.  The  witness  says  exliibit  4  is  a  proper  document 
and  a  report  made  by  him. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  answer  is  "Yes"? 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Yes,  the  exhibit  3  is  his  own  personal  document. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  The  witness  states  that  it  is  his  own  personal 
account  of  what  happened  to  him  when  he  was  in  Russian  hands? 

Mr.  A.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  ask  the  witness  to  step  down  for  a  minute, 
and  ask  the  other  man  to  take  the  chair. 

(NoTE.^ — ^Exhibits  3  and  4  later  were  withdrawn  from  the  record 
^vhen  exhibits  5  and  6,  photostatic  copies  of  exhibits  3  and  4  were 
introduced  at  the  conclusion  of  this  witness's  testimony.) 


Mr.  Flood.  Air.  Chau-man,  this  witness  is  being  called  solely,  I 
think,  to  identify  the  custody  of  the  documents  which  we  have  been 

Mr.  LuNKiEwicz.  I  am  not  a  witness;  I  am  rather  an  expert. 

Chairman  Madden.  You  soiemnlj^  swear  by  Almighty  God  that  you 
will,  according  to  your  best  knowledge,  tell  the  pure  truth,  the  whole 
truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth  and  will  not  conceal  anything? 

Mr.  LuNKiEwicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Have  you  been  and  are  you  identified  with  the  so-called 
XiOndon  Polish  Government  in  any  way? 

Mr.  LuNKiEwicz.  Yes;  I  am  in  the  service  of  the  Polish  London 
Government  in  London. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  now  show  you  exhibits  Nos.  3  and  4  which  you  have 
just  heard  identified  and  discussed  by  the  witness  who  has  just 
stepped  from  the  stand.     Is  that  correct? 

Mr.  LuNKiEwicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  identify  these  as  having  been  handed  by  you 
to  me? 

Mr.  LuNKiEwicz.  Yes;  I  do.  These  exhibits  are  in  my  custody  for 
many  years. 

Mr.  Flood.  As  a  representative  of  the  Polish  Government,  exhibits 
H  and  4  have  been  in  yoiu-  custody  until  such  time  as  you  presented 
them  to  me  this  morning;  is  that  correct? 


Mr.  LuNKiEwicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  is  all;  thank  you;  step  down.  Now  will  Mr.  A. 
step  back  into  the  chair. 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  Now,  Witness,  sometime  in  October^l940  were 
you  taken  from  Griazowiec  to  Moscow? 

Mr.  A.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  How  large  a  group  was  there  with  you?  Were 
there  seven  of  you? 

Mr.  A.  Just  1  second  and  I  will  give  you  the  answer.  [The  witness 
looked  at  documents.]     There  were  seven. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Were  those  all  high-ranking  officers? 

Mr.  A.  One  colonel,  four  lieutenant  colonels,  one  major. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Were  not  there  two  colonels? 

Mr.  A.  And  one  more  colonel. 

Mr.  IVIachrowicz.  Two  colonels,  four  lieutenant  colonels,  and 
j^ourself,  the  major — the  lowest  ranking  officer? 

Mr.  A.  Yes;  I  was. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And,  without  going  into  detail  as  to  the  others 
who  were  there,  one  of  those  in  that  group  was  the  Colonel  Z^^gmunt 
Berlmg  of  whom  we  have  heard  testimony;  am  I  right? 

Mr.  A.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  From  what  you  later  learned,  is  it  true  that  this 
group  of  officers  of  which  you  were  a  member  was  to  be  made  the 
nucleus  of  the  officers  of  the  new  Polish  Army;  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  A.  It  is.  That  was  true;  that  was  the  purpose  of  this  group; 
but  shortly  thereafter  some  of  the  members  of  this  group  began  to 
drop  out. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  But  the  purpose,  as  you  later  understood,  of 
having  transported  this  group  of  seven  to  Moscow  was  to  create  the 
nucleus  of  a  new  Polish  Army? 

Air.  A.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  After  you  arrived  in  Moscow,  did  you  per- 
sonally participate  in  any  discussions  with  any  high  ranking  Russian 
officers,  and,  if  so,  with  whom? 

Air.  A.  The  first  discussion  I  had  was  at  Butelka,  which  was  a  gaol, 
and  there  I  spoke  to  a  high  Russian  NKVD  officer. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  remember  his  name? 

Mr.  A.  His  name  was  Jegorow. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  was  your  conversation  with  him? 

Mr.  A.  He  merely  took  a  deposition  as  to  my  background. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  In  the  course  of  the  discussion  did  he  attempt 
to  find  out  whether  or  not  you  had  any  political  affiliations? 

Mr.  A.  No;  they  did  not  talk  to  me  on  that  subject. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Subsequent  to  that  did  you  have  any  conver- 
sations M^ith  any  other  high  ranking  Russian  officers? 

Mr.  A.  After  we  were  transferred  from  the  prison  at  Butelka  to 
the  prison  called  Lubianka 

Air.  AIachrowicz  What  happened  at  Lubianka? 

Mr.  A.  First  they  interrogated  the  oldest  officers. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Before  we  go  into  that,  do  you  speak  Russian? 

Mr.  A.  Yes. 


Mr.  AIachrowicz.  And  when  you  refer  to  conversations,  either  to 
those  to  which  you  have  ah'cady  referred  or  those  which  you  will 
discuss  in  the  future,  in  what  language  were  those  discussions? 

Air.  A.  They  talked  to  us  only  in  Russian. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  were  talking  about  the  conversations 
between  the  high-ranking  officers  and  NKVD  officers;  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  A.  I  talked  with  only  two  of  them — Jegorow  and  Mirkulow. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  \\lien  did  you  talk  to  \Iirkulow? 

Mr.  A.  I  talked  to  Mirkulow  during  the  latter  part  of  October. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Who  was  Mirkulow? 

Mr.  A.  He  introduced  himself  to  me  as  the  Minister  of  the  Security 
of  the  Interior — State  Security. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  this  discussion  this  committee  is  particularly 
interested  in  what  had  been  said  in  relation  to  the  officers  who  were 
killed  at  Katyn. 

Mr.  A.  Yes;  I  understand  that. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Will  you  tell  us  whether,  in  the  course  of  your 
discussion  with  Mirkulow,  anything  was  said  about  the  fate  of  the 
lost  ofP.cers? 

Mr.  A.  First  I  must  tell  you  the  discussion  with  Beria. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  There  was  a  discussion  with  Beria  in  which  you 
did  not  participate;  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  A.  No,  I  did  not,  but  I  was  told  immediately  about  it. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  We  will  get  to  that  later;  t  will  get  to  that 
point  of  the  discussions  with  Beria,  but  I  want  first  to  find  out  what 
your  personal  discussions  with  Mirkulow  were. 

Mr.  A.  At  these  discussions  with  Mirkulow  there  was  present 
another  Russian  officer,  who  did  not  introduce  himself  to  me,  but  who 
I  believe  vvas  named  Raichman. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wliat  was  your  discussion  with  these  last 

Mr.  A.  He  asked  m.e  if  I  could  com.m.and  an  artillery  brigade.  I 
told  him  "Yes."  I  told  liim  that  the  number  of  cannon  in  a  brigade 
like  that  of  artillery  would  not  make  too  much  difference  to  me;  but 
I  asked  liim  "From  where  will  we  get  other  officers,  since  there  are 
no  artillery  officers  in  Griazowiec."  I  asked  him.  if  we  could  not  get 
any  Polish  officers  from  either  Starobielsk  or  Kosielsk.  To  tliis  I 
received  a  reply  from.  Mhkulow:  "We  have  committed  an  error." 

Air.  Machrowicz.  I  want  to  get  the  whole  statement:  What  else 
did  he  say? 

Mr.  A.  "We  have  com.mitted  an  error.  These  men  are  not  avail- 
able.    We  will  give  you  others." 

Mr.  jVIachrowicz.  That  was  the  conversation  in  which  you  per- 
sonally participated  with  Mirkulow? 

Air.  A.  Yes. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  When  was  that,  approximately? 

Air.  A.  This  was  in  the  latter  part  of  October. 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  1940? 

Air.  A.  1940. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  Did  you  inquire  from  Alirkulow  why  these 
officers  were  not  available? 

Air.  A.  No;  I  did  not  ask  him  any  further  questions. 

Air.  Machrowicz.  Did  he  say  anything  else  with  relation  to  these 
officers  in  Starobielsk? 


Mr.  A.  No;  that  I  do  not  recall  at  this  time. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  have  any  other  conversations  personal- 
ly with  any  other  high  ranlving  Russian  officers  regarding  these  lost 
comrades  of  yours  from  Storobielsk  and  Kozielsk? 

Mr.  A.  No;  I  did  not. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Now,  I  think  you  mentioned  also  the  fact  that 
some  of  this  group  of  seven  which  went  with  you  to  Moscow  had  con- 
versations with  Beria;  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  A.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  First  of  all,  identify  who  Beria  is;  who  is  Beria? 

Mr.  A.  Beria  is  a  Minister  of  the  Home  Police. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  He  was  a  Minister  of  the  NKVD;  is  that  cor- 
rect— at  that  time? 

Mr.  A.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  is  the  Interior  Police? 

Mr.  A.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  He  is  now  Vice  Premier  of  Russia? 

Mr.  A.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  were  not  present  during  that  conversation, 
were  you? 

Mr.  A.  No;  I  was  not. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  know  when  it  took  place? 

Mr.  A.  These  were  before  my  discussions  by  a  few  days. 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  Sometime  in  October  1940? 

Mr.  A.  Yes;  after  the  10th  of  October  1940. 

Air.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  know  who  were  those  who  participated 
in  that  discussion  other  than  Beria? 

Mr.  A.  Yes,  I  do. 

Air.  Machrowicz.  Wlio  were  they? 

Air.  A.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Berling;  Colonel  Gorczynski;  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Bukojenski;  and  Lieutenant  Colonel  Tyszynski. 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  How  did  you  learn  of  these  discussions  and 

Mr.  A.  Beria  first  invited  them  to  his  office  and  then  he  invited 
them  for  dinner. 

Air.  Machrowicz.  How  did  you  find  out  about  this  discussion,  and 

Mr.  A.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Gorczynski  told  me  of  these  discussions 
when  he  returned  that  night. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  same  night? 

Mr.  A.  Yes.  He  suggested  to  me  that  we  go  to  the  wash  room, 
because  he  wants  to  tell  me  somethmg  very  important. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  he  then  tell  you? 

Mr.  A.  Wo  knocked  on  the  door  and  were  released  from  our  cells 
to  go  to  the  washroom.  We  sat  down  on  the  stools  m  the  washroom, 
and  he  proceeded  to  teU  me  of  his  conversations  earlier  that  evening 
with  Beria. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  In  other  words,  that  was  the  same  evening  as 
the  conversations  took  place? 

Mr.  A.  They  returned  after  midnight;  so  this  was  early  in  the 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  A  few  hours  after  the  conversations? 

Air.  A.  Yes. 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  Will  you  tell  us  exactly  what  he  related  to  you 
as  to  the  conversations  with  Beria? 

Mr.  A.  He  said  that  there  was  a  discussion  proposing  the  formation 
of  a  Panzer  division.  Beria  said  that  he  wants  to  form  or  organize  a 
Panzer  fist.  To  this  Berling  asked  or  inquired:  "And  where  will  we 
get  officers?  I  would  want  to  have  my  officers  from  Starobielsk  and 
from  Kozielsk."  Ostashkov  did  not  enter  into  the  conversation 
because  Ostashkov  had  primarily  border  police  and  guards.  To  this 
Beria  replied — in  Russian,  of  course — ^that  "We  have  committed  a 
great  blunder";  and  he  repeated  that  twice:  "We  have  made  a  great 
mistake;  we  have  made  a  great  mistake." 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  else  was  said  there? 

Mr.  A.  The  conversation  was  extremely  interesting  and  among 
other  things  he  gave  this  detail :  he  took  them  to  large  map — a  military 
map.  He  pointed  to  this  large  map  and  he  pointed  to  the  Ukraine 
and  he  said:  "We  will  retreat  in  the  Ulvraine  and  we  will  attack  from 
the  north." 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  When  Beria  said  "We  have  made  a  mistake:  we 
have  made  a  great  mistake,"  did  he  indicate  to  these  Polish  officers 
to  whom  he  was  talking  what  he  was  referring  to? 

Mr.  A.  The  mistake  was  made  with  the  Polish  officers. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  Colonel  Gorczynski,  in  his  conversation 
wdth  you,  indicated  that  that  was  the  way  he  understood  that? 

Mr.  A.  Yes;  that  is  the  way  he  understood  it. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And,  so  far  as  you  know,  that  is  the  way  the 
others  who  participated  in  that  conversation  understood  it  also? 

Mr.  A.  Yes;  the  same  way. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  ever  discuss  that  conversation  with  any 
of  the  other  three  Polish  officers  wiio  participated  in  it? 

Mr.  A.  In  this  prison  you  had  to  be  extremely  careful  and  cautious. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Then  joii  did  not  discuss  it  with  Berling  or 

Air.  A.  And  until  som.e  additional  officers  arrived  at  this  camp  from 
Kozielsk  No.  2,  I  related  my  discussions  with  Berling  to  Captain^ — — 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  have  discussions  with  Berling? 

Mr.  A.  No — with  Beria.  I  related  my  discussions  with  Gorczynski 
to  Captain  Lopianowski,  whom  I  trusted  unequivocally. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  discuss  this  conversation  with  Colonel 

Mr.  A.  No. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  discuss  it  with  Lieutenant  Colonel 

Mr.  A.  No;  because  he  was  to  me  the  most  suspected  of  the  group. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  Suspected  of  Communist  affiliation? 

AJr.  A.  Yes. 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  Did  j^ou  discuss  it  with  Tyszymski? 

Air.  A.  No,  I  did  not.  It  was  extrem.ely  difficult  to  discuss  these 
things  with  liim,  because  he  was  for  close  collaboration  with  the 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  Did  you  ever  have  any  other  discussions  with 
any  other  high  ranl^ing  Russian  officers  regarding  the  fate  of  these 

Mr.  A.  I  did  discuss  this  with  General  Przezdziecki  when  we  were 
brought  to  the  Ukraine. 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  other  words,  you  related  to  him  the  conversa- 
tion which  you  reported  to  us  a  few  minutes  ago? 

Mr.  A.  Yes,  but  that  was  after,  of  course,  we  were  removed  from 
the  villa.  We  did  not  want  to  cooperate  with  the  Russians.  Gor- 
czjmski  and  myself  did  not  want  to  participate  in  these  cooperations, 
when  we  learned  that  they  are  starting  to  send  us  Communists  into 
this  unit  that  was  to  be  form.ed  and  when  they  demanded  of  us  that  we 
cooperate  and  work  with  Wanda  Wasileska. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wanda  Wasileska  was  one  of  the  Polish  coopera- 
tors  with  the  Russians? 

Mr.  A.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  So  far  as  the  officers  in  Katyn  are  concerned 
or  any  of  the  Polish  lost  officers,  you  had  no  other  discussions  with 
any  other  high  ranking  officers;  am  I  right? 

Mr.  A.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  now  ask  the  stenographer  to  make  as  exhibits  5  and 
6  these  two  documents.  I  show  the  witness  exhibits  Nos.  5  and  6 
and  I  ask  him  if  exhibit  No.  5,  which  is  a  photostatic  copy  of  exhibit 
No.  3,  is  a  proper  reproduction  of  No.  3? 

Mr.  A.  Yes;  it  is. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  show  the  witness  exhibit  No.  6,  and  ask  him  whether 
or  not  exhibit  No.  6,  which  is  a  photostatic  copy,  is  an  exact  repro- 
duction of  exhibit  No.  4? 

Mr.  A.  Yes;  they  are,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  ask  the  witness  to  step  down  from  the  chair 
for  a  minute?  I  am  now  recalling  to  the  witness  stand  the  witness 
Jerzy  Lunkiewicz. 


Mr.  Flood.  I  show  the  witness  exhibits  Nos.  5  and  6,  and  ask  him 
if  they  are  photostatic  copies  of  exhibits  Nos.  3  and  4,  which  he 
presented  to  me  this  morning. 

Mr.  Lunkiewicz.  Yes,  they  are. 

Mr.  Flood.  We  now  return  to  this  witness  exhibits  Nos.  3  and  4, 
and  offer  for  the  record  exhibits  Nos.  5  and  6. 

(Exhibits  5  and  6  follow:) 


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[Translation  copy] 

Lt.  Col.  Artillery  Corp,  (Blank) 


Born:  5  Sept.  1897,  in  LUKANOWICE,  county  BRZESKO,  wojew.  KRAKOW, 
certificate  of  completed  secondary  education  issued  in  1919  in  DEBICA,  of  Roman 
Catholic  religion,  married,  two  children  with  wife  in  Poland.  Completed  British 
Staff  College  in  Haifa,  Palestine  in  1946  with  a  British  diploma  P.  S.  C. 

6.  VIII.   1914 — Volunteered  to  the  Polish  Legions  and  assigned  to  2-nd  Infantry 

Reg.  of  Legionaires, 
28.  X       1914 — dangerously  wounded, 

1918 — Austrian  Army — Artillery, 
1.  XI.      1918 — 1-st  Artillery  Legionaires  Regiment, 

24.  XII.  1918 — Commissioned  as  2/Lieut., 
31.  VII    1920— wounded, 

12.  IX.     1939— wounded, 

1939 — I  went  to  war  as  commanding  officer  of  the  3-rd  hovitzer  battery 
attached  to  the  41-st  Infantry  Division  /General  PIEKARSKI/— 
»  I  remained  with  this  division  throughout  the  campaign  until 
the  capitulation  which  took  place  on  the  27-th  of  Sept.  1939  in  the 
vicinity  of  KRASNOBROD.  In  an  endeavour  to  break  through 
enemj^  occupied  country  towards  Hungary  with  a  part  of  my 
battery  I  covered  the  distance  from  TYSZOWIEC  to  MOS- 

25.  VIII.  1941— Jointed  the  Polish  Army  in  the  U.  S.  S.  R., 

1.  I.  1942 — appointed  commanding  officer  of  the  6-th  Field  Artillery  Regi- 

ment in  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  within  the  6-th  Infantry  Division, 
In  June  and  August  1944  wounded  in  Italy. 

October  1944  appointed  1-st  Artillery  Staff  Officer  of  the  3-rd  Corps, 
1.  III.   1946  to   15.  VIII.   1947   Director  of  Independant  Dept.   in   the   Higher 
Institxite  of  Military  Studies  /I.W.S.W./, 

3.  XII.     1947 — commissioned  with  the  P.R.C.  /Polish  Resettlement  Corps/  Ref. 
No.  13751 /P.R.C.  and  appointed  Director  of  Archives  No.  3. 

On  the  1-st  of  October  1939  I  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Russians  together  with 
the  staff  of  my  battery,  in  the  vicinitv  of  the  village  PODLISKI  in  the  county 
MOSCISKA.  I  was  taken  via  LWCW  to  WOLOCZYSKA  from  where  on  the 
11-th  of  October  1939,  I  was  deported  with  a  transport  of  a  few  thousand  Polish 
officers  to  the  Starobielsk  camp.  On  the  25-th  of  April  1940,  with  a  group  of 
other  officers  I  was  transferred  to  PAWLISZCZEW  BOR  near  JUCHNOW  and, 
from  there,  on  the  13-th  of  June  1940  to  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  camp  in  GRIAZOWIEC. 
On  the  8-th  of  October  1940  I  was  sent  together  with  a  group  of  6  staff  officers, 
to  the  BUTYRKI  prison  in  MOSCOW. 

Our  gro\ip  consisted  of: 

1/Col.  GORCZYNSKI, /Engineer  Corps./, 

2/P.  S.  C.  Col.  KtJNSTLER  STANISLAW,/Artillery  Corps./, 

3/P.  S.  C.  Lt./Col.  BERLING  ZYGMUNT./Infantry  Corps./, 

4/Lt./Col.  BUKOJEMSKI  LEON,/Artillery  Corps./, 

5/P.  S.  C.  Lt./Col.  MORAWSKI  MARJAN,/Artillery  Corps./, 

6/P.  S.  C.  Lt./Col.  TYSZYNSKI  LEON,/Engineer  Corps./, 

7/Mjr.  LIS  J0ZEF,/Artillery  Corps./. 

We  were  taken  to  Moscow  in  a  3-rd  class  compartment  of  a  passenger  train  and 
on  the  9-th  October  1940,  we  were  sent  from  the  station  in  a  prison  van  to  the 
BUTYRKI  prison  where,  without  being  searched,  we  were  placed  together  in  a 
large  cell.  Food  and  treatment  were  good  although  strictly  in  accordance  with 
prison  regulations. 

INTERROGATIONS  AND  TALKS:  with  certain  from  among  our  group  of 
officers  were  carried  on  by  NARKOM  MIERKULOW  and  by  N.  K.  V.  D. 
Lt./Col.  JEGOROW.  I  had  only  a  short  talk  with  JEGOROW  during  which  he 
told  me  that  I  had  an  opinion  of  a  talented  artillery  officer  and  asked  me  whether 
I  want  to  fight  against  the  Germans.  Our  conversation  ended  upon  my  giving  a 
positive  answer  to  this  question.  Two  days  later  we  were  transferred  in  a  pas- 
sanger  car  to  the  LUBIANKA  prison.  Col.  KtJNSTLER  remained  alone  in  the 
cell  in  BUTYRKI. 

LUBIANKA:  Several  conversations  took  place  with  BERJA  to  which  were 
BERJA  entertained  them  with  a  supper  at  which  congac  was  served;  there  was 

93744— 52— pt.  4- 


talk  about  the  organisation  of  a  Polish  armoured  brigade  and  about  a  not  far  off 
war  with  Hitler;  that  in  the  UKRAINE  the  Russians  will  retreat  till  the  Volga 
whence  a  decisive  offensive  will  l^e  launched.  To  BERLING'S  question  of  where 
to  find  so  many  officers  and  whether  our  comrades  from  STAROBIELSK  and 
KOZIELSK  were  not  available  BERJA  uttered  the  words:  "WE  COMMIXED 
peated to  me  these  words  the  same  evening  or  maybe  it  was  on  the  morning  after 
when  I  was  with  him  in  the  toilet  room. 

MY  CONVERSATION  WITH  MIERKULOW:  After  14  days  I  was  led  and 
shoved  through  a  cupboard  into  MERKULOW'S  office.  He  watched  me  in 
silence  until  the  coming  of  General  RAJCHMAN.  The  latter  asked  me  unex- 
pectedly: "Are  you  a  member  of  the  Intelligence  Service?"  /"Wy  nie  robotnik 
wtorawa  otdielenia?"/-  I  denied — although  in  the  years  1925-1930  and  1934- 
1935  I  worked  in  fact  as  an  officer  in  the  Intelligence  Service  in  its  branch  directed 
against  Germany.  After  which  MERKULOW  asked  me  whether  I  was  capable 
of  commanding  a  regiment  and  larger  units.  I  answered  in  the  affirmative  and 
then  I  asked  the  question:  "Will  the  officers  from  STAROBIELSK  be  available 
because  in  the  GRIAZOWIEC  camp  there  were  only  few  left.  To  which  I  got 
the  foUov/ing  answer  from  MIERKULOW:  "No,  don't  count  on  these.  A  certain 
mistake  had  taken  place.  We  shall  find  others".  /"Etych  nie  patyczytie-wyszta 
kakaja  to  oshibka,  drugich  najdom"/.  At  the  time,  in  October  1940,  I  presumed 
that  these  officers  had  been  sent  back  to  territories  occupied  by  the  Reich.  It 
was  only  in  February  1941  when  I  received  several  enquiries  in  letters  from 
Poland  asking  what  had  happened  with  the  inmates  of  STAROBIELSK  that 
I  began  to  feel  strong  suspicions  about  the  whole  case. 

THE  JOURNEY  TO  MALACHOWKA:  On  the  1-st  of  November  1940  we 
were  transfered  from  LUBIANKA  to  a  villa  in  MALACHOWKA  where  we  were 
placed  in  rooms  in  twos.  The  food  was  of  a  type  served  in  best  boarding  houses 
in  Zakopane.  We  had  our  own  kitchen,  own  bathroom,  luxurious  cutlery  and 
crockery,  a  separate  cook  and  a  maid.  We  were  given  a  few  Polish  books  and  a 
lot  of  Russian  Hterature  to  read.  A  few  days  later  Col.  MORAWSKI  was  sent 
back  to  BUTYRKI  prison  on  account  of  a  memorandum  he  wrote  in  the  matter 
of  the  organisation  of  the  Polish  Army,  the  creation  of  the  Polish  Committee  and 
the  future  Russian-Polish  frontier. 

THE  ARRIVAL  OF  OTHER  GROUPS  OF  OFFICERS:  In  December  1940  a 
group  of  officers  from  GRIAZOWIEC  arrived  whose  members  had  obvious 
procommunist  inclinations.  To  this  group  belonged  Col.  DUDZINSKI  KAZI- 
TADEUSZ,  Lieut,  of  the  reserve  IMACH,  and  SZCZYPIORSKI  and  ensign 
KUKULINSKI.  Towards  the  end  of  December  1940  arrived  a  few  more  officers 
formerly  interned  in  LITHUANIA,  namely  Cpt.  LOPIANOWSKI  NARCYZ, 
Liut.  SIEWIERSKI,  Lieut.  TOMALA,  and  Lieut.  X. 

With  the  arrival  of  the  new  groups  the  entire  atmosphere  changed  immediately 
and  took  on  a  pro-communist  aspect.  Studies  of  regulations  were  introduced 
which  had  to  be  translated  from  Russian.  N.  K.  V.  D.  Lt./Col.  JEGOROW'S 
visits  became  frequent  during  which  he  held  long  conferences  with  col.  BERLING. 
One  day,  in  answer  to  a  question  put  to  him  by  Cpt.  LOPIANOWSKI,  JEGOROW 
said  that  in  all  15%  of  the  Poles  from  Polish  territories  had  been  deported  to 

POLITICAL  SCISSIONS:  Following  a  suggestion  put  forward  by  the  com- 
ZKI — who  requested  that  the  portraits  of  LENIN  and  STALIN  be  hung  in  the 
dining  room — a  general  voting  took  place  at  which  LOPIANOWSKI  and  I  voted 
against  this  proposal  while  ensign  KUKULINSKI  threw  in  a  blank  card. 

During  a  discussion  on  the  problem  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  in  the  presence  of  all  of 
us  I  pointed  to  a  map  of  Europe  and  said  that  the  attitude  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R. 
towards  Poland  is  best  expressed  by  this  map  on  which  half  of  Poland  had  been 
already  included  for  good  within  the  boundaries  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  a  thing  which 
had  not  been  printed  even  in  respect  of  Abissinia  which  was  occupied  by  the 
Italians. — Hearing  this  BERLING  wanted  to  beat  me  up,  called  me  a  swine  and 
a  fascist.  Some  time  later  Lt./Col.  DUDZINSKI  suggested  that  we  write  a  decla- 
ration of  collaboration  with  the  «"ditorial  office  of  the  "NOWE  WIDNOKREGI" 
/"New  Ilorisons"/  and  a  lively  discussion  ensued  during  which  Cpt.  LOPIANOW- 
SKI declared  that  h(;  wished  to  be  taken  back  to  prison.  Once  again  a  voting 
was  held  at  which  Col.  GORCZYNSKI,  and  Cpt.  LOPIANOWSKI  and  I  voted 
against  the  idea. 


On  the  25-th  of  March  1941,  I  was  transferee!  together  with  Cpt.  LOPIANOW- 
SKI  back  to  the  BUTYRKI  prison.  On  the  way  there  in  LUBIANKA, 
N.  K.  V.  D.  Lt./Col.  JEGOROV  beat  me  up  and  kicked  me.  In  April  1941  we 
were  taken  together  with  21  other  officers  to  a  camp  in  GLINSKIJ  AIONASTYR 
near  PUTYWL  ni  the  UKRAINE.  On  June  the  22-nd  1941  we  were  sent  back 
to  GRIAZOWIEC  where  we  were  kept  however  in  isolated  quarters  and  allowed 
to  join  the  other  group  of  officers  only  towards  the  end  of  August  1941. 

I  request  that  everything  that  I  have  stated  above  to  be  treated  as  court 
evidence  and  I  wish  to  draw  the  attention  to  my  former  statements  made  in  the 
Near  East  in  BAGDAD  and     *     *     *     /illegible/     *     *     *. 

Everything  I  have  said  above  is  true  to  the  best  of  my  conscience  and  of  my 

(Blank)  Lt./Col.  of  the  Art. 
15-th  of  April  1948. 


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[Translation  copy] 
The  13-th  Field  Court  Martial, 
of  the  J.  W.  S.  W.  Command, 

Record  op  the  Hearing  of  Witness 

In  the  field,  23-rd  December,  1945,  started  at  11  a.  m. 
In  the  case  against: 

In  the  presence  of:  Cpr.  Auditor  LUCZYWEK  JAN, 
Recorded  by:  Sergeant  ROZMARYNOWSKI  JAN. 

After  having  been  cautioned  in  accordance  with  Para.  81  of  the  Military  Penal 
Code  about  the  responsabilitv  for  giving  false  evidence  the  witness  stated: 
Surname  and  Christian  name:  Lieut.  Col. 

Date  and  place  of  birth:  5.IX.1897,  LUKANOWICE,  county  of  BRZESKO, 
Religion:  Roman  Catholic, 
Civil  status:  married. 
Profession:  regular  officer. 
Rank:  Lieut.  Col.  Artillery  Corps, 
Unit  and  allotment:  Staff  College,  Haifa  M.  E.  F., 
Residence  in  Poland:  Ostr6w  Mazowiecka, 
Present  residence:  Haifa,  Staff  College, 
Relationship  to  defendant  and/or  other  persons  concerned  with  the  case: 

Advised  about  his  right  to  withhold  answers  pertaining  to  circumstances  re- 
ferred to  in  Para.  80  of  the  Mil.  Penal  Code  declares  that  he  will  not  avail  himself 
of  this  right. 

The  witness  then  testified  as  follows: 

In  peace  time  I  held,  in  the  rank  of  a  major,  the  post  of  Commander  of  the  2-nd 
Battery  in  the  18  Light  Artillery  Reg.  in  Ostr6w  Mazowiecka.  I  went  to  war  on 
the  11-th  Sept.  1939,  as  Commander  of  a  Battery  of  the  51-st  L.  A.  Reg.  attached 
to  the  41-st  Infantry  Division  under  the  command,  of  General  Piekarski.  On  the 
12-th  Sept.  1939,  I  was  wounded  in  a  battle  near  Zelech6w.  However  I  retained 
the  command  of  the  battery  of  howitzers  attached  to  our  division  until  the  day  of 
capitulation  which  took  place  on  the  27-th  Sept.  1939  in  the  district  of  Krasnobr6d. 
From  the  27-th  Sept.  till  the  1-st  of  Oct.  I  tried  to  break  through  with  part  of  my 
battery  to  Southern  Poland.  On  the  1-st  of  Oct.  1939  I  found  myself  surrounded 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Sambor  and  I  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Bolsheviks. 

I  was  transported  first  to  Lw6w  and  then  to  Wotoczyska  where  I  was  joined  to  a 
transport  of  a  few  thousand  Polish  officers  /  from  the  capitulation  of  Gen. 
Langner  /.  On  the  11-th  of  Oct.  1939  I  found  myself  in  the  Starobielsk  camp  / 
about  3.800  officers  /.  At  the  time  of  the  disbandment  of  the  camp  I  was  trans- 
fered  on  the  25-th  of  April  1940  to  a  camp  in  Pawliszczew  Bor  from  where  again, 
after  six  weeks,  I  was  sent  to  the  Griazowiec  camp  in  the  Wologda  district.  On 
the  10-th  of  October  1940  I  was  transferred  to  the  Butvrki  Prison  in  Moscow 
together  with:  P.  S.  C.  Col.  Kurtstler,  Col  Gorczy6ski,  P.  S.  C.  Lieut.  Col.  Berling, 
P.  S.  C.  Lieut.  Col.  TyszyAski,  P.  S.  C.  Lieut.  Col.  Morawski  and  Col.  of  the 
Artillery  Corps  Bukojemski.  In  the  Butyrki  prison  we  were  interrogated  each  of 
us  separately.  My  questioner  was  Lieut.  Col.  of  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  Jegorov  who 
asked  me  about  my  experiences  as  a  battery  commander  in  the  fight  against  the 
Germans.  He  also  asked  me  whether  I  was  willing  to  fight  on  against  the  Germans 
to  which  I  answered  that  I  cannot  imagine  a  Pole  who  would  not  be  willing  to 
fight  them.  After  which  I  was  sent  back  to  my  cell.  After  another  few  days  we 
were  transfered  in  a  passenger  car  to  the  Lubianka  prison.  We  were  taken  there 
by  the  commander  of  the  Lubianka  prison,  N.  K.  V.  D.  Col.  Mironov.  In  the 
Lubianka  I  was  once  asked  whether  I  had  at  any  time  served  in  the  Il-nd  Section 
/Intelligence/.  I  denied  it  and  stated  that  I  had  always  served  as  an  officer  of  the 
Artillery  Corps  although,  in  truth,  from  1925  to  1930  and  from  1934  to  1935  I  had 
been  posted  as  an  officer  of  the  Il-nd  Section  in  Poznart,  Katowice  and  Bydgoszcz. 

I  would  like  to  mention  that  before  my  departure  to  Moscow  I  was  instructed 
by  Gen.  Wolkowicki  and  P.  S.  C.  Lieut.  Col.  Domofi  to  observe  closely  everything 
I  was  going  to  see  and  not  to  put  my  signature  to  any  documents. 

Towards  the  end  of  October  1940,  Narkom.  Berja  invited  Col.  Gorczyrtski  and 
Lieut.  Cols.  Berling,  Tyszyrtski  and  Bukojemski  to  a  party.  After  coming  back 
from  it  they  told  us  that  they  had  been  treated  with  food  and  brandy.  Moreover 
they  stated  that: 

1/  Berja  spoke  about  war  with  Germany  in  the  near  future,  and  pointed  to  a 
map  of  Southern  Russia  saying: — "We  shall  retreat  till  the  Volga  and  we  shall 
strike  at  the  Germans  from  the  direction  of  the  North  Caucasus. 

2/  That  Russia  was  going  to  form  a  Polish  armoured  army  and  when  one  of  the 
present  officers  remarked  that  for  this  purpose  the  officers  of  the  camps  of  Kozielsk, 


Starobielsk  and  Ostaszk6w  will  be  needed  Berja  replied:  "We  made  a  mistake, 
yes,  we  made  a  mistake".     /"My  zdielali  oshibkou,  da  zdielali  oshibkou"/. 

On  the  1-st  of  November  1940  we  were  transfered  to  an  isolated  villa  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Moscow.  There  we  were  supplied  with  a  number  of  Polish  and 
Russian  books  and  some  Russian  service  regulations. 

In  December  a  group  of  Polish  communist  officers  joined  us  /Cpt.  Zawadzki, 
2/Lieut.  Imach,  2/Lieut.  Szczypi6rkowski,  Flight  Lieut.  Wicherkiewicz  and  ensign 
Kukuliriski/  and  later  on  a  few  officers  from  the  Kozielsk  camp  formerly  interned 
in  Lithuania.  Various  discussions  ensued.  During  one  of  them,  pointing  to  a 
map,  I  said  to  Berhng  that  the  lack  of  Poland  on  that  map  should  give  to  us, 
Poles,  sufficient  indication  of  Russia's  attitude  towards  Poland.  There  was  also 
the  question  of  hanging  Stalin's  portraits  on  the  walls  to  which  I  objected. 
Further  to  that  we  were  coaxed  to  signing  a  declaration  of  collaboration  with 
Wanda  Wasilewska.  I  refused  to  sign  this  declaration  as  did  Cpt.  Lopianowski 
Narcyz.  After  which  I  was  removed  to  Lubianka  where  N.  K.  V.  D.  Lieut.  Col. 
Jegorov  threatened  me  in  various  ways.  Later  I  found  myself  back  in  the 
Butyrki  prison  in  the  cell  of  Col.  Kiinstler.  There,  N.  K.  V.  D.  Cpt.  Ivanov 
tried  to  persuade  me  once  again  to  cooperate  with  them  stressing  that  they  were 
in  need  of  Polish  nationalists  and  good  patriots.  I  answered  that  I  was  quite 
satisfied  with  the  prison  and  that  I  did  not  want  to  return  there. 

On  the  7-th  of  April  1941  we  were  transfered  together  with  a  group  of  21 
officers  headed  by  Gen.  Prze^dziecki  from  Butyrki  to  Putywl  camp  on  the  river 
Sejm.     On  the  16-th  of  June  1941,  we  were  sent  back  to  Griazowiec. 

i  reported  the  story  described  above  to  Gen.  Prze^dziecki  and  to  Gen. 
Wolkowicki  and  on  the  25-th  of  August  1941  to  Gen.  Anders.  In  November 
1942,  when  serving  in  the  Intelligence  service  in  Baghdad  I  wrote  a  report  in 
this  matter  about  30  pages  long.  It  would  be  difficult  for  me  today,  after  so 
long  a  time,  to  recall  from  memory  all  the  details  described  therein,  but  I  beg 
to  take  into  consideration  as  evidence  the  above  mentioned  report  which  I  here- 
with confirm  in  full  to  be  true  and  valid. 

I  wish  to  add — I  have  just  remembered  it — that  in  1940  in  a  place  of  which 
I  cannot  recollect  the  name,  when  handing  to  me  a  letter  from  my  brothers  in 
America  an  N.  K.  V.  D.  officer  suggested  to  me  and  asked  whether  I  would  not 
consider  working  for  them  as  an  agent  in  America.  He  told  me  that  I  had  plenty 
of  time  to  think  it  over  and  that  having  done  so  I  should  contact  him  about  it. 
I  did  not  avail  myself  of  this  offer. 

Having  read  this  whole  statement  over  I  have  signed  it — 

/  signatures  /  (Blank)  Lieut.  Col.  Art. 
Recorder:  Military  judge: 

Rozmarynowski,  Serg.  /illegible  signature/ 

Luczywek  Jan,  Capt.  Auditor. 

Mr.  DoNDERo.  The  record  does  not  show  what  position  the  witness 
holds  with  the  Polish  Government  in  exile. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  has  already  been  stated. 

Mr.  Dondero.  I  did  not  hear  it,  and  I  would  like  to  know  what 
position  he  holds. 

Mr.  LuNKiEwicz.  I  am  a  representative  of  the  Polish  Government 
in  exile  here. 


Mr,  Flood.  I  ask  the  stenographer  to  identify  exhibits  Nos.  7,  8,  9, 
9A,  10,  11,  and  llA.  The  witness  has  handed  to  him  committee 
documents  now  marked  "Exhibits  Nos.  7,  8,  9,  9 A,  10,  11,  and  llA 
and  we  ask  the  witness,  what  are  these  documents? 

Mr.  A.  These  are  letters  that  I  received  in  Moscow  from  my  wife 
in  which  the  various  families  of  officers  who  were  interned  at  Staro- 
bielsk with  me  were  inquiring  of  her  as  to  their  whereabouts ;  they  are 
seeking  information  as  to  whether  I  know  where  they  may  be.  Since 
I  knew  these  officers  very  well,  I  replied  that  I  had  no  idea  where  these 
men  were — that  they  were  removed  from  Starobielsk  earlier  that  year. 

(Exhibits  7,  8,  9,  9A,  10,  11,  llA  and  their  translations  into  English 
follow :) 






[Translation  from  Polish] 

March  6,  1941. 
Dear  (censored  word  follows) :  A  few  days  ago  I  sent  you  a  letter.  Now  I  have 
a  few  problems  to  settle.  First,  Stefan  wrote  that  they  have  heard  from  you  and 
that  made  them  very  happy  that  you  are  alive.  As  regards  their  assistance  for  me, 
it  is  as  I  have  already  written  you,  it  is  not  worth  the  trouble.  It  would  cause  them 
considerable  expense,  and  I  would  gain  but  little.  When  you  write  them,  tell 
them  that  the  house  brings  us  an  equivalent  of  a  hundredweight's  worth  of  grain, 
and  as  for  the  rest,  that  which  is  indispensable  for  human  life  is  not  to  be  had  in 
any  case.  I  repair  clothes  as  best  I  can,  and  we  manage  somehow  with  the  rest. 
The  other  problem  is  that  Mrs.  Halszka  Jedrz.  wrote  to  me.  Her  Marian  is 
somewhere  near  you.  Perhaps  you  shall  manage  to  communicate  with  him;  it  is 
always  nice  to  meet  a  friend.  The  address  is  Moscow,  Post  OfRce,  Post  Office  Box 
No.  ll/c-41.  Is  Matyja  with  you?  Gina  is  dying  of  fright,  because  Pomruki 
makes  her  life  difficult.  Obviously  she  fears  experiences  which  we  have  already 
suffered  together.  Is  she  right?  Majek  [a  nickname]  has  lost  so  much  weight  that 
only  skin  and  bones  are  left.  The  Zielonkis  have  changed  their  place  of  residence 
and  moved  into  the  town,  and  Mrs.  Tosia  does  not  like  it.  Big  Klara  married  a 
young  doctor  and  now  riducules  all  those  did  not  want  her.  Michalowa  Klepacka 
has  a  new  finace.    Fondest  kisses. 


Daddy,  did  you  get  my  letter,  after  that  one  for  Christmas?     I  shall  write 
shortly  again.     I  kiss  you,  Daddy. 


From:  Irena ,  Grybow,  Cracov  District,  German  Mail  East. 

Address:  U.  S.  S.  R.,  Russia,  Moscow,  Post  Office  Box  686, 

Joseph,  son  of  Stanislaw [in  Russian] 

Major,  son  of  Stanislaw .     [in  Polish] 


Main  Post  Office,  Post  Office  Box  No.  686. 









Letter  Enclosed  in  Exhibit  8 

wCDidjw)  uxQM  V  ma  /m .vUBem .  01(0,  AVn. (jOt^i^  iwiouawii  fif^  «Jnox^ wutmyliimil 

lW)  loJWnoujuek  6|iod*iiyi  ieidJie,  per  SoiivvLvue ,  waiajiicxmMe  mwk  'mv^^ 
(3JSI  "^JiMn.  uh^immm  durvii  mt  ummw  pne^l  ^^m  hlo'u  ifi^i^&ynu 

■jt?]wi  dujid  ■mm,  TfKWiumv  Ikld'i^  lO  vvaVwdn^  w^oili  u)  0iM^e^T;?^viAe7u3\iuitA(9- 

^6  md^^  ^^  \mfdjmv\^  vi\t  buvMsi&)!)di)wAx»,,paaj^V V^  fcuM  -ic^^, 
da  mom  xmujii  mooDt  u  vmmi  ^hojmL  iwum^  lendnit  dfi  X^o^c^yL  ,b6^^«>. 

-  W«rik^- 


Second  Part  of  Letter  in  Exhibit  8 
^W^uf'Vu-]/  IcOjWJ'W'.    "  "^^  JA   «^>u^  Uj)^   f  XjV^  -tAu-  -C^M.' - 

/    1        .  ,    .    II .  ti      "         • .        •   ^    r      1      ■ 

otW^v,  V  ws^ssW>vU^5uA.   /uCe,  cLJm    /vie,    (5toW,-X3^^  1>W4/ 
TOejLM/  ^  "ivy    VC/Wuw^t  i)D  \jJsA  |yiT>JEn  (;, ''/M/W  Av.(ArtAw  InitO  ^wIm,  tv^ 


[Translation  from  Polish] 

January  14,  1941. 

Dearest  Daddy:  We  have  just  received  your  third  letter  from  Moscow.  I 
shall  not  even  try  to  tell  you  how  glad  we  are.  From  your  letter  it  would  seem 
that  you  imagine  us  such  as  we  were  when  you  left  us  for  the  war.  But  it  is  two 
years  since  we  have  seen  each  other,  and  we  have  changed  both  physically  and 
mentally.  Wiesio  has  grown  up.  He  is  1  meter  40  centimeters,  and  I  am  1  meter 
60  centimeters  tall  (we  have  just  measured  ourselves).  Wiesio  will  be  12  shortly 
and  is  a  big  boy.  He  is  in  the  fifth  grade,  has  taken  after  you,  and  likes  philately. 
He  "steals"  stamps  secretly  from  "Meteuszek"  to  put  them  in  his  album,  the 
stamps  which  "Meteuszek"  studiouslj^  collects  for  you.  My  aunts  mock  me  that 
"the  good  father  will  try  to  keep  a  straight  face  *  *  *"  the  rest  you  know. 
There  is  nobody  now  to  read  a  bedtime  story  to  Wiesio,  so  he  reads  it  himself, 
but  he  prefers  to  look  at  the  atlas.  I  suffer  often  from  a  sore  throat.  Otherwise 
we  are  all  well.  I  borrowed  skis  (our  skis  and  skiing  clothes  were  lost)  and  in  your 
trousers  I  ski  in  Sosnina,  where  I  have  discovered  a  number  of  good  runs,  but  I 
shall  always  re'ii ember  the  winter  vacations  which  the  three  of  us  spent  together. 

I  have  finished  the  third  class,  but  in  general  we  have  difficulties  with  learning. 
I  think  you  know  ■Rhy.  In  math  I  am  doing  well.  I  am  not  so  good  in  French 
and  there  is  nobody  to  assist  me  there.  I  think,  however,  that  in  time  everything 
will  be  well.  I  have  not  time  for  the  other  language  of  which  you  wrote — and  I 
think  that  it  will  not  be  necessary.  Mama,  however,  decided  to  learn  the  language 
of  Uncle  Stefan  and  is  making  progress.  We  all  live  for  the  moment  when  we  shall 
meet  again  and  be  together  in  our  own  home.  We  have  learned  to  appreciate 
many  things  which  escaped  our  appreciation  in  normal  times.  They  say  that 
there  is  nothing  bad  which  will  not  eventually  turn  into  good,  and  even  war  can 
be  useful.  And  so,  for  instance,  I  have  learned  to  hang  up  my  coat  after  coming 
home  (which  I  never  did  before) .  Wiesio  polished  his  shoes  so  that  they  may  last 
and  look  new  for  a  long  time.  Meteuszek  "robs"  our  dolls  of  their  woolen  dresses 
and  turns  them  into  socks  and  gloves,  etc.,  and  the  aunts  are  doing  the  same. 
From  morning  till  evening  repairs  and  refashioning — there  will  be  shortly  more 
repairs  on  our  stockings  than  original  material.  These  are  only  small  examples. 
I  have  troubl^  with  my  teeth  and  I  have  to  go  to  the  dentist  in  N.  Sacz,  because 
there  is  none  locally,  and  as  this  costs  an  enormous  amount  of  money  we  are  selling 
the  rest  of  our  possessions.  But  in  spite  of  all  that,  we  keep  our  spirits  up  and  look 
with  hope  into  the  future.  I  have  written  enough  and  now  "Meteuszek"  wants  to 
write  a  fe'w  words.     With  fondest  kisses,  my  Daddy. 


My  Dearest  Joseph: 

This  is  already  the  second  letter  in  1941.  T  have  replied  several  times  to  your 
two  letters  written  in  November — your  last  letter  is  dated  December  10.  I 
thought  you  had  been  moved,  but  I  see  now  that  you  are  still  in  the  same  place. 
I  am  glad  you  are  full  of  hope — we  also  are  not  discouraged.  We  are  sure  that 
one  da>-  our  happiness  will  be  restored,  and  we  manage  as  we  can.  What  we  are 
afraid  of  is  that  worse  may  come  to  us.  Olenka  will  go  into  the  fourth  class, 
perhaps  she  will  manage  to  finish  it  before  the  new  school  year  comes.  That 
way  she  would  not  lose  much.  If  only  all  this  would  end  soon,  but  that,  as  you 
write,  is  not  very  probable.  But  we  do  not  despair.  I  felt  that  in  October  you 
were  unwell,  and  I  was  down  and  out.  In  addition,  I  did  not  know  what  was 
going  to  happen  to  us,  and  you  did  not  know  what  was  happening  to  us.  But 
I  am  quite  sure  that  now  you  feel  better,  and  we  do  too.  I  always  console  rngsdj 
that  you  write  to  us,  while  others  who  were  in  the  same  place  with  you  give  no  sign  of 
life.  If  you  happen  to  know  something  about  Cierniak,  Hainian,  or  others  let  us 
know — I  have  already  written  about  it  to  you,  but  am  not  certain  whether  the 
previous  letters  have  reached  you,  and  here  there  is  great  anxiety  for  that  reason. 
Wiesio  constantly  talks  of  Tolus,  makes  good  progress  in  the  school,  and  grows 
like  debts.  The  income  from  the  house  decreased  and  expenses  have  gone  up. 
Olenka  costs  me  some  60  zl.  per  month.  Now  I  am  trying  to  get  some  300  zl. 
for  the  dentist,  because  her  teeth  are  deteriorating  in  front.  Wolter's  assistance 
would  amoimt  to  nothing  practical  but  would  be  purdy  nominal,  because  one 
unit  of  their  currency  is  worth  5  zl.  In  a  few  days  I  shall  write  again.  We  all 
kiss  you,  and  may  God  protect  j'ou,  not  Allah. 

irena ,  grybow. 

January  14,  1941.     Near  Nowy  Szacz,  German  Rail  East. 

93744— 52— pt.  4 6 





^^lafiy^  ^  *  vi^y^jyf^ 






Letter  Enclosed  in  Exhibit  9 




S'UC^  '{vuc>WJl    AjOTAyt.-  Iwttj^vujt  '-i^hJU'h  m,AxA.  h^VJi))\H.    pGMW) 
oJ.-^eJiAyO,   -iXr^.tM    Ve,T»ju2.    S  Um-xW^'^.-xJAA/U'IAam   '  jrt^ljtV  -  W^A/iS^hA-toL 


[Translation  from  Polish] 

Translation  of  envelope,  addressed  both  in  Polish  and  in  Russian: 

RUSSIA— MOSCOW— Main  Post  Office,  Box  Office  No.  686,  Major  


In  left  corner  of  envelope,  registration  label  R — Grybow  075. 

At  the  bottom  of  the  envelope,  two  postal  stamps  issued  bj^  the  German  Gen- 
eral Government,  one  to  the  value  of  60,  the  other  50  (no  monetary  unit  indicated). 
The  stamps  bear  cancellation  postal  marks  Grybow 

At  the  back  of  the  envelope,  sender's  name  and  address: 

I.  Grybow, 

Krakowskie  Genera^  Gouvernemant,  Polen. 

Over  the  name  of  the  sender,  a  postal  cancellation  stamp  in  Russian,  bearing 
the  date  22.12.40,  Moscow  Main  Post  Office. 

Under  sender's  address,  a  German  cancellation  stamp  which  reads:  The  High 
Command  of  the  German  Army,  Postal  Service's  examination. 

Below  in  red  pencil,  the  names  M.  Golebiowski,  Cierniak,  Badecki,  names 
mentioned  in  the  letter,  where  the  writer  inquires  about  their  whereabouts  at  the 
Kozielsk  camp. 

March  20,  1940. 

Dear  Joseph:  There  is  again  happiness  In  our  hearts  and  at  home  because  your 
third  letter  has  arrived.  The  second  one  was  lost  somewhere.  I  am  terribly 
happy  that  you  are  able  to  write  to  us  because  writing  as  before,  somewhere  into 
the  great  unknown,  never  being  sure  whether  it  will  reach  you.  was  hopeless. 
Your  letter  dated  the  13th  of  November  left  Moscow  the  2Sth  of  November,  and 
today  is  the  12th  of  December.  It  therefore  took  a  month;  the  previous  letter 
took  only  three  weeks.  But  the  most  important  thing  is  that  it  arrived,  because  other 
ladies  whose  husbands  are  where  you  are  don't  receive  any  letters.  They  have 
written  me  from  America  that  they  have  sent  a  parcel  but  that  it  was  returned. 
So  write  if  you  can  to  Geneva  that  in  case  they  receive  any  parcels  for  you  they 
should  be  forwarded  to  your  present  address,  because  parcels  are  usually  forwarded 
through  the  International  Red  Cross.  Stefan  wrote  that  they  will  send  you 
another  parcel.  He  doesn't  seem  to  be  doing  too  well  but  Wladek  is  doing  very 
well.  If  I  could  send  you  something,  I  would  send  you  some  of  your  linen,  because 
I  managed  to  save  one  pair,  and  some  socks,  so  that  you  wouldn't  have  to  mend. 
I  have  about  three  pairs.  However,  I  cannot  send  them  because  they  will  not 
accept  parcels.  Have  you  written  to  Lisowski?  He  is  still  in  the  same  place  and 
perhaps  ivill  be  in  a  better  position  to  send  something  to  you  from,  his  old  supplies. 
I  would  in  exchan<>e  send  something  to  his  foster  son  who  is  a  prisoner  of  war  over 
here  and  whom  I  try  to  help  as  much  as  I  can,  although  I  have  not  very  much 
myself.  We  ourselves  don't  eat  any  butter.  We  are  well  off  when  we  have  milk 
or  coffee  with  bread.  I  try  to  get  some  from  time  to  time  for  the  children,  but 
the  adults  have  forgotten  about  this  produce,  which  costs  about  6  times  as  much  as 
before.  Don't  think,  however,  that  we  are  starving.  It  isn't  that  bad  because 
we  put  together  any  money  that  we  have  and  somehow  manage  to  live.  Of  course 
there  are  no  luxuries,  but  we  have  enough  for  bread  and  a  modest  meal,  the  more 
so  because  we  don't  buy  any  clothing,  first  of  all  because  we  do  not  have  any 
money  for  it  and  secondly  because  there  is  none  to  be  had,  except  what  is  most 
essential.  We  keep  our  spirits  and  courage,  and  believe  that  our  star  will  once 
again  shine  for  us. 

And  now  I  would  like  to  tell  you  what  was  saved  in  the  turmoil.  Well  then, 
your  stamps,  the  dining  room  and  study,  the  piano,  the  easy  chairs  and  settee, 
the  clothes-stand  from  the  entrance  hall,  the  washroom,  and  a  little  bit  of  crockery. 
I  am  calling  it  crockery  because  they  are  only  the  remnants  of  what  has  not  been 
broken.  From  among  your  personal  belongings,  only  a  pair  of  shirts,  your  uni- 
form, shoes,  3  pairs  of  socks  and  6  collars,  one  suit  which  was  in  Gr.  [Grybow], 
your  skiing  shoos,  one  pair  of  shoes,  the  pair  of  old  patent  leather  shoes,  and  the 
old  brown  pigskin  pair,  remain.  I  think  I  will  sell  the  suit  and  the  two  pairs 
of  shoes — not  just  now,  but  perhaps  later  I  shall  have  to.  Oh  yes!  Three 
carpets  also  survived.  The  rugs,  the  silver,  glass,  and  china,  a  whole  basketful 
of  linens  and  bedding,  your  suits,  coats,  shoos,  the  children's  winter  coats,  etc., 
everything  was  lost.  From  among  the  linens,  I  still  have  the  quilts,  the  eider- 
down, and  3  pillows,  because  I  carried  them  with  me;  also  my  own  and  the  child- 
dren's  clothing,  which  wo  also  had  with  us.  Whether  what  was  loft  will  survive 
I  caimot  say,  but  it  is  still  there.     I  paid  Nowacka  150  zl.  for  it.      Our  belongings 


are  being  used  by  tenants,  so  everything  is  being  ruined.  The  most  important 
thing,  however,  is  that  the  war  should  end  happily;  then  the  rest  will  be  all  right. 
I3ecause  Christmas  is  near,  I  want  you  to  know  that  we  think  of  you  and  long 
for  you,  and  on  Christmas  Eve  our  hearts  and  thoughts  will  be  with  you,  with 
the  hope  that  we  may  celebrate  the  next  one  together.  I  kiss  you  with  love;  so 
do  the  children. 


I  enclose  a  Christmas  wafer. 

Irena  Grybowa, 

Krakowskie — General  Gouvernemant,  Polen. 

Along  the  edge  of  the  letter:  on  one  side — Please  write  whether  you  have  any  news 
about  Cierniak,  Feliks  Badecki.  It  is  important.  Also  about  Mieczyslaw  Gole- 

On  the  other  side,  continued:  Camp  Kozielsk,  Smolensk  Province,  Box  Office 
Ao.  12,  from  ISiowy  Sacz  1  P.  S.  P.  reseves.     Please  try  to  write  to  Kozielsk. 


Exhibit  9A 



[Translation  from  Polish] 

My  beloved  ones:  Days,  weeks,  and  years  pass,  yet  it  is  only  the  beginning 
of  the  chaos  of  the  old  world;  the  destruction  of  war  is  now  added  to  the  sufferings 
of  the  world,  and  the  flames  of  war  begin  slowly  to  envelop  both  hemispheres. 
War,  destruction,  hunger,  and  misery  among  nations  are  already  old  phenomena 
in  the  small  sector  of  the  globe  on  which  we  live.  We  must,  however,  persevere 
and  await  our  fate,  mindful  of  our  national  posts  and  of  the  inexhaustible  values 
of  the  spirit  of  our  nation.  Mohammed  said,  "Nobody  can  escape  fate,  because 
Allah  is  great!" 

I  cannot  describe  to  you  how  I  yearn  for  you  all;  great  poets,  like  our  Adam 
Mickiewicz,  have  expressed  it  in  words.  Often  in  my  dreams  I  am  together 
with  you  all.  I  remember  Wiesio  as  a  small  boy  to  whom  I  vv'as  telling  so  many 
fairy  stories;  how  is  he  developing?  And  Olenka  without  school,  for  this  so- 
called  study  is  really  no  education  at  all.  No,  there  is  none  anywhere;  I  suppose 
she  does  not  want  to  know  what  Filachowska  has  written  about  marriage.  Educa- 
tion gives  contentment,  self-assurance,  and  assures  a  permanent  basis  for  one's 
existence.  Despite  my  43  years  I  am  still  learning,  because  as  Socrates,  the 
greatest  of  all  philosophers,  said:  "I  know  that  I  do  not  know  anything."  Let 
Olenka  pay  special  attention  to  mathematics  and  foreign  languages;  of  course, 
in  order  to  learn  one  has  to  have  health,  peace,  and  something  in  one's  stomach, 
and  also  good  intentions. 

Irena,  I  am  awaiting  a  reply  from  you  to  my  two  letters  of  October  and  Novem- 
ber. I  hope  you  have  received  them  and  that  you  will  not  worry  about  me. 
Winter  here  is  somewhat  late;  since  the  first  snow  in  October,  which  has  now  disap- 
peared, none  has  fallen  so  far.  I  have  rubbers  so  that  I  don't  think  I  shall  have 
wet  feet.  I  also  have  my  own  socks  and  foot-clouts  for  wrapping  up  my  feet, 
I  live  under  hygienic  conditions,  am  able  to  have  a  bath,  to  walk,  and  to  read  a 
lot  of  good  books.  Many  things  of  which  I  have  been  ignorant  I  now  under- 
stand, and  I  have  benefited  a  lot.  T  would  like  for  our  children  to  learn  a  few 
foreign  languages;  I  only  now  appreciate  how  one  benefits  from  it,  since  I  am 
able  to  read  with  ease  books  in  a  foreign  language  when  none  in  our  language  are 

Irena,  darling,  you  need  not  worry  about  me  at  all.  The  worst  has  already 
passed,  in  particular  the  beginning  of  the  road,  when  I  was  so  weak  that  I  was 
unable  to  enter  the  railway  carriage,  and  later  v/hen  anemia  and  finally  apathy 
set  in.  All  this  has  luckily  passed,  however;  you  all  manage  somehow  and 
I  have  regained  my  health,  strength,  and  faith  in  the  future.  I  am  keeping  in- 
informed  of  the  (international)  situation  better  than  you  are  able  to,  for  I  read 
communiques  of  both  sides,  as  well  as  commentaries  in  the  press. 

I  still  have  no  letter  from  Stefan,  but  I  shall  try  again  to  write  to  him.  As  to 
the  severe  winter,  please  do  not  worry.  It  is  not  so  bad;  the  polar  circle  is  still 
quite  far  from  here,  and  I  do  have  warm  shelter  and  sufficient  food.  I  have  not 
as  yet  seen  any  bears,  not  even  brown  ones,  [nothing]  except  crows  and  other 
birds.  During  the  summer  I  was  sunbathing  and  swimming  in  the  river.  Be  of 
good  cheer,  for  as  the  proverb  goes:  "He  who  is  to  hang  will  not  drown."  After 
all,  I  can't  lose  what  I  no  longer  possess,  and  moreover,  the  naked  do  not  fear 














Letteb  Enclosed  in  Exhibit  10 

/\le.  Xo   Wild  A)U/7te;ie^,'t[}^     iXipiC/^L    cl?«>     Wn,^va«^lA€A     mieiTioJCv' 

l^jif.O  ^i<p/ru,  l/;  y?e>'^^  .t^Ae,  Ui'l^J  6t:«i5^n^'-eJM5cU 
UAO^lD^^oe.  ^"^JlAX^  Tij^U.  '  ^^^,  MJLV&h  ^  JO^.yijjAM,  ^vvucnStf, 
/^vu,o  •  V,  ^K,'<Xr^jAj^  ^tnmjel'  Silw^/Civ  X!,i\?t^  Xw-Uv  j-iWcJxi^vsvai, 
l(\X.19L     XuAii'^-r     <^^.^>u.  MAM     'U''ua>x     ri%.^ci\     -inC/'Jvu/^  Ji<!,i^f  ^^^     /J  5 


VyJ-mj-o    -   v\>0VuutL    yk;t(9iLo     VtocUM/     Vi,    /Ketvc  -    oJlit    ^flW.>ft,- 

T.-iAu.  i-scwstK-v^     ^W 


j(>iCotelo-   ITinwJlL-n.,   <>a•^AA^^    ^    ^H>a.".JiU..-iW, 


[Translation  from  Polish] 

December  1,   1940. 

Dear  Joseph:  The  letter  which  I  am  writing  now  will  perhaps  reach  you  by 
Christmas.  What  [kind  of]  of  Christmas  will  it  be?  We  shall  be  very  sad  as  you 
will  not  be  here  with  us.  Surely  we  shall  even  weep  somewhat  as  we  usually  do 
on  such  occasions.  It  is  well  that  I  at  least  know  what  has  been  happening  to  you 
and  that  you  are  managing  for  yourself,  because  it  was  not  going  very  well  last 
year.  »-■  :-.j| 

After  those  terrible  3  months  of  ordeal,  a  relaxation  has  come  and  we  .live  at  last 
under  a  roof  and  sleep  on  beds,  not  on  the  floor  with  my  own  coat  serving  as  a 
straw  sack  and  a  blanket.  Happily  it  has  passed  away  as  a  nightmare.  The 
future  and  the  morrow  are  ahead  of  us.  "i-j 

With  reference  to  Christmas — our  thoughts  and  hearts  will  be  with  you,  although 
we  are  far  away  from  each  other  for  the  time  being. 

I  often  think  about  our  home  and  the  quiet  happy  d^ys  we  lived  through  there. 
When  shall  we  have  a  home  in  this  world?  A  modest  [home]  hut  of  our  own!  Is 
this  dream  remote  or  near?  Perhaps  you  want  to  know  how  we  are  living?  The 
children  are  learning  now.  Stadia  and  I  are  cook  and  chambermaid  by  turns. 
This  means  that  one  week  she  cooks  and  I  do  housework  and  the  next  week  our 
turns  are  reversed.  We  do  not  have  a  maid  for  reasons  of  frugalit3\  I  hope, 
however,  that  things  will  improve  in  the  not  too  distant  future,  because  I  am 
seeking  a  commission-shop.  If  I  am  granted  permission  for  a  shop  I  will  open  it 
where  Konfteil  had  a  store,  at  the  back  of  the  house,  below  in  this  first  room. 
And  then  together  Stacha  and  we  will  carry  on  trade  [selling]  whatever  [it  is] 
possible  [to  sell],  in  order  to  survive  this  most  difficult  time.  Mother  also  has  a 
shop,  for  distributing  textiles. 

Apropos  of  Mother,  do  write  positively  whether  Cterniak  was  with  you  at  Staro- 
bielsk,  because  she  received  only  one  post  card  of  [dated]  November  29.  She  is 
enormously  grieved  over  what  is  happening  to  him.  Describe  everything  you  know 
about  him,  as  well  as  about  Szafran  Jaroslaw,  the  colonel  from  Vilna  who  also  was 
at  Starobielsk,  and  about  Felek  [Felix]  Badecki.  We  do  not  knoio  anything  about 
Tolek  {Anthony).  He  has  discontinued  writing.  Romek  {Roman)  is  still  living  as 
he  did  before,  but  at  any  time  we  are  expecting  him  to  arrive  here  with  his  family. 
Our  ladies  are  living  as  [best]  they  can.  Those  whose  husbands  are  in  German 
captivity  are  much  the  happier,  because  they  receive  news  [from  them]  every  week  and 
money  from  time  to  time.    Although  they  live  modestly,  still  they  are  able  to  live. 

Tola  (Antoine)  G.  works  at  the  station  of  Ostr.  as  a  cashier  and  Jedrychowska 
works  at  the  municipal  library.  Mrs.  Nowak  lives  by  lecturing,  Mrs.  Sztark 
has  a  tobacco  shop  at  W.  They  sold  a  lot  at  W.  for  a  few  tens  of  thousands 
(of  zlotys),  so  they  will  not  suffer  want.  Gina  is  at  Ostr.  because  Moyek  sends 
her  money,  and  she  also  is  seeking  to  open  [a  shop,]  a  liquor  shop.  Everyone 
shifts  for  himself  as  best  he  can.  What  do  you  think  about  my  undertakings? 
The    children  are   doing  well  and  have   appetites   as   never   before. 

On  the  occasion  of  Christmas  and,  in  general,  I  kiss  you  and  embrace  you 


P.  S. — To  beloved  father,  kisses  and  Christmas  wishes — may  we  live  happily 
and  see  and  celebrate  next  Christmas  together  already  in  our  own  home, 

From  Olenka  and  Wiesiu. 

[Envelope  addressed  to:]  Russia,  Moscow, Joseph  ,  Central  Post 

Office,  P.  O.  Box  No.  686 
[From:]  Irena ,  Grybow,  Krakow,  German  Eastern  Post. 



«>;svt>  Is 




i  .%'  ^<. 

':  P 

•X_     ih}S'~  \    ' 

93744— 52— pt.  4 7 


Letter  Exct^osed  in  Exhibit  11 






[Translation  from  Polish] 

October  31,  1940. 

Dear  Irene  and  Children:  At  the  beginning  of  October  I  received  at  last 
two  postcards  from  you,  from  Ramek,  and  from  Tolek.  Since  they  were  the 
first  postcards  since  April,  you  may  imagine  how  very  pleased  I  was  at  having 
them.  Often  [two  words  illegible],  but  the  reality  is  different,  and  distant  as  a 
dream.  On  the  day  of  my  departure,  I  received  the  photographs  of  the  children, 
at  Starobielsk.  This  gave  me  great  joy,  as  I  may  look  upon  them  often  with 
tears  in  my  eyes.  How  differently  everything  is  developing,  and  all  the  forecasts 
deny  the  stubborn  reality.  In  spite  of  all,  I  am  optimistic,  and  I  believe  that 
after  this  long  storm  the  sun  will  shine  for  us,  too. 

You  are  eager  to  know  what  I  am  doing  and  how  I  look.  All  summer  long  I 
was  taking  sun-baths  in  the  polar  sun  and  swimming.  I  play  chess  and  read 
newspapers,  magazines,  many  books  by  Soviet  writers,  and  [two  words  illegible]. 
I  now  have  a  moustache,  a  beard,  and  some  grey  hair.  I  was  in  the  ranks  until 
October  1,  1939.  I  am  well;  I  recovered  long  ago  from  the  wounds  I  received  on 
September  12.  I  suffered  much,  but  it  is  getting  better  and  better.  I  feed  myself 
well- — sometimes  I  even  have  butter,  and  there  is  no  lack  of  tobacco,  even  though 
I  smoke  so  much.  The  uniform  and  linen  I  wear  are  military,  Polish,  because 
mine  was  torn  by  bomb  fragments  and  stained  with  blood.  My  boots  are  patched, 
but  suitable  enough  for  wear.  I  try  to  get  galoshes  for  winter.  From  my  entire 
equipment  [one  word  illegible],  only  a  blanket,  a  cap,  a  pair  of  old  boots,  and  a 
watch  were  left.  I  survived  the  winter  in  the  south — at  —35°^ — well,  although  I 
had  no  warm  clothing  but  an  overcoat  without  a  lining.  In  spite  of  this,  I  have 
been  well.  Don't  worry  about  me.  I  know  the  language  well  and  I  am  still 
improving  in  it.  Generally,  I  feel  better  and  better,  and  I  have  slept  outside  all 
the  time.  Now  I  would  like  to  know  how  you  shift  for  yourselves,  because  I  know, 
more  or  less,  what  the  situation  there  is.  Unfortunately,  I  am  not  able  to  help 
you  for  the  time  being.  I  have  not  even  been  able  to  send  you  my  greetings 
on  your  name-day  [birthday]  unless  things  change. 

I  have  received  only  two  letters  from  America.  They  were  both  dated  April 
and  I  have  not  received  the  parcel  sent  from  there.  I  wrote  to  Tolek;  do  write 
yourself  to  Romek.  I  am  pleased  that  at  least  the  stamps  are  saved.  Olenka  is 
perhaps  a  big  girl  already,  and  Wiesio  a  big  boy.  I  have  not  seen  you  all  for  such 
a  long  time,  although  only  14  months  have  passed,  and  how  many  months  will 
yet  pass  *  *  *_  Every  beginning  must  have  an  end  and  an  epilogue.  After 
a  storm,  nice  rainbow  weather  comes. 

There  were  ynany  acquainiances  from  Ostrow,  Bydgoszcz,  and  so  forth  at  Starobielsk, 
but  I  do  not  know  where  they  are  now.  Give  me  the  address  of  Bronia  Sz.  and 
[one  word  illegible]  Kalinkowa;  perhaps  I  shall  be  able  to  write  to  them.  This  is 
about  all.     As  I  finish  I  kiss  all  of  you  heartily. 

Russia,  Moscow,  Central  Post  Office,  P.  O.  Box  No.  686,  Major  __  Joseph 


Exhibit  llA 

;"j  X]  M1H0, 

ATrt-'-VA.     i^^Uw^  -   'JOtUjAW     wCj^i^A)^,  4Un.-njs,    %^»-jioWt    »^  ^60i. 
X^    eUtutW.,**    ^U    XmIIw 'vtsl^JJo,  ^M&uB^_i    l^Jtcvt^peulo-^l  i  «tt- 

-^.mUiMyus^c.    ^  JJ^^     "^  QmAS^^vmM,.  -      1<-i\shAx^  •*«,«-  JU.^  U«X* 

JUvw/    ^iMipt/    AoUt    ^iJ^Vuue.-  -  JtlPi^o^luL^,     it.   ir  -xi/wc* •<,uirU- 

ifoytjje,  tAAtt(e>    to^/€4juc  ^Lfl    'w-i^eU/Cw.    x  pLuw-;    lw>,    ©UutM/,- 


jiv^lW^&    'jAADi^^/n    U/Pv;pvri.    I?U    ^(L    1>'S}  _UX€.     ^^^_  WcJ    b-^^v^UD 







[Translation  from  Polish] 

November  25,  1940. 

Dear  Joseph:  You  can't  imagine  how  immensely  happy  you  have  made  us 
with  your  letter.  It  is  the  first  extensive  news  we  have  had  from  you.  Only  the 
'postcard  of  November  29,  1939,  and  a  telegram  of  March  20,  from  Starobielsk  reached 
us,  and  afterwards  there  was  only  a  confused  report  that  you  were  at  Graizowiec.  I 
wrote  so  at  random,  I  wonder  that  my  postcards  ever  reached  you.  We  read 
your  letter  out  loud  at  home,  everyone  studied  it  personally  several  times  after 
that,  and  we  read  it  to  our  friends  as  well. 

I  am  pleased  that  you  shift  for  yourself,  and  that  you  are  full  of  good  thoughts 
and  cheerful.  "Take  it  easy"  should  be  your  principle,  and  the  rest  will  come 
by  itself.  We  shall  not  escape  our  destination.  When  there  is  an  end  to  this 
homelessness,  you  should  be  strong  enough  to  establish  a  new  home  for  yourself. 

Ail  our  belongings  have  been  lost  in  this  storm,  of  course,  e.xcept  for  some 
furniture  and  your  stamps,  and  no  one  can  know  what  will  happen  to  them. 
Our  crystal,  plates,  pictures,  and  all  the  baskets  with  linen,  bedding,  my  suits 
and  yours — everything  has  been  lost.  Only  things  which  I  had  in  suitcases  and 
which  could  be  carried  easily  have  been  saved. 

Our  present  life  is  day-to-day  vegetation.  To  survive  is  the  question.  Other 
people  live  in  even  worse  conditions,  and  we  do  not  suffer  so  far  from  the  lack  of 
the  necessaries  of  life,  although  we  live  economically.  The  children  go  to  school. 
Wiesio  goes  to  the  third  class.  Olenka  also  learns.  I  hope  she  will  finish  the 
fourth  class  before  vacation.  They  grow  like  Jewish  usury,  and  outgrow  their 
clothes.  But  I  alter  this,  and  make  that  longer,  and  in  this  way  I  keep  them 
dressed.  Olenka  has  an  overcoat  cut  down  from  my  old  navy-blue  one.  Just 
after  our  arrival  in  December  last  year,  I  bought  Wieslaw  a  sheepskin  coat.  So 
the  children  are  well  dressed.  You  saw  them  in  the  photograph.  We  were 
very  pleased  that  you  received  it  and  that  having  it,  you  will  be  able  to  look  at  it 

I  received  a  letter  from  America  saying  that  they  had  sent  you  a  parcel  contain- 
ing the  articles  you  wanted,  but  that  this  parcel,  which  weighed  11  kilograms,  had 
returned  smaller  by  half.  But  they  are  going  to  send  you  another  one.  Write 
them  if  you  can,  because  they  do  not  know  your  present  address  and  you  may  not 
receive  it  again.  Wieslaw  continues  his  father's  hobby,  collecting  stamps  for 
daddy.  He  woke  up  the  morning  after  your  departure  and  did  not  know  that 
you  had  tried  to  wake  him;  he  started  to  cry  because  his  father  had  left.  We 
have  been  touched  many  times,  remembering  this. 

The  address  to  Bronia  is  attached.  Write  her  that  the  eflforts  to  help  her  are 
being  made  here.  Kazachstan-Aktiubinska,  Oblast  Andrejewsko  post  region, 
Lewnocki-Selo  settlement,  Krasnojarsk.  Write  her  that  Tad  goes  to  a  commer- 
cial college.  I  do  not  know  the  address  of  Mrs.  Kaiinkowa.  Was  Cierniak  with 
you  at  Starobielsk,  and  what  has  happened  to  hi?n?  Mala  asks  you  for  news.  Do 
you  know  anything  about  Felix  Badecki?     If  you  have  any  news,  do  write. 

Imagine  that  on  October  2,  1939,  Rowne  left  for  Bialystok.  Do  not  worry 
about  us.  We  shift  for  ourselves.  Take  care  of  yourself  and  keep  well,  because 
we  are  waiting  for  your  return.  There  is  so  much  left  to  write  about,  and  the 
page  has  ended.     I  kiss  you  ardently,  ardently. 

Ira,  Wiesio. 

I  saw  mother  at  Lukanowice.  She  is  doing  well.  As  they  have  enough  to 
eat,  they  will  not  suffer. 

Print  your  address,  as  it  is  difficult  to  read  it. 

P.  S,  We  are  mad  with  joy  at  having  received  a  letter  from  daddy,  and  we 
read  it  100  times.  In  the  next  letter  Wiesio  and  I  shall  write,  because  this  letter 
would  be  too  long. 


Addressee:  Russia,  Moscow,  The  Central  Post  OflSce,  P.  O.  Box  No.  686,  Major 

Jo.seph . 

Sender:  Irena ,  Grybow,  Kracow,  German  East  Post. 


Chairman  Madden.  From  your  experience  as  a  prisoner,  and  during 
the  intervening  period,  have  you  decided  in  your  own  mind  who  com- 
mitted the  massacres  at  Katyn? 

Mr.  A.  There  is  no  doubt  in  my  mind  that  this  was  the  act  of  the 

Chairman  Madden.  The  Russian  NKVD? 

Mr.  A.  Yes. 

Chairman  IVIadden.  All  right.  We  want  to  thank  you  for  your 
testimony  here.  Have  3'ou  received  any  promises  of  emoluments  or 
recompense  from  anybody  for  your  testimony  here? 

Mr.  A.  No;  I  have  not  received  any  such  promises  or  offers. 


Chairman  Madden.  I  might  state  for  the  record  that  this  witness 
is  testifying  under  an  assumed  name,  and  his  original  name,  which  is 
identified  with  his  experiences  in  the  Polish  Army,  is  known  in  the 
record  with  the  committee. 

Mr.  Flood.  Before  you  make  a  statement,  it  is  our  wish  that  you 
be  advised  that  j'^ou  would  run  the  risk  of  action  in  the  courts  by 
anyone  who  considered  he  had  suffered  injury.  At  the  same  time,  I 
wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
and  the  House  of  Representatives  do  not  assume  any  responsibility 
in  your  behalf  in  respect  to  libel  or  slander  proceedings  which  may 
arise  as  the  result  of  the  testimony.  That  statement  was  just  read 
to  you  by  the  interpreter  in  Polish.  . 

Chairman  Madden.  Do  you  agree  to  that  statement  which  has 
been  read  to  you? 

Mr.  B.  Yes;  I  agree. 

Chairman  Madden.  Let  the  witness  be  sworn.  Do  you  swear  by 
the  God  Almighty  that  you  will,  according  to  your  best  knov/ledge, 
tell  the  pure  truth,  and  that  you  will  not  conceal  anything? 

Mr.  B.  Yes;  I  swear. 

Chairman  Madden.  Proceed.  I  might  state  that  if  you  can  just 
confine  your  statement  to  what  j^ou  know  regarding  Katyn  without 
going  into  any  long  historical  review  of  your  experiences,  it  wiU  help 
the  committee  a  great  deal. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  taken  prisoner  by  the  Russians? 

Mr.  B.  Yes;  I  was  taken  prisoner  on  September  28  together  with 
my  unit  in  Poland. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  you  were  taken  to  the  camp  at  Kozielsk? 

Mr.  B.  I  was  taken  before 

Mr.  Flood.  Well,  you  ultimately  got  to  the  camp  at  Kozielsk? 

Mr.  B.  Yes,  but  before  I  was  in  the  camp 

Mr.  Flood.  I  thinlc  it  will  help  us  reach  the  pertinent  part  of  your 
testimony  if  you  just  answer  my  questions.     You  were  at  Kozielsk? 

Mr.  B.  Yes;  I  was. 

Mr.  Flood.  When  did  you  get  to  Kozielsk,  in  what  month,  if 
you  remember? 

Mr.  B.  On  November  2,  1939. 

Mr.  Flood.  On  November  2,  1939,  the  Russians  finally  got  you 
to  Kozielsk  after  taking  you  to  other  places,  is  that  right? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 


Mr.  Flood.  And  when  you  were  there,  there  were  other  Pohsh 
officers  there  with  you? 

Mr.  B.  Yes;  there  were. 

Mr.  Flood.  4,000  or  5,000  in  round  numbers? 

Mr.  B.  I  cannot  tell  the  number  because  many  officers  were  coming 
and  going  at  that  time.  Just  at  the  beginning  of  November  was  the 
time  the  transports  were  coming  to  Kozielsk  from  various  directions. 

Mr.  Flood.  While  you  were  at  Kozielsk,  and  during  the  time 
you  were  there,  we  understand  that  the  Russians  were  taking  groups 
of  Polish  officers,  fellow  prisoners,  out  of  Kozielsk,  taking  them  away — 
is  that  correct? 

Mr.  B.  I  heard  only  that  there  were  some  Polish  military  prisoners 
before  us. 

Mr.  Flood.  No,  I  mean  at  the  time  vou  were  there? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  they  taking  any  away  while  you  were  there? 

Mr.  B.  Not  in  November,  but  afterward. 

Mr.  Flood.  After  November? 

Mr.  B.  .Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  When  did  you  leave  there? 

Mr.  B.  I  left  Kozielsk  on  April  29,  1940. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  you  got  there  in  November  1939? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Now  between  the  time  that  you  got  there  in  November 
of  1939  and  the  time  you  left  in  April  of  1940,  there  were  a  number  of 
Polish  brother  prisoners  taken  out  of  Kozielsk,  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Then  in  April  of  1940,  your  turn  came,  and  you  were 
also  called  up  to  be  taken  out,  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  B.  Yes,  this  is  correct,  but  the  general  liquidation  of  the  camp 
started  on  April  3,  1940.  Before  April  3,  1940,  there  were  only  some 
particular  cases  of  some  prisoners  being  taken  away  from  the  camp. 

Mr.  Flood.  But  you  were  taken  away — do  you  remember  the  day 
in  April? 

Mr.  B.  Yes,  I  remember  the  beginning  of  the  general  liquidation 
of  the  camp. 

Mt.  Flood.  But  what  was  the  day  when  you  were  taken? 

Mr.  B.  On  April  29. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  about  how  many  men  went  with  you  when  you 
were  taken? 

Mr.  B.  About  300. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  were  you  taken  down  and  given  an  investigation, 
an  inspection?     Did  they  take  things  from  you? 

Mr.  B.  Yes,  before  they  transferred  us  to  the  other  guard  at  the 
gate  of  the  camp,  and  then  we  were  examined  and  all  sharp  objects 
were  taken  from  us. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  then  you  were  placed  in  a  prison  car? 

Mr.  B.  No,  just  an  ordinary  car. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  not  placed  in  prison  cars? 

Mr.  B.  Not  at  Kozielsk  gates. 

Mr.  Flood.  But  I  mean  after  you  got  on  the  railroad  train? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Regular  prison  cars? 

Mr.  B.  Prison  wagons. 


Air.  Flood.  And  your  whole  group  was  placed  on  the  tram? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  In  different  prison  wagons? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  where  was  the  first  place  you  stopped  after  you 
left  Kozielsk? 

Mr.  B.  Smolensk. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  stop  any  place  after  Smolensk? 

Mr.  B.  Yes;  it  was  the  place  where  the  unloading  of  the  transport 
took  place. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  the  name  of  that  place? 

Mr.  B.  I  do  not  know;  I  gather  from  what  I  know  now  that  it  was 

Mr.  Flood.  Now  we  have  you  on  the  prison  train  with  all  your 
brother  prisoners,  and  you  are  now  at  the  first  stop  at  Smolensk?         i 

Mr.  B.  Yes.  ' 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  tell  us  now  in  your  own  words  what  happened, 
what  you  say  the  mmute  the  train  left  Smolensk  from  then  on?  Take 
it  from  there  on  in  your  own  words. 

Mr.  B.  Yes.  We  stayed  at  Smolensk  for  only  a  few  minutes.  We 
come  to  Smolensk  at  dawn,  and  the  general  impression  which  struck 
me  during  this  transfer  was  that  we  were  going  very  fast,  comparatively 
fast,  because  usually  the  prison  transports  were  very  slow  because  other 
trains  had  priority  before  them,  but  we  were  traveling  very  fast. 
From  Smolensk  we  traveled  for  a  few  minutes — it  may  be  half  an 
hour — in  a  northwestern  direction,  and  after  we  traveled  about  10 
miles  the  train  stopped,  and  unloading  started. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  train  stopped  for  the  unloading  of  the  prisoners? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Air.  Flood.  Now  what  time  of  day,  if  you  remember,  did  you  make 
the  first  stop  after  you  left  Smolensk,  do  you  remember? 

Air.  B.  It  was  very  early. 

Air.  Flood.  Early  in  the  morning? 

Air.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Was  it  daylight? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Air.  Flood.  Could  you  see  well? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Air.  Flood.  The  sun  was  up? 

Air.  B.  Yes. 

lyir.  Flood.  The  weather  was  good? 

Mr.  B.  Yes,  it  was  a  very  nice  day, 

Mr.  Flood.  What  happened;  they  unloaded  the  prisoners? 

Mr.  B.  Yes.  After  some  time — maybe  after  three-quarters  of  an 
hour  or  an  hour— a  column  of  NKVD  entered  our  car  and  called  my 
name  and  told  me  that  I  should  be  separated  and  brought  me  to 
another  prison  wagon. 

Air.  Flood.  Was  that  on  the  same  train  or  a  dift'erent  train? 

Air.  B.  On  the  same  train;  it  was  a  neighboring  wagon  because  the 
prisoners  had  left  the  wagon  before;  it  was  an  empty  wagon.  They 
put  me  in  a  separate  compartment  in  that  wagon;  the  compartment 
was  locked  up,  and  a  special  guard  was  placed  in  the  corridor. 

Mr.  Flood.  Was  there  anybody  else  in  the  entire  wagon  with  you? 


Mr.  B.  My  feeling  was  that  there  were  only  two  people  locked  up 
in  the  compartment,  myself  and  the  guard. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  are  certain  there  was  nobody  else  in  your  com- 

Mr.  B.  I  am  certain  there  was  nobody  else;  no. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  so  far  as  you  know,  there  was  nobody  else  in  the 
compartment  but  you  and  the  guard? 

Mr.  B.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  All  right. 

Mr.  B.  The  construction  of  the  wagon  is  such  that  there  is  no 
window  in  the  compartment,  only  a  very  small  slit  or  opening  just 
under  the  ceiling.  So  I  got  on  the  upper  bunk  in  the  compartment, 
and  I  was  trying  to  show  that  I  was  going  to  sleep,  but  in  the  meantime 
the  guard  was  looking  in  the  other  du'ection,  and  I  tried  to  see  what 
was  outside. 

Mr.  Flood.  Could  you  see  out  through  that  crack  or  opening? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  try  to  see  out? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  see  anything? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  did  you  see? 

Mr.  B.  The  wagon  was  standing  not  at  the  station,  but  somewhere 
behind  the  station,  and  there  was  some  kind  of  square  before  the 
wagon;  it  was  a  square  covered  by  grass,  so  it  was  a  kind  of  lawn 
maybe,  or  square  surrounded  by  small  trees  and  very  heavily  guarded 
by  the  guards  of  the  NKVD  with  fixed  bayonets.  There  were  two 
cars  on  the  square,  one  autobus  and  another  car  of  prison  type  without 
any  windows. 

Mr.  Flood.  Both  were  motor  vehicles? 

Mr.  B.  Yes,  both  were  motor  vehicles,  both  motor  cars,  and 
besides  the  guards  of  NKVD  there  were  two  NKVD  officers,  two 
Russian  officers,  standing  there,  one  of  them  a  colonel.  I  was  very 
impressed  by  this  fact  because  he  was  a  very  high  ranking  officer  in 
the  NKVD,  and  usually  officers  of  such  a  high  rank  do  not  travel  in 
the  transports.  The  other  officer  was  a  captain  of  the  NKVD. 
This  autobus  was  approaching  to  the  wagon. 

Mr.  Flood.  To  the  railroad  car? 

Mr.  B.  Yes,  to  the  railroad  car,  and  the  entrance  to  the  autobus  was 
from  the  back  doors.  The  prisoners  were  asked  to  go  into  the  auto- 
bus, and  not  stopping  on  the  gromid,  but  just  to  go  from  the  railroad 
wagon  immediately  into  the  back  door  of  the  autobus.  The  autobus 
was  of  quite  an  ordinary  type.  The  windows  were  painted,  or  rather 
smeared,  with  some  white  color — -I  imagine  it  was  just  smeared  with 
lime — and  the  autobus  took  about  30  people.  Then  it  went  away, 
and  returned  after  more  or  less  half  an  hour — I  cannot  tell  exactly, 
because  I  had  no  watch  with  me,  but  about  half  an  hour — to  take  the 
next  party,  and  it  was  proceeding  for  some  hours.  Then  when  the 
unloading  liad  been  finished,  I  was  transferred  by  this  colonel  into 
the  hands  of  the  captain  who  was  standing  there,  and  I  learned  after- 
ward that  the  captain  was  the  head  of  the  prison  in  Smolensk.  He 
took  me  into  that  second  prison  car  with  a  very  heavy  guard,  because 
there  were,  I  think,  about  five  people  with  rifles  besides  the  captain 
of  the  NKVD,  and  he  brought  me  to  the  prison  in  Smolensk,  not  the 


general  prison,  but  to  a  special  prison  of  the  NKVD  called  an  internal 
prison  of  the  NKVD,  in  the  basement,  as  I  understand,  of  the  main 
building  of  the  NKVD,  and  I  was  put  there  into  the  basement  into  a 
separate  cell.  My  impression  was  that  I  was  the  only  prisoner  in 
that  basement,  and  I  stayed  there  for  about  a  week.  I  was  not  badly 
treated.  The  head  of  the  prison  came  every  day  to  see  me  and 
brought  me  some  books.  I  got  permission  to  buy  various  things  from 
the  prison  shop,  and  the  head  of  the  prison,  who  used  to  come  every 
day  to  see  me,  sometimes  remained  in  my  cell  for  about  half  an  hour 
or  three  quarters  of  an  hour. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  any  time  that  you  were  in  the  NKVD  prison  in 
Smolensk,  did  you  have  any  conversations  with  anybody,  with  fellow 
prisoners  or  Russian  soldiers  or  NKVD,  the  superintendent  or  any- 
body about  what  you  saw  at  the  station? 

Mr.  B.  Yes,  I  asked  the  captain  of  the  NKVD,  who  was  the  head 
of  the  prison,  what  was  the  reason  for  my  being  separated  from  my 
comrades,  and  he  did  not  give  me  any  definite  answer.  He  told  me 
that  he  does  not  know  why,  because  he  is  only  the  head  of  the  prison, 
and  he  had  an  order  to  keep  me  for  some  time  until  a  new  order  would 

Mr.  Flood.  What  is  your  opinion  today?  Why  do  you  think  you 
were  separated,  if  you  have  any  idea? 

Mr.  B.  Yes.  I  was  brought  to  Moscow  from  Smolensk  after  a 
week  into  the  Lubianka  prison,  and  I  was  incarcerated  there  for 
10  months.  As  far  as  I  understand,  there  were  two  reasons  for  taking 
me  to  Moscow.  The  first  reason  was  that  I  was  a  professor  of  eco- 
nomics at  a  university  in  Poland,  and  I  was  at  the  head  of  the  group 
which  was  doing  research  on  the  Russian  economy,  and  I  was  con- 
nected with  the  research  work  of  the  German  research  institutes  which 
were  interested  in  eastern  economic  problems,  so  they  considered  me 
a  very  interesting  person;  in  Moscow  they  knew  my  publications  and 
my  books,  and  they  considered  me  a  very  interesting  prisoner  who 
could  tell  them  very  many  things  about  the  organization  of  anti- 
Soviet  intelligence.  I  did  not  know  anything  about  the  organization 
of  anti-Soviet  intelligence,  but  they  thought  I  knew. 

Mr.  Flood.  Then  the  only  reason  why  you  think  they  kept  you 
and  separated  you  from  the  prisoners  at  the  station  and  that  you 
survived  is  because  they  thought  that  you  could  be  of  some  further 
use  to  them? 

Mr.  B.  Yes,  that  was  the  first  reason.  The  second  reason  is  because 
I  was  given  the  mdictment;  I  was  accused.  They  started  legal 
proceedings  against  me.  The  second  reason  was  that  in  one  of  the 
Soviet  proceedings  before  the  court  in  1937,  when  there  were  various 
deviations  in  the  Communist  Party,  my  name  was  mentioned,  and  so 
the  documents  which  I  saw  in  connection  with  that  legal  proceeding 
were  from  1937;  and  there  was  one  Russian,  who  was  apparently  shot 
(because  on  that  document  it  was  told  only  that  he  was  sentenced) 
who  mentioned  my  name  as  a  Polish  economist  who  was  connected 
with  the  Polish  General  Staff  m  making  various  investigations. 

Mr.  Flood.  Professor,  I  want  to  establish  a  very  clear  fact  again; 
although  I  think  you  have  already  made  it  very  clear,  I  want  it  re- 
peated for  the  record.  Will  you  repeat  for  us  the  day  that  you  left 
Kozielsk,  the  date,  April  the  what? 

Mr.  B.  April  29,  1940. 


Mr.  Flood.  You  left  on  April  29,  1940? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  FtooD.  And  you  left  with  how  many  other  Polish  officers? 

Mr.  B.  About  300. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  you  left  Kozielsk  on  a  wagon  or  a  prison  train,  a 
train  made  up  of  prison  wagons? 

Mr.  B.  I  do  not  know. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  least,  yours  was? 

Mr.  B.  I  know  only  about  my  wagon. 

Mr.  Flood.  Yours  was? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Now  do  you  Imow  the  time  of  day  when  you  left 

Mr.  B.  Just  after  dark. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  know  or  remember  how  long  you  traveled, 
how  many  hours  before  you  made  the  first  stop,  or  can  you  guess? 

Mr.  B.  I  do  not  remember  any  stop  before  Smolensk.  There 
might  have  been  stops,  but  I  do  not  remember;  if  there  were  stops, 
they  were  very  short. 

Mr.  Flood.  But  the  first  stop  that  you  do  remember  was  Smolensk? 

Mr.  B.  Smolensk  at  the  time  of  sunrise. 

Mr.  Flood.  Very  well.     At  sunrise  you  got  to  Smolensk? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  How  long  were  you  at  Smolensk  before  you  moved  on, 

Mr.  B.  A  quarter  of  an  hour. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  stopped  at  Smolensk  a  quarter  of  an  hour?  You 
were  at  Smolensk  for  about  15  minutes? 

Mr.  B.  Yes,  or  maybe  a  little  more,  maybe  between  15  minutes 
and  half  an  hour. 

Mr.  Flood.  But  no  more  than  half  an  hour? 

Mr.  B.  No  more  than  half  an  hour. 

Mr.  Flood.  Then  you  left  Smolensk? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  How  many  stops  did  you  make  after  leaving  Smolensk 
before  these  officers  were  taken  out? 

Mr.  B.  There  were  no  stops. 

Mr.  Flood.  Only  one? 

Mr.  B.  Only  one. 

Mr.  Flood.  About  how  far  in  miles,  if  you  know,  or  about  how  long 
in  time,  if  you  know,  was  there  between  Smolensk  and  that  first  stop? 

Mr.  B.  My  comrades  and  I  tried  to  estimate,  and  our  estimation 
was  about  12,  13,  or  15  kilometers. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  you  checked  that  with  other  officers  in  your  com- 
partment, talking  back  and  forward? 

Mr.  B.  Yes,  really  it  was  the  estimate  of  several  officers. 

Mr.  Flood.  But  that  was  the  consensus? 

Mr.  B.  Yes,  the  general  consensus. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  you  remember  that  distinctly? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  All  right. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  About  these  300  men  that  you  left  the  camp 
with,  did  you  know  any  of  those  300  personally? 

Mr.  B.  Yes,  some  of  them  I  remember. 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  have  seen  lately,  or  later  you  have  seen,  the 
list  of  these  bodies  that  were  uncovered  at  Katyn? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  recognize  in  that  list  which  was  published 
the  names  of  any  men  that  left  the  camp  with  you  as  some  of  the  300? 
Mr.  B.  I  have  known  tlu-ee  names.  There  are  only  three  names 
that  I  remember,  because  these  people  were  usually  mixed  up;  they 
took  people  from  different  barracks  and  different  parts  of  the  camp, 
but  I  remember  three  names. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  the  last  time  you  saw  them  was  at  this 
railroad  station  where  you  were  separated  from  them? 

Mr.  B.  Yes,  and  other  names  I  have  known  on  the  list.  I  can  say 
those  names.  The  first  was  Mr.  Tucholski.  He  was  a  lecturer  at 
the  Teclmical  Institute  in  Warsaw.  The  second  was  Mr.  Roro- 
wajczyk,  and  the  third  one  Lieutenant  Zoltowski. 

Air.  Machrowicz.  What  was  his  first  name;  was  it  Marceli? 

Mr.  B.  I  think  so;  yes. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  So  you  definitely  identify  thi-ee  names  of  those 
from  whom  3'ou  were  separated  on  that  last  journey? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Now  j^ou  have  seen  descriptions  which  the  Germans 
and  Russians  both  agree  on  as  to  what  the  bodies  were  wearing  that 
were  buried  at  Katyn.  Now  the  last  time  you  saw  these  men,  were 
the}'  wearing  the  clothes  in  which  they  were  buried  in  the  graves  at 
KatA-n,  overcoats,  boots  and  so  on? 

Mr.  B.  Yes,  because  we  were  all  wearing  overcoats  and  boots;  it 
was  at  a  time  when  the  snow  was  lying. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  In  other  words,  the  waj'  you  have  learned  now  and 
lately  in  the  reports  that  are  coming  out,  the  way  the  bodies  were 
found  in  the  graves  at  Katyn,  those  are  the  clothes  they  were  wearing 
when  you  last  saw  them? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Just  one  or  two  questions.  Were  you  taken  to 

Mr.  B.  I  was  taken  to  Moscow  from  Smolensk.  I  w^as  about  2 
weeks  in  prison  at  Smolensk,  and  from  there  I  was  transferred  under 
special  guard  to  Moscow. 

Mr.  DoNDERo.  You  were  put  in  prison  at  Moscow? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Did  you  talk  with  some  Russian  officers? 

Mr.  B.  In  Moscow?"^ 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Yes. 

Mr.  B.  I  talked  to  many  prisoners  there. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  No.     Did  you  talk  with  Russian  officers? 
.  Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wliat  Congressman  Dondero  wants  to  know  is 
did  you  talk  with  any  high-ranking  Russian  officers  regarding  the  fate 
of  your  comrade  officers? 

Mr.  B.  I  was  asking  my  interrogation  judge  and  some  higher  officer 
of  NKVD,  whose  name  I  do  not  know,  to  whom  I  was  brought  by  my 
mterrogation  judge 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  he  tell  j^ou  anything  about  the  fate  of  your 
comrade  officers? 


Mr.  B.  They  told  me:  "The  fate  of  your  comrades  is  very  nice. 
They  are  being  sent  home  to  their  famihes";  but  they  told  me  that 
because  I  conducted  anti-Soviet  spying,  I  have  to  stay  in  prison;  that 
is  what  they  answered  me. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  One  other  question.  When  you  were  at  this 
station  Gniezdovo,  did  you  hear  any  shouts  or  any  other  strange 

Mr.  B.  No. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  There  was  nothing  unusual  that  you  heard? 

Mr.  B.  I  heard  nothing  unusual. 

Mr.  Flood.  Now  I  show  you  a  list  of  names  of  the  bodies  that  were 
discovered  at  Katyn  which  is  already  in  evidence  in  the  hearings  in 
America,  it  was  exhibit  5A  in  Chicago,  and  direct  your  attention  to 
page  83  thereof  and  ask  you  if  you  recognize  this  name  of  Leonard 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  now  direct  your  attention  also  to  page  176  of  the 
same  exhibit,  and  ask  you  whether  or  not  you  recognize  the  name  of 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  first  name  is  Tadeusz.  I  also  direct  your  attention 
to  page  198  of  the  same  document  exhibit  and  ask  j^ou  if  you  recognize 
the  name  of  Zoltowski.  There  are  several  Zoltowski's  mentioned. 
Just  see  if  you  can  identify  from  any  additional  information  in  this 
document  the  particular  Zoltowski  that  you  knew  and  mentioned  in 
your  testimony? 

Mr.  B.  As  far  as  I  remember  his  name  it  was  Marceli  Zoltowski. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  identify  Marcoli  Zoltowski  as  the  man  you  knew? 

Mr.  B.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  I  believe  you  said  as  far  as  you  knew,  he  was  a 
cavalry  officer? 

Mr.  B.  Yes,  he  was  a  cavalry  officer. 

Chairman  Madden.  That  is  all.  Now  let  me  say  this:  From  your 
exp?riences  as  a  prisoner  and  from  the  testimony  related  here,  have 
you  in  your  own  mind  decided  who  was  responsible  for  the  murders 
and  massacre  at  Katyn — in  your  own  mind? 

Mr.  B.  Certainly  when  I  was  in  Russia 

Chairman  Madden.  Just  answer  briefly. 

Mr.  B.  There  is  no  evidence  as  far  as  I  know  of  the  actual  miu'der, 
but  there  are  very  many  corroborating  circumstances  which  show 
that  this  was  done  by  the  Russians. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Is  that  your  personal  opinion? 

Mr.  B.  That  is  my  personal  opinion. 

Chairman  Madden.  That  is  all.  Now  nobody  has  promised  any 
recompense  or  emoluments  to  you  for  coming  here  to  testify  today, 
or  any  day?  Nobody  has  promised  you  anj-thing  to  testify  here, 
have  they? 

Mr.  B.  Certainly  not. 

Chairman  Madden.  That  is  all.  We  want  to  thank  you  for  your 
testimony.     The  committee  will  now  adjourn  and  will  reconvene  at  2. 

(Whereupon,  at  1:30  p.  m.,  the  select  committee  recessed,  to 
reconvene  at  2  p.  m.) 

Chairman  Madden.  The  committee  will  come  to  order. 

Mr.   PuciNSKi.  The  next  witness  is  Col.  Stanislaw  Lubodziecki. 


Mr.  Flood.  Colonel,  before  you  make  a  statement,  it  is  our  wish 
that  you  be  advised  that  you  would  run  the  risk  of  action  in  the  courts 
by  anyone  who  considered  he  had  suffered  injury.  At  the  same  time, 
I  wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
and  the  House  of  Representatives  do  not  assume  any  responsibility 
in  your  behalf  with  respect  to  libel  or  slander  proceeding:s  which  may 
arise  as  the  result  of  the  testimony.  Mr.  Interpreter,  will  you  interpret 
that  m  Polish  to  the  witness? 

(The  admonition  was  interpreted  to  the  witness.) 

Mr.  Flood.  Ask  him  if  he  clearly  understands  the  admonition. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  The  witness  says  he  is  a  former  judge  and  that  he 
understands  the  admonition  very  clearly. 

Chairman  Madden.  You  will  be  sworn.  You  solemnly  swear  by 
the  God  Almighty  that  you  will,  accordmg  to  the  best  of  your  knowl- 
edge, tell  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  and 
not  conceal  anything,  so  help  you  God. 

Colonel  LuBODziECKi.  Yes. 

LONDON,  N.  W.  6. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  is  your  full  name,  Colonel? 

Colonel  LuBODziECKi.  Stanislaw  Lubodziecki. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  are  a  former  colonel  in  what  Army? 

Colonel  LtJBODZiECKi.  In  the  Polish  Army. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  a  colonel  in  the  Polish  Army  m  1939? 

Colonel  Lubodziecki.  From  1919. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  on  active  duty  in  1939? 

Colonel  Lubodziecki.  In  1931  I  went  into  retirement. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  recalled  up  as  a  reservist  in  1939? 

Colonel  Lubodziecki.  No. 

Air.  Flood.  How  did  you  appear  in  a  Russian  prison  camp? 

Colonel  Lubodziecki.  .A.s  a  retired  officer  of  the  Polish  Army,  I  was 
entitled  to  wear  the  Polish  Army  uniform. 

Mr.  Flood.  How  did  you  become  a  Russian  prisoner? 

Colonel  Lubodziecki.  While  I  was  near  the  village  of  Zbaraza  on 
September  17,  1939,  a  Russian  unit  had  taken  me  prisoner. 
•    Mr.  Flood.  Wliat  were  you  doing  in  uniform? 

Colonel  Lubodziecki.  I  left  Warsaw  in  uniform  because  I  was 
anticipating  that  I  would  be  recalled  for  active  duty.  I  had  notified 
the  Polish  Army  that  I  was  available  and  ready  for  recall  to  active 

Mr.  Flood.  To  what  camp  did  the  Russians  take  you? 

Colonel  Lubodziecki.  First  I  was  taken  to  a  camp  at  Putivl 
District,  Sumy  County. 

Mr.  Flood.  On  what  date,  if  you  remember,  were  you  taken  to 
either  of  the  three  camps  connected  with  this  investigation? 

Colonel  Lubodziecki.  I  was  removed  from  the  camp  that  I  just 
named  on  November  2  and  I  arrived  at  Kozielsk  on  November  3,  1939. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  arrived  at  Kozielsk  on  Novem.ber  3,  1939.  How 
long  did  you  rem.ain  at  Kozielsk? 

Colonel  Lubodziecki.  To  the  8th  March  1940. 

93744— 52— pt.  4 8 


Mr.  Flood.  About  how  many  of  the  original  group  of  officers  at 
Kozielsk  during  the  time  you  were  there  were  in  Kozielsk  when  you 
left  there  on  March  8,  1940? 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Tlie  question  was  how  many  remained? 

Mr.  Flood.  Yes,  how  many  remained. 

Colonel  LuBODZiECKi.  In  excess  of  4,000. 

Mr.  Flood.  When  you  left  on  March  8,  1940? 

Colonel  LuBODziECKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Now  where  were  you  taken? 

Colonel  LuBODZiECKi.  A^yself  and  14  others,  consisting  of  Polish 
Army  ofhcers  and  civilians,  were  taken  by  rail  car  from  Kozielsk  to  the 
city  of  Smolensk.  I  am  able  to  give  you  some  of  the  names  of  those 
14  that  were  with  me. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wliat  happened  to  the  14? 

Colonel  LuBODZiECKi.  After  remaining  at  the  Smolensk  camp  for  1 
day,  I  and  another  Polish  officer,  Capt.  Leopold  Liclmowski,  were 
taken  to  Kharkov  and  we  remained  there  1  day  and  then  we  were 
transferred  to  Kiev. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wliat  information  do  you  have  in  connection  wdth  the 
Katyn  matter? 

Colonel  LuBODZiECKi.  First,  when  we  were  still  at  Kozielsk,  we 
were  told  that  we  would  be  taken  out  of  there.  They  told  us  that 
they  would  take  us  to  the  German  occupation  zone,  and  later  we  were 
told  that  we  would  be  taken  to  western  Sibeiia,  to  the  town  of  Bar- 
naeul.  My  friends  told  me  that  they  were  told  by  a  Russian  NKVD 
officer,  who  was  a  Pole,  a  Major  UrbanoA\dcz,  that  they  are  going  to 
evacuate  these  prisoners  from  tliis  camp. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wliat  camp? 

Colonel  LuBODZiECKi.  Kozielsk,  but  that  if  they  Iviiew  where  they 
would  be  evacuated  to,  their  eyes  would  virtually  pop  out.  Wlien  I 
arrived  at  Kiev,  an  NKVD  officer,  a  lieutenant,  told  me  that  hereafter 
this  train  will  be  used  primarily  for  transferring  prisoners  from 

Mr.  Flood.  To  where? 

Colonel  LuBODZiECKi.  He  did  not  tell  me  where. 

Mr.  Flood.  How  long  were  you  a  prisoner  at  any  of  the  camps  in 
Russia?     When  did  you  leave  Russia? 

Colonel  LuBODZiECKi.  When  I  arrived  at  Kiev,  the  NKVD  officer 
reported  to  his  superiors  that  he  had  brought  two  officers  from  the 
camp  numbered  13,  and  at  that  time  I  learned  that  our  camp  Kozielsk 
was  known  as  camp  13. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you,  to  this  day,  ever  meet  or  see  or  hear  from 
any  of  your  brother  officers  who  were  in  Kozielsk  at  the  time  you  were 
there,  between  November  3,  1939,  and  today? 

Colonel  IjUBODziecki.  After  I  had  remained  at  Kozielsk  a  few 
days,  a  group  of  100  officers  and  civilians  arrived  there,  and  shortly 
thereafter  they  were  again  removed  from  the  camp.  In  that  grouj) 
were  included  Colonel  Widacki,  who  was  the  mayor  of  Tarnopol,  and 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Kornilowicz,  wliose  wife  was  the  (hiughtrr  of  the 
fiimous  Polish  author,  Henry  Sienkiewicz.  From  this  group  I  had 
met  one  of  tlie  officers,  an  artill(M-y  lieutenant  named  BoIxm-,  who  was 
in  the  oi-iginal  gi'oup  of  100,  mid  I  met  him  in  the  ])iison  in  Kiev  in 
October  of  1940.  He  sul)sequently  joined  the  second  division  of  the 
Polish  Army  and  fought  in  Italy  and  is  still  today  alive. 


Mr.  Flood.  Did  that  officer  ever  tell  you  that  he  had  been  taken 
from  Kozielsk  to  Pavilishchev  Bor  at  any  time? 

Colonel  LuBODziECKi.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Is  there  anything  else  you  have  to  say  m  connection 
with  Katvn?  Did  you  discuss  it  with  anybody?  Did  any  Russians 
or  any  Poles  ever  discuss  Katyn  or  Smolensk  with  you? 

Colonel  LuBODZiECKi.  I  have  always  been  very  much  interested  in 
this  matter.  I  have  done  considerable  research  and  I  have  lectured 
on  the  subject  and  I  have  prepared  a  little  brochure  of  my  OM^n. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  I  want  to  know  is:  What  direct  information 
can  A^ou  give  us  from  your  own  experience,  not  from  your  research? 

Colonel  LuBODZiECKi.  A  Polish  officer  had  told  me  while  I  was  at 
Kiev — he  was  being  tried  there  also — that  somewhere  in  the  middle 
of  1940  he  had  observed  in  Kharkov,  and  in  other  villages  where  the 
NKVD  was  interrogating  various  Polish  prisoners,  large  posters  in 
color  on  which  was  a  picture  of  a  "Russian  bayonet  and  pierced  through 
this  bayonet  on  these  posters  were  the  caps  of  Polish  officers,  and  there 
was  some  writing  on  these  posters  which  said  in  effect:  "This  is  the 
end  of  the  bourgeoise  arm}'.'' 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  I  would  like  to  ask  this  witness,  Mr.  Chairman,  if 
he  can  identify  from  the  official  list  of  the  corpses  that  were  found  at 
Katyn  any  of  the  names  of  those  14  that  were  taken  with  him  to 
Smolensk  and  he  had  lost  track  of. 

Mr.  Flood.  Suppose  you  let  him  take  this  list  and  go  out  in  the 
other  room  and  look  at  it.  Meantime,  we  can  take  another  witness. 
There  is  nothing  further  with  this  witness,  is  there?  The  witness  is 
now  being  shown  the  official  copy  of  the  list  of  those  who  were  dis- 
covered at  Katyn  and  is  being  requested  by  the  committee  to  examine 
that  list  to  determine  whether  or  not  from  that  list  he  can  find  the 
names  of  any  of  the  14  brother  officers  who  were  taken  by  the  Russians 
from  Kozielsk  with  him  to  Smolensk.  If  he  does  so,  he  can  notify  the 
committee  and  we  will  immediately  recall  him  for  identification. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  The  next  witness  is  Mr.  Zygmunt  Luszczynski. 

Mr.  Flood.  Before  you  make  a  statement,  it  is  our  wish  that  you 
be  advised  that  you  would  run  the  risk  of  action  in  the  courts  by  any- 
one who  considered  he  had  suffered  injury.  At  the  same  time,  I 
wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
and  the  House  of  Representatives  do  not  assume  any  responsibility 
in  your  behalf  with  respect  to  libel  or  slander  proceedings  which  may 
arise  as  the  result  of  the  testimony.  Now,  Mr.  Interpreter,  will  you 
translate  that  for  the  witness? 

(The  admonition  was  interpreted  to  the  witness.) 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  understand  the  provisions  of  the  admonition? 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  The  witness  says  that  he  does  understand. 

Chairman  Madden.  Do  you  swear  by  the  God  Almighty  that  you 
will,  to  your  best  knowledge,  tell  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and 
nothing  but  the  truth,  and  not  conceal  anything,  so  help  you  God? 

Mr.  Luszczynski.  Yes. 


N.  W.  3 

Mr,  Flood.  What  is  your  full  name? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Zygmunt  Luszczynski. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  ever  a  member  of  the  Armed  Forces  of 

Mr.  Luszczynski.  Yes,  I  was. 

Mr.  Flood.  When  and  where? 

Mr.  Luszczynski.  I  was  a  captain  in  the  Polish  Army,  and  just 
before  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  in  1939  I  was  the  chief  of  the  police 
in  the  province  of  Polosia,  Brzosc. 

Mr.  Flood.  When  and  where  did  the  Russians  take  you  prisoner? 

Mr.  Luszczynski.  I  was  taken  prisoner  on  the  24th  Septem.bcr 
wliile  I  was  in  civilian  clothes,  and  I  had  been  informing  General 
Kloberk  of  the  strength  and  disposition  of  Russian  troops  in  Brzcsc. 

Mr.  Flood.  To  which  of  the  three  connected  wdth  this 
investigation  were  you  taken  by  the  Russians? 

Mr.  Luszczynski.  I  was  arrested  in  Brzesc.  I  stayed  there  for 
3  dn,ys  and  then  I  was  transferred  to  Ostashkov. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wlien  did  you  arrive  in  Ostashkov. 

Mr.  Luszczynski.  The  trip  lasted  2  weeks,  and  I  arrived  at  Ostash- 
kov in  the  middle  of  October  1939. 

Mr.  Flood.  How  long  did  you  stay  at  Ostashkov. 

Mr.  Luszczynski.  Until  April  24,  1940. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wliore  were  you  taken  on  April  24,  1940? 

Mr.  Luszczynski.  We  were  loaded  into  a  train  at  Ostashkov. 
There  wore  7  cars  and  approximately  300  people  in  this  particular 
train  load. 

Mr.  Flood.  To  whore  were  they  taken? 

Mr.  Luszczynski.  We  were  severely  beaten  as  we  were  loaded  into 
these  prison  cars.  We  were  taken  from.  Ostashkov  to  Wiasm.a,  where 
we  remained  at  the  siding  for  3  days ;  then  six  of  the  seven  cars  were 
disconnected  and  they  went  in  some  other  direction,  and  the  car  in 
which  I  was  present  was  taken  to  Babynino. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  finally  were  taken  then  to  the  camp  at  Pavlishchev 

Mr.  Luszczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  at  that  camp  at  Pavlishchev  Bor  did  you  meet 
any  other  Polish  officers  from  any  other  Russian  camps? 

Mr.  Luszczynski.  Yes.  At  that  time  I  met  approximately  200 
officers  from  other  camps. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  meet  any  officers  from  Starobielsk? 

Mr.  Luszczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  meet  any  officers  from  Kozielsk? 

Afr.  Luszczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  from  Ostashkov? 

Mr.  Luszczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  you  were  at  Pavlishchev  Bor  with  Polish  officers 
who  had  come  from  Kozielsk,  Starobielsk,  and  Pavlishchev  Bor? 

Mr.  Luszczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  How  many  went  with  you  in  that  one  car  that  was 
detached  from  the  train  from  the  Ostashkov  camp  to  Pavlislichev  Bor? 


Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Approximately  50. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  ever  hear  from  anybody — military,  civilian, 
or  anybody  else — that  was  in  those  other  six  cars  that  left  on  the  seven- 
car  train  with  you  from  Ostashkov,  to  this  day?  Have  you  ever  heard 
of  them  since? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Never.  I  have  never  heard  of  those  people 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  ever  talk  to  anybody  who,  in  an3^  way,  directly 
or  indirectly,  had  ever  heard  one  word  from  any  of  the  people  that  were 
in  those  other  six  cars  that  left  that  train? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  I  have  never;  but,  prior  to  our  departure  from 
Ostashkov,  there  were  regular  departures  of  trains  ever}^  day  consist- 
ing of  some  200  prisoners  that  were  removed  from  Ostashkov.    They 
were  going  to  the  trains. 

Mr.  Flood.  When  you  got  to  Ostashlcov  on  October  15,  1939,  you 
miust  have  been  one  of  the  fu"st  prisoners  that  got  to  Ostashkov,  were 
you  not? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Yes;  that  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  Ostashkov  was  quite  a  big  camp? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Yes;  it  was  a  large  camp  on  an  island. 

Mr.  Flood.  If  you  guess,  or  know,  or  ever  heard,  about  how  many 
pi'isoners  at  the  most  were  ever  at  Ostashkov  dming  this  period  of 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  There  were  first  of  all  the  Polish  police,  approxi- 
mately^ 2,000;  then  there  was  the  border  guard,  approximately  300; 
Polish  jail  guards,  or  prison  guards  from  Poland,  approximately  200; 
the  military  police  and  officers  and  noncommissioned  officers. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  civilians? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Civilians  and  clergy. 

Mr.  Flood.  Judges? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  District  attorneys? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Lawyers? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Priests? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Approximately  100  clergymen,  priests. 

Mr.  Flood.  Priests,  Rabbis,  and  Protestant  ministers? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Prominent  businessmen? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Yes;  and  landowTiers. 

Mr.  Flood.  Professors? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Intelligentsia? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Public  officers. 

Mr.  Flood.  Government  bureaucratic  officials? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Yes;  members  of  the  courts  too. 

Mr.  Flood.  About  how  many,  in  a  round  number? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Approximately  5,500. 

Mr.  Flood.  From  the  time  that  you  arrived  at  Ostashkov,  October 
15,  1939,  what  was  done,  if  anything,  by  the  Russians  with  any  of 
the  inmates? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  We  were  all  interrogated  during  the  time. 


Mr.  Flood.  I  mean,  were  any  of  the  people  who  were  in  Ostashkov 
during  the  time  you  were  there  ever  taken  out  of  the  camp? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  they  ever  removed  from  time  to  time  in  transports 
by  train,  taken  some  place  else? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Individuals  were  removed. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  they  ever  take  any  trainloads  of  300  or  400  like 
your  trainload  out  of  Ostashkov  at  any  time  between  October  15,  1939, 
and  April  24,  1940,  when  you  left? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Up  to  the  1st  of  April  the  evacuation  consisted 
of  individuals.  After  the  1st  of  April  there  was  a  steady  evacuation, 
almost  daily,  of  trainloads  consisting  of  from  200  to  300. 

Mr.  Flood.  Of  all  the  people  that  you  saw,  met,  and  talked  to, 
Poles,  who  were  in  the  camp  at  Ostashkov  between  October  15,  1939, 
and  April  24,  1940,  with  the  exception  of  the  one  carload  who  went  to 
Pavlishechev  Bor  with  you,  have  you  ever  seen  or  heard  of  any  of  those 
people  since? 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  No.  The  witness  wants  to  explain  here  that  after 
he  had  arrived  with  his  group  at  Pavlishchev  Bor,  about  2  weeks  later 
another  trainload  of  approximated  100  Poles  arrived  at  Pavlishchev 

Mr.  Flood.  From  Ostashkov? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  From  Ostashkov.  We  were  told  at  Ostashkov 
that  we  were  being  taken  into  the  forests  to  cut  timber  when  we  left 

Mr.  Flood.  Ask  him  if  he  has  anything  further  in  connection  with 
the  camp  or  the  people? 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  The  witness  points  out  that  after  the  amnesty  in 
1941  he  was  a  Polish  intelligence  officer,  and  that  he  and  others  par- 
ticipated in  an  extensive  search,  being  given  complete  freedom  in 
Russia,  in  an  effort  to  find  the  missing  officers  from  that  camp,  without 
any  success. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  one  of  the  investigators  named  by  General 
Anders  to  cooperate  with  Czapski? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Yes;  I  supplied  information.  I  was  one  of  those 
named,  and  I  supplied  information  to  Czapski. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  a  member  of  one  of  the  sev^eral  commissions 
that  was  set  up  by  General  Anders,  with  the  permission  of  the  Russians, 
that  operated  in  several  different  districts  in  Russia,  looking  for  the 
Polish  missing  officers? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  I  was  not  a  member  of  one  of  those  commissiotis, 
but  I  was  the  man  who  compiled  and  evaluated  tlie  information 
coming  in  from  those  commissions. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wliere  were  you  located? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  I  was  in  Tockoie. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  stay  in  that  one  place? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  I  was  the  chief  of  the  intelligence  division  of  the 
sixth  division. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  have  .i7iv  conversations  with  any  NKVD 
officers  or  with  any  Russian  officials,  civilian  or  military,  at  any  time 
during  the  course  of  your  search  for  the  Polish  officers  with  reference 
to  the  missiii":  officers? 


Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  I  was  in  constant  communication  and  discussion 
with  the  NKVD  officers,  because  that  was  the  most  frequently  dis- 
cussed topic. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  I  understand  you  were  chief  of  intehigence  of  the 
sixth  army  group? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Yes;  I  was. 

Mr.  Flood.  Sixth  Division  of  the  Pohsh  Army? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  a  sample  conversation  that  you  had  of  all 
these  conversations  you  had  with  the  NKVD  officers  with  reference 
to  the  missing  Polish  officers? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  I  shall  give  you  the  name  of  Colonel  Gulake- 
wicz,  who  was  an  NKVD  officer,  who  was  assigned  as  liaison  officer 
to  oiu"  division. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  happened?     Wliat  did  he  talk  about? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  He  had  given  me  repeated  assurances  that  the 
search  for  these  missing  Polish  officers  was  continuing  without  end 
at  the  central  headquarters  of  the  NKVD. 

Mr.  Flood.  Is  that  the  only  kind  of  answer  you  got? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  That  is  the  only  kind  of  answer  we  got. 

Mr.  Flood.  Is  that  the  kind  of  answer  j^ou  got  all  the  time? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  More  or  less  these  were  the  same  kind  of  answers, 
evasive  answers,  which  had  apparently  for  their  purpose  a  delaying 

Mr.  Flood.  And,  as  far  as  you  are  concerned,  your  search  as 
intelligence  officer  for  one  or  any  of  the  Polish  missing  officers  was 
without  success. 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  We  had  tirelessly  questioned  everybody,  every 
Pole,  that  came  from  all  parts  of  Russia,  from  the  northernmost 
parts  of  Russia,  in  an  effort  to  find  at  least  one  name  of  those  who 
were  interned  in  any  of  those  camps,  and  we  were  without  success. 
There  were  at  first  indications  that  these  officers  may  have  been 
taken  to  the  vSt.  Francis  Islands  way  up  in  the  northern  part  of 
Russia,  but  our  subsequent  investigation  proved  that  this  was  not  so. 

Air.  Flood.  Did  you  ever  get  any  hint,  did  you  ever  get  any  rumors, 
did  you  ever  get  any  lead  of  any  kind,  from  any  Russians  of  any 
category,  civilian,  military  or  police,  having  to  do  with  the  missing 
Polish  officers? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  We  always  thought  that  we  were  on  the  right 
track  and  that  we  would  very  shortly  find  them,  but  it  all  developed 
that  our  ideas  and  our  beliefs  were  misleading. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  is  not  the  answer  to  my  question. 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  No;  we  did  not. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  want  to  ask  a  few  questions. 
Wliat  do  you  know  personally,  if  anything,  regarding  the  Katyn 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  I  was  convinced  during  my  search  in  Russia 
that  these  people  were  dead. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  The  question  is:  Wliat  do  you  know  personally,  if 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  I  have  never  been  in  Katyn,  either  before  or 
during  the  actual  investigation  or  search  for  these  officers. 

Mr.  DoNDERo.  And  you  never  talked  with  anyone  who  had  been 


Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  No;  I  never  talked  to  those  people,  because 
they  are  not  alive  now.  All  our  investigations  kept  pointing  toward 
Katyn,  and  we  used  to  send  our  own  officers  into  that  general  area  to 
talk  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  area,  hoping  that  they  might  come  back 
with  some  information  or  what-have-you. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  You  answered  Mr.  Flood  that  you  had  been  in 
touch  with  many  NKVD  officers  and  what  I  want  to  know  is:  Did 
you  talk  with  any  of  them  who  had  any  connection  with  Katyn? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  No. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  And  all  the  investigations  made  in  search  of  these 
Polish  officers  were  made  in  Russian  territory? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Yes.  We  had  complete  freedom  of  movement. 
We  had  a  free  hand. 

Chairman  Madden.  Let  me  ask  you  this:  With  all  your  experiences 
m  the  camp  and  then  the  work  you  did  within  Russian  territory  after 
you  were  out  of  prison,  have  you  come  to  any  conclusion  as  to  who 
committed  the  murders,  massacre,  at  Katyn? 

Mr.  LuszczYNSKi.  Unquestionably  Russia.  There  is  no  question 
about  it.  I  have  observed  the  tactics  of  the  NKVD  from  the  border- 
lands of  Poland  for  the  past  20  years,  and  I  am  well  familiar  with  their 

Chairman  Madden.  That  is  all,  and  we  want  to  thank  you  for 
coming  here  and  testifying  today. 

Col.  Stanislaw  Lubodziecki,  recalled. 

Mr.  Flood.  Colonel,  you  previously  had  testffied,  and  at  the  end 
of  your  testimony  the  committee  submitted  to  you  a  list  of  the  officers 
who  were  found  at  Katyn,  and  we  asked  you  whether  or  not  you  would 
find  on  that  list  any  of  the  names  of  the  14  fellow  officer  prisoners  who 
were  taken  by  the  Russians  with  you  to  Smolensk.  Have  you 
examined  that  list? 

Colonel  Lubodziecki.  Yes;  I  have. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  find  on  that  list  any  of  the  names  of  the  14? 

Colonel  Lubodziecki.  Yes.  I  have  found  all  five  of  the  names 
that  I  had  previously  submitted. 

Mr.  Flood.  Mr.  Interpreter,  will  you  read  into  the  record,  and 
give  the  page  from  the  exhibit,  and  see  that  the  record  shows  the 
names  that  the  colonel  identified  from  the  list. 

Mr.  Pucinski.  The  first  name  that  the  witness  points  out  is  that 
of  Capt.  Josef  Graniczny,  whose  name  appears  on  page  58.  The 
next  name  is  that  of  Lt.  Col.  August  Starzenski,  whose  name  appears 
on  page  160.  The  next  name  is  that  of  a  civilian,  Julian  Wasowski, 
whose  name  appears  on  page  180.  The  next  name  is  Captain 
Liclmowski,  no  first  name  given,  and  the  name  appears  on  page  371. 

Chah-man  Madden.  We  want  to  thank  j^ou  for  testifying,  Mr. 


Mr.  Flood.  Before  you  make  a  statement,  it  is  our  wish  that  you 
be  advised  that  you  would  run  the  risk  of  action  in  the  courts  by 
anyone  who  considered  he  had  sulTered  hijury.  At  the  same  time, 
I  wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  and  the  House  of  Representatives  do  not  assume  any  responsi- 
bility in  your  behalf  with  respect  to  libel  or  slander  proceedings  which 


may  arise  as  the  result  of  the  testimony.     Mr.  Interpreter,  will  you 
translate  that  for  the  witness? 

(The  admonition  was  interpreted  to  the  witness.) 

Air.  Flood.  Will  j-ou  ask  the  witness  if  she  clearly  understands  the 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  The  witness  understands  the  admonition. 

Chairman  Madden.  Do  you  swear  by  God  the  Almighty  that  you 
will,  according  to  your  best'knowledge,  tell  the  truth,  the  whole  truth 
and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  Yes;  I  do. 

Mr.  Flood.  How  long  have  you  been  in  London? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  From  September  1947. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  born  in  Poland? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  married  to  a  Pole? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  My  husband  was  a  lieutenant  colonel  in  the  Polish 

Mr.  Flood.  Was  he  in  the  Polish  Army  in  1939? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  Yes;  he  was  on  active  duty  in  1939. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  married  to  him  at  that  time? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Was  he  taken  prisoner  by  the  Russians? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  As  the  commanding  officer  of  his  regiment  he  was 
retreating  when  the  Russian  invasion  took  place  and  he  was  taken 

Mr.  Flood.  To  which  of  the  three  camps  that  we  have  been  dis- 
cussing in  this  investigation  was  your  husband  taken? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  He  was  taken  to  Starobielsk  on  the  1st  October  1939. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  ever  write  to  him  when  he  was  at  Starobielsk? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  Yes;  I  wrote  to  him. 

Mr.  Flood.  How  frequently  would  you  write  to  him — once  a  week? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  I  wTote  more  frequently.  I  wrote  at  least  every  one 
week  after  he  was  there. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  ever  send  him  any  pictures  of  yourself  or  of 
your  family  or  your  friends,  or  newspapers,  or  anything? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  No.  He  had  written  me  requesting  that  I  send  him 
a  picture  of  myself  and  our  little  daughter,  which  I  did,  but  he  never 
received  it. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  he  write  to  you  frequently?  Did  he  answer  your 

Mrs.  Knopp.  They  were  permitted  to  write  only  once  every  month, 
but  for  some  reason  or  other  I  received  letters  from  him  about  once 
every  3  weeks. 

Mr.  Flood.  How  did  you  first  find  out  or  learn  that  he  was  a 
prisoner  of  the  Russians  and  at  Starobielsk.? 

Mi's.  Knopp.  In  the  1st  or  2d  October  I  received  a  card  from  him 
in  which  he  gave  me  his  address  as  Camp  15,  Starobielsk. 

Mr.  Flood.  When  did  you  first  write  to  him — right  away? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  Almost  immediately. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  remember  or  recall,  the  date  of  the  last  letter 
that  you  had  from  your  husband? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  This  which  I  hold  here  is  the  last  card  that  I  received 
from  him,  dated  the  6th  of  April  1940. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  witness  shows  the  committee  a  post  card  which  we 
will  ask  the  stenographer  to  mark  as  exhibit  12. 



Mr.  Machrowicz.  May  I  state  for  the  record  that  the  date  in 
PoHsh  appears  in  the  reverse  of  what  it  does  in  the  United  States. 
The  day  is  first  and  then  the  month.     "6/4"  is  the  6th  day  of  April. 

(Post  card  referred  to  was  marked  as  "Exhibit  12,"  and  is  shown 

ExiiiniT  12 


.  HOM 


XJ<<  ■'' 

.  ■**«-y.;-*;-^**pV7->% — ^■^V*'^?<«»>»«4*-») 

T  tA- 





..W^^un  ,         .  ,. 

(NoTK. — A  translation  of  this  card  appears  on  following  page  immediately 
Eafter  xhibit  13.) 


Mr.  Flood.  The  witness  is  shown  for  identification  exhibit  12 ;  and  I 
ask  her:  Is  this  the  card  that  you  tell  us  was  the  last  word  you  received 
from  your  husband  at  the  camp  at  Starobielsk? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  Yes,  this  is  the  last  card  I  received  from  my  husband, 
and  I  received  this  card  in  mid-June.  I  had  been  taken  to  Russia 
around  the  middle  of  April  and  this  card  had  gone  to  Lwow  and  it  was 
then  forwarded  to  me  in  Russia,  where  I  was  put  to  work  in  a  factory 
making  bricks. 

Mr.  Flood.  By  the  Russians? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  Yes. 

Air.  Flood.  But  the  card  was  addressed  to  your  home  address  by 
your  husband? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  was  received  at  the  home  address? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  forwarded  to  you  in  Russia;  is  that  correct? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  My  husband  addressed  this  card  to  Lwow,  where  I 
was  staying  with  his  parents.  I  was  a  fugitive.  I  was  captured  and 
I  was  taken  to  Russia,  and  the  card  was  then  forwarded  to  me. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  direct  the  attention  of  the  witness  to  that  part  of 
exhibit  12  whereon  is  to  be  found  the  date,  and  ask  her  to  read  from 
the  card  what  was  the  date  of  the  card. 

Mrs.  Knopp.  6th  April  1940. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  was  that  date  put  on  there  in  your  husband's 

Mrs.  Knopp.  Yes,  of  course. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  identify  that  card  and  the  writing  of  that  date 
and  that  handwriting  as  that  of  your  husband? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  Yes,  I  do.  There  is  on  the  card,  in  a  different  hand- 
wTiting  and  a  different  pencil  used,  the  notation  that  he  has  left 
Starobielsk  in  April  and  this  notation  was  made  on  tliis  card  by  a  friend 
of  his,  apparently.  I  presume  he  was  evacuated  from  Starobielsk 
and  he  probably  left  this  card  with  a  friend  to  have  it  posted  and 
forwarded  to  me  from  Starobielsk,  and  the  additional  writing  on 
here  was  apparently  put  on  by  that  friend,  I  have  the  text  of  the 
card  in  which  he  says  he  is  being  evacuated  from  Starobielsk  and 
that  he  will  forward  me  the  address.  Tie  saj^'s:  "Do  not  WTite  to  me 
imtil  I  give  you  my  new  address." 

Mr.  Flood.  The  witness  shows  the  committee  a  copy  of  the 
"\\T:'itten  matter  by  the  husband  on  exhibit  12,  which  I  will  ask  the 
stenographer  to  mark  "Exhibit  13." 

(Transcription  of  the  material  written  on  exhibit  12  was  marked 
as  "Exhibit  13,"  and  is  shown  below:) 

Exhibit  13 

Karta  pocztowa  adresowana:     "Lwow,  iiL  Sobieskiego  32,  Janina  Knoppowa". 

Adres  nadawcy:    "C.  C.  C.  P.  Starobielsk,  skrzynka  pocztowa  Nr.  15,  Tadeusz 

Stanislawowicz   Knopp".      Stempel  pocztowy    "Starobielsk"    "12.4.40".      Adres 

do  Lwowa  przekreslony  i  napisane:     K.  C.  C.  P.  miasto  Semipalatynsk,   Cegiel- 

nia  Nr.  2.     Stempel  pocztowy  C.  C.  C.  P.  Zana  Semei  Wsch.  Kazachstan  21.6. 


Na  odwrocie: 

z  Starobielska  wyjechal  w  kwietniu 
Najdrozsza  moja  i  najukochansza  Janko  i  Ty  moje  kochanie  Inus.  Depesze 
otrzynialem  1  ciesze  sie,  zescie  zdrowe.  Bardzo  sie  ciesze,  ze  masz  zamiar  wyjechac 
do  INIamy  i  chcialbym  bardzo,  bys  jaknajpredzej  to  uskutecznila,  zawsze  bedziesz 
z  Mama  i  bedzie  Ci  razniej — ^bardzo  bym  chcial,  bys  pojechala.  Do  mnie  obecnie 
nie  pisz,  az  ja  do  Ciebie  napisze.     Ja  jestem  zdrow  i  trzymam  sie.     Do  Michala 


jesli  bedzie  Ciocia  pisac,  niech  go  serdccznie  ode  mnie  ucaluje.     Caluje  Was  obi& 
moje  najdrozsze  jaknajserdeczniej.     Twoj  Tadzik.     Dla  Cioci  ucalowanie  raczek. 
Od  Halskiego  Stefana  i  Genka  ucalowanie  raczek.     O  ile  wiem,  to  jakies  rzeczy 
maja  bye  u  p.  Nowachowiczowej.     6.4.940. 
Ex.  13 

Mr.  Flood.  The  witness  is  now  shown  exhibit  13,  and  I  ask  her 
if  that  is  an  exact  transcription  of  the  material  written  on  the  card 
by  her  husband  that  she  told  us  about. 

Mrs.  Knopp.  It  is. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  have  that  translated  for  the  record?  Read 
it  to  the  committee  now, 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  The  card  is  addressed  to  Lwow,  Sobieski  Street,  32, 
and  it  is  addressed  to  Janiana  Knoppwa.  The  address  of  the  sender 
is  given  as  "C.  C.  C.  P.  Starobielsk."  The  stamp  mark  is  number 
15,  and  the  name  Tadeusz  Stanislawowicz  Knopp.  The  mailing 
stamp  shows  ''Starobielsk,  12th  April,  1940."  The  message  on  the 
postcard  is: 

My  Dearest  and  my  lovely  Janko  and  you — my  dear  Inus.  I  received  your 
telegram  and  am  very  happy  that  you  are  healthy.  I  am  very  happy  that  you 
are  planning  to  go  to  mother,  and  I  would  like  very  much  for  you  to  do  this  as 
soon  as  possible.  It  will  always  be  easier  for  you  with  mother.  I  would  want 
very  much  for  you  to  go  there.  Do  not  write  to  me  at  this  time  until  I  write  to 
you.  I  am  healthy  and  holding  together.  If  our  aunt  writes  to  Michael,  let 
her  hug  him  for  me.  I  send  both  of  you  my  most  sincere  hugs  and  kisses.  Your 
Tadzik.  Also  for  aunt  best  wishes.  Also  best  wishes  from  Halski,  Stefan  and 
Eugene.     As  far  as  I  know  there  should  be  some  things  with  Mrs.  Nowochowicz — 

and  the  date  is  given  as  the  6th  of  April  1940. 

Mr.  Flood.  Have  you  ever  seen  a  list  of  the  names  of  any  of  the 
officers  that  were  found  at  Katyn? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  Yes,  I  did  in  the  book  entitled  "The  Massacre  of 

Mr.  Flood.  We  now  show  you  the  list  that  has  been  placed  in 
evidence  at  hearings  in  the  United  States  of  the  men  who  were  found 
at  Katyn  and  direct  your  attention  to  page  264  thereof  and  ask  you 
if  you  can  identify  the  name  as  marked. 

Mrs.  Knopp.  Yes,  I  do,  except  that  the  age  is  incorrect.  The  age  is 
shown  as  10  years  too  much.     It  is  a  mistake. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Have  you  ever  heard  from  your  husband  since  that 
card  was  received? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  Not  a  single  word. 

Chairman  Madden.  Nobody  offered  you  any  recompense  or 
emolument  for  coming  here  today  to  testify,  did  they — any  pay? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  No;  of  course  not. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  witness  is  shown  exhibit  14  and  asked  where  she 
received  that  card,  where  did  she  get  it. 

Mrs.  Knopp.  My  mother  was  in  the  German  zone.  In  1942  she 
died  and  when  she  died  some  of  her  personal  belongings  were  sent  to 
me  and  amongst  those  was  this  card. 

Mr.  Flood.  To  whom  is  the  card  addressed? 

Mrs.  Knopp.  This  card  is  addressed  to  my  husband,  my  mother's 
son-in-law,  at  Starobielsk. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  the  camp  at  Starobielsk. 

Mrs.  Knopp.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  There  is  a  stamp  on  the  face  of  the  card  niarked 
"Ret  ur  parti"  and  there  is  also  a  postmark  from  Moscow.     Will  you 



read  into  the  record  tlie  date  of  the  cancellation  stamp,  postmark  from 
Moscow,  on  the  face  of  the  card  ? 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  The  date  of  the  postmark  is  the  5th  of  June  1940. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  indicates  with  a  stamp  that  the  card  was  returned 
as  stamped,  as  I  have  just  read,  to  the  sender,  in  this  case  the  witness's 
mother,  and  the  date  was  from  Moscow;  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Yes,  that  is  correct. 

(Post  card  referred  to  was  marked  as  "Exhibit  14,"  and  is  shown 
below :) 

Exhibit  14 

Pl  <   ^-J^    p<~^0\f  A  i^      AT' 




/^twA'.  ,    >.ytr7/.>;a-^^-^ 

^^JT'v.,^^^^^^        j     ^-^^^^-4^^££;^'^>7vl?,  /S 



'^r     //>- 

1Z  U\'t\      ://- 

4  ^  /.' 

f^-g'  /  i-^ 

iCH  If  t. 

/       . 


[Translation  from  Polish] 
[Post  card] 
[Addressed  to:] 

Tadeusz  Knopp 
Post  Office  Box  15 
[From :] 

Eugenia  Zenermaii 
Rzeszow  Gerinckstrasse  6 

Dear  Tadziu!  I  have  not  written  to  you,  because  Janka  wrote,  gave  the  address, 
and  counseled  not  to  write.  Today,  however,  I  have  decided  to  write,  because 
through  Janka  I  get  news  only  once  every  two  months.  Lately  she  informed 
[me]  that  she  tried  to  get  here,  but  although  transports  are  coming  to  an  end, 
she  and  [illegible]  have  not  arrived.  I  am  expecting  them  and  wish  they  were 
already  here.  How  is  your  health?  My  eyes  are  failing  me.  I  kiss  you  fondly, 
[and]  also  Ludwik  M.  'Perhaps  Ludwik  knows  where  his  brother  Staszek  AI.  is? 
Eugenia  Z.     May  24,  1940. 

Chairman  Madden.  We  wish  to  thank  you  for  your  testimony. 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  I  speak  Enghsh. 

Chairman  Madden.  Will  you  give  your  name? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Tadeusz  Felsztyn. 

Chairman  Madden.  Before  you  make  your  statement,  it  is  our  wish 
that  you  be  advised  that  you  will  run  the  risk  of  actions  in  the  courts 
by  anyone  who  considers  he  has  suffered  injury.  At  the  same  time, 
I  wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  and  the  House  of  Representatives  do  not  assume  any  responsi- 
sibility  in  your  behalf  with  respect  to  libel  or  slander  proceedings 
which  may  arise  as  a  result  of  your  testimony. 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Yes,  I  understand  that. 

Mr.  Dondero.  Do  you  agree  to  that? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Yes.     Thank  you  very  much. 

Chairman  Madden.  Do  you  swear  by  the  Almighty  God  that  you 
will  according  to  the  best  of  your  knowledge  tell  the  truth,  the  whole 
truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  I  do. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Where  do  you  reside,  Mr.  Felsztyn? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  I  reside  in  Spink  Hill  near  Sheffield,  in  England. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Were  you  an  officer  of  the  Polish  Army? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  I  was,  yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  When? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Since  1914  of  the  Polish  Legion. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Where  were  you  in  1939? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  In  1939  I  was  in  the  Institute  of  Armament  Re- 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  what  capacity? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  I  was  head  of  the  general  department;  it  was  investi- 
gation of  new  discoveries. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Were  you  taken  prisoner  by  the  Russians? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Yes,  I  was  taken  prisoner  on  the  17th  of  September 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Where  were  you  taken  to? 


Mr.  Felsztyn.  I  was  taken  as  prisoner  near  Mizocz.  I  was  a 
Commander  of  the  Military  Transport  and  the  Institute  of  Research 
of  Ai-mament. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wliere  were  you  taken  from  there? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  From  there  I  was  taken  to  Szepeitowka  and  from 
Szepeitowka  to  a  camp  in  the  Uki-aine  near  Sumy,  and  from  there  to 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wlien  did  you  arrive  at  Kozielsk? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  It  was  the  1st  day  of  November  1939. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.     How  long  did  you  remain  in  Kozielsk? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  I  remained  until  the  end  of  April — the  26tli  of  April. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  happened  on  the  26th  of  April  1940? 

Air.  Felsztyn.  We  were  taken  to  a  military  transport.  There  was 
a  personal  search.  I  was  one  of  the  last  and  it  was  rather  a  very  super- 
ficial one,  so  that  I  could  keep  many  of  the  papers  which  I  had  with 
me  without  any  difficulty.     The  fu-st  were  searched  very  exactly. 

Chairman  Madden.  Talk  a  little  more  slowly. 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Yes.  The  first  were  searched  very  exactly,  but  as 
I  was  one  of  the  last,  I  was  searched  very  lightly.  I  could  keep  many 
papers  with  me  without  any  difficulty. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Where  were  you  taken  from  Kozielsk? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  From  Kozielsk  our  train  went  to  Sukienniczc.  It 
is  a  Russian  name. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Were  you  released  there? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  No;  we  saw  an  inscription  in  our  train.  We  were 
waiting  to  go  west  to  Smolensk.  There  was  an  inscription  that  we 
were  alighting  "west  of  Smolensk. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  do  you  mean  by  "inscriptions" — -where 
were  they? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  You  see,  the  Russian  cars  are  done  in  such  a  way 
that  at  the  end  there  is  a  hinge,  and  on  a  hinge  is  a  bench,  so  that 
you  can  put  it  this  way  or  horizontally. 

Chairman  Madden.  The  witness  indicates  the  moving  of  a  bench 
up  and  down. 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Yes.  There  was  an  inscription  below  the  bench. 
The  bench  was  horizontal;  and  in  the  corner  of  the  bench — in  a  dark 
corner — there  was  a  Polish  inscription. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  know  how  that  got  there? 

Mr,  Felsztyn.  Yes.  The  inscription  was:  "We  were  unloaded 
two  stations  west  of  Smolensk";  and  there  were  some  signatures.  I 
did  not  know  any  of  the  signatures.  I  do  not  remember  the  names. 
There  were  three  or  four  people  who  signed  their  names. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  happened  to  you  after  that? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  After  that  the  train  stopped  there.  We  were 
stopped  some  hours,  and  after  I  was  moving,  instead  of  west,  to  east, 
and  were  taken  to  Pavlishchev  Bor. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  How  long  did  you  remain  at  Pavlishchev  Bor? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  At  Pavlishchev  Bor  Camp  I  think  we  remained  a 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Then  where  did  you  go  to? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Then  we  came  to — what  is  the  name?- — Griazowiec. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wliat  happened  at  Griazowiec? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  I  was  in  Griazowiec  till  General  Anders  came  to  us. 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  then  you  became  a  part  of  General  Anders' 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Are  you  an  expert  in  ammunition  matters? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  I  was  Head  of  the  Infantry  Research  Conmiission 
for  4  years. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  is  4  years  prior  to  1939? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Yes;  it  was  1926  to  1930.  Later  I  was  in  the 
Military  Institute  of  Research,  and  I  was  always  very  interested  in 
ammimition,  from  my  personal  point  of  view,  as  from  the  point  of 
view  of  sport,  shooting  sport,  in  which  I  was  connected  very  strongly. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  ever  have  any  opportunity  to  examine 
bullets  allegedly  used  at  Katyn? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  No. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  experience  have  you  had  in  ballistics? 
You  understand  the  word  "ballistics"? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Yes;  I  understand.  I  was  lieutenant  of  ballistics, 
at  Warsaw  University  during  10  years. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Are  you  also  an  expert  in  small  arms? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Yes;  I  was  an  expert  on  a  Polish-German  incident  in 
1930  or  1931.     I  was  a  Polish  expert  in  this  frontier  incident. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Also  on  munitions  and  small  arms? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Have  you  ever  seen  any  bullets  allegedly  used 
at  Katyn? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  No.  The  question  that  was  put  to  me  by  the 
Polish  command  when  the  Katyn  report  came  was:  How  could  Rus- 
sians use  the  7.65  German  ammunition? 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  have  not  seen  the  bullets? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  No,  I  have  not. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  But  you  were  given  an  account  of  the  fact  that 
7.65  bullets  were  used? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Not  bullets,  but  cases.  Ammunition  cases  were 
found  in  the  graves. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Shells? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Shells. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Have  you  made  any  report  on  that? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Yes,  I  have  made  a  report. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Will  you  give  us  the  report  of  your  findings? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Yes;  the  report  is  the  following:  We  had  in  Poland 
plenty  of  German  Geco  ammunition.  The  7.65  caliber  was  very 
frequently  found  in  Poland. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  is  Geco  ammunition? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  It  is  of  German  manufacture.  It  was  also  of  the 
best  German  ammunition,  and,  as  we  did  not  produce  much  ammu- 
nition of  7.65  caliber  in  Poland,  we  imported  plenty  of  German  am- 
munition, mainly  for  private  purposes,  for  shooting  purposes,  for 
sporting  purposes.     Many  officers  had  7.65  revolvers  with  them. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  know  what  type  of  revolvers  were  used 
by  Russians? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  The  Russians  had  a  Nagan  gun. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  caliber  is  that? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  I  cannot  tell  you  exactly.  I  have  not  much  practice 
with  them.    I  think  it  was  7.62. 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  Can  you  use  7.65  ammunition  in  7.62  guns? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  No;  but  thej'  have  another  revolver,  a  pistol,  the 
Tokarew  pistol. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  kind  of  gun  is  that? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  It  is  a  pistol  which  uses  7.65  ammunition. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  is  that  a  type  of  gun  used  by  the  Russians? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  I  have  seen  this  gun  in  Russia  myself. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Have  you  seen  it  in  substantial  amounts? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  I  cannot  tell  you.  We  had  two  or  three  of  them  to 
teach  our  soldiers  all  different  kinds  of  ammunition.  I  remember  very 
well  we  had  two  or  three  of  them  as  models. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Was  that  a  standard  issue  for  NKVD  officers? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  I  do  not  know  that  it  is  a  standard  issue,  but  I 
have  seen  it  personally,  and  cavalry  officers  carrying  these  pistols, 
and  I  have  seen  them  carry  Polish  pistols. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Could  you  tell  us  whether  that  type  of  gun 
could  use  7.65  ammunition? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  7.65 — it  is  just  their  caliber. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  It  is  their  caliber? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  7.65? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  7.65. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Then  do  I  understand  you  to  state  that  German 
ammunition  could  be  used  in  that  type  of  gun  used  by  Russian  officers? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Certain!}'  it  would.  Certainly  when  you  have  to 
shoot  much,  it  is  far  easier  to  shoot  witti  the  7.65  pistol  than  with  a 
Nagan,  which  has  a  very  hard  trigger;  it  is  a  very  good  revolver,  but 
it  is  rather  a  tiring  one  if  you  have  to  shoot  much. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Is  there  anything  further  that  you  msh  to  add 
in  relation  to  this  matter  to  which  you  have  just  testified? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  About  ammunition,  no;  but  I  have  two  things  per- 
haps to  add  from  the  Kozielsk  camp. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wliat  is  there  that  you  want  to  add? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  I  Vv^as  living  in  the  same  building  at  the  same  time 
with  General  Minkiemcz,  and  he  reported  the  talks  he  had  with 
Comrade  Zarubin.  I  remember  two  talks  which  are  I  think  character- 
istic. One  was  the  following  one:  It  could  be  about  February  1940, 
as  this  was  a  psychological  seesaw  in  our  camp  and  plenty  of  rumours, 
and  General  Minkiewicz  came  to  the  camp  and  asked  him:  "Do  not 
make  us  nervous,  as  all  the  rumours  are  spreading,  but  tell  us  what 
do  you  want  to  do  ^dth  us."  Comrade  Zaiiibin  told  him:  "I  do  not 
think  it  would  be  right.  Let  us  suppose  we  have  decided  to  keep  3-ou 
to  the  end  of  the  war.  It  could  last  5  or  6  years.  You  would  get 
mad  if  I  told  you.  I  assure  you  it  would  be  inliuman.  I  assure  you, 
general,  it  is  better  for  you  not  to  know  what  we  want  to  do  with  you." 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Were  you  a  personal  witness  of  this  conversa- 
tion, or  was  that  conversation  reported  to  you  by  the  general? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  The  conversation  was  repeated  to  me  by  the  general 
immediately  after  he  came  back. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  know  anything  else  having  any  bearing 
on  Katyn? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Wlien  the  transport  started,  Captain  Alexandro- 
wicz  was  asked  by  General  Minkewicz:  "Wliere  are  the  transports 
going?"     The  answer  was:  "You  are  going  to  the  transit  camps  where 

93744— 52— pt.  4 9 


you  will  have  to  decide:  Do  you  want  to  be  given  back  to  the  Germans 
or  do  you  ask  to  remain  in  Russia?  Those  of  you  who  will  hav^e  a  very 
strong  will  can  perhaps  go  to  a  new  country."  This  is  what  Alex- 
androwicz  said  the  moment  the  transports  were  ready  to  leave. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Have  you  personally  ever  seen  Zarubin? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  Yes,  I  have  seen  him  many  times. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Have  you  seen  Zarulnn  who  was  the  Ambassa- 
dor in  London? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  I  have  seen  only  his  photograph. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  find  any  resemblance  in  the  two? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  It  looks  to  me  to  be  the  same  person. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Your  best  judgment  is  that  the  Zarubin  who 
was  at  that  time  at  Kozielsk — — ■ 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  It  is  my  best  impression — only  from  a  photograph. 
I  have  never  seen  the  man  since.  I  recognized,  when  I  was  shown  the 
photograph,  very  well  the  face  and  especially  the  hands  of  the  man, 
as  he  used  to  speak  keeping  his  hands  on  the  table.  I  have  a  vivid 
impression  of  his  hands,  and  when  I  saw  the  hands  on  the  photograph, 
I  had  no  doubt  they  are  the  same  ones. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Is  there  am'thing  further  that  3'ou  wish  to  add 
to  the  testimony? 

Mr.  Felsztyn.  I  do  not  think  so. 

Chairman  Madden.  Well,  we  wish  to  thank  you  for  your  testimon}'. 


LONDON,  E  17 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Major  Kaczkowski. 

Chairman  Madden.  What  is  your  name  and  address? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Maj.  Jan  Kaczkowski,  43  Bromley  Koad, 
London,  E.  17. 

Chairman  AIadden.  Before  you  make  your  statements.  I  wish  that 
you  be  advised  that  you  would  run  the  risk  of  action  in  courts  by 
anyone  who  considered  he  had  suffered  injury.  At  the  same  time  I 
wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
and  the  House  of  Representatives  do  not  assume  any  responsibility 
in  your  behalf  in  respect  of  libel  or  slander  proceedings  which  may 
arise  as  the  result  of  your  testimony.    You  understand  that? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  I  understand  that  and  I  agree. 

Cliairman  Madden.  Now  you  are  to  be  sworn:  Do  you  swear  by  the 
Almighty  God  that  you  will,  according  to  the  best  of  your  knowledge, 
state  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  helj) 
you  God? 

Alajor  Kaczkowski.  I  swear. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  are  a  major  in  the  J\)lish  Army? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  A  reservist. 

Mr.  Flood.  A  reserve  major  in  the  Polish  Army? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  a  reserve  major  on  active  duty? 

Major  Kaczkowskl  I  was  ther(>  in  Russia  as  reservist  captain. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  are  aware  of  the  probli>m  arising  out  of  the  Katvii 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Yes. 


Mr.  Flood.  You  know  of  the  thousands  of  officers  whose  bodies 
were  discovered  there? 

Major  Kaczowski.  Yes. 

]Mr.  Flood.  You  have  heard  and  read,  as  we  have  been  advised 
by  other  witnesses,  of  the  frantic  efforts  made  by  the  friends  and  the 
famihes  and  relatives  of  the  missing  officers  to  find  out  wliere  they 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Yes,  I  do. 

.Mr.  Flood.  As  a  result  of  that  I  am  advised  that  the  Polish  Govern- 
ment of  General  Sikorski,  with  the  cooperation  of  General  Anders, 
took  some  steps  to  try  and  be  of  assistance  to  the  families  and  the 
friends  of  the  missing  officers;  is  that  correct? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  identified  with  such  a  project? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Yes.     May  I  speak  Polish? 

Mr.  Flood.  At  this  point  the  witness  wishes  to  talk  in  Polish.  Mr. 
Pucinski  will  translate.  You  were  identified  with  that  Polish  Govern- 
ment project? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Yes  (through  interpreter). 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  tell  us  in  your  own  words  what  you  did  in 
your  capacity  and  how  this  was  set  up? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Yes.  In  November  of  1941  a  special  Bureau 
which  would  deal  with  the  families  of  the  officers  who  had  been  in 
these  three  camps  was  set  up  in  General  Anders'  staff  and  I  became 
the  chief  of  that  bureau.  The  purpose  of  this  bureau  was  to  try  and 
locate  ail  the  soldiers  who  had  been  evacuated  or  transferred  into 
Russia,  to  bring  them  back  into  the  Polish  Army,  and  then  to  give 
material  assistance  to  their  families.  At  the  beginning  Mr.  Czapski 
was  especially  assigned  to  prepare  a  special  project  with  our  bureau 
of  those  Poles  who  had  been  taken  prisoner  and  sent  to  the  three  camps, 
Kozielsk,  Ostashkov,  and  Starobielsk.  Later,  however,  that  duty 
was  assigned  exclusively  to  myself  and  Mr.  Czapski  was  assigned  to 
go  into  Russia;  that  is,  to  go  all  over  Russia  in  an  effort  to  locate 
these  men. 

W"e  had  received  hundreds  and  thousands  of  letters — thousands  of 
letters  every  day  from  families  both  in  Poland  and  in  Russia  seeking 
out  help  in  establishing  contact  with  their  relatives  and  for  material 
help.  Included  in  these  letters  were  hundreds  of  postcards  written 
in  these  three  camps,  Ostashkov,  Starobielsk,  and  Kozielsk,  written 
to  the  women  who  subsequently  were  writing  to  us  asking  us  to  locate 
their  husbands  or  their  sons.  The  cards  were  attached  to  the  letters 
as  evidence  that  these  people  had  been  in  these  three  camps.  I 
retained  about  150  of  these  postcards  as  evidence  that  these  people 
were  in  those  camps,  but  I  had  returned  all  the  others  because  the 
return  of  these  cards  had  been  in  most  cases  requested  by  the  families ; 
they  wanted  to  keep  the  cards  as  mementoes.  Most  of  the  postcards 
that  I  had  seen  had  the  last  dates  either  in  February,  March,  or  the 
first  few  days  of  April.  Now,  most  of  the  families  that  had  been 
writing  to  us  from  Russia  had  been  evacuated  from  Poland  during  the 
early  days  of  AprU  1940. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  a'ou  say  most  or  all  of  those  cards? 

Mr.  Pucinski.  The  witness  says  that  none  of  these  cards  that 
came  into  his  hands  and  which  he  examined  were  dated  later  than 
about  the  10th  or  15th  April,  1940. 


Major  Kaczkowski.  In  all  the  correspondence  that  was  sent  to  us 
the  families  stated  that  they  had  lost  contact  with  their  husbands  or 
sons  no  later  than  about  the  middle  of  April,  1940. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  all  these  many  thousands  of  letters  which  you 
received,  have  you  received  one  from  any  person  inquiring  about  his 
loved  one  in  any  of  these  three  camps  which  indicated  that  they  had 
heard  from  them  after  April  1940? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  No;  none. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Not  one? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Not  one  card  or  brief — not  one.  In  every 
instance  where  these  letters  came  to  us  they  assured  us  that  following 
or  subsequent  to  about  the  middle  of  April  these  families  had  endeav- 
ored to  get  some  information  about  their  husbands  or  sons  by  either 
writing  direct  to  the  NKVD  in  Moscow  or  writing  direct  to  the  com- 
manders of  their  respective  camps.  In  all  of  these  cards  that  I  have 
seen  wliich  were  returned  from  the  camps  or  from  Moscow  there  was  a 
notation  that  the  card  had  been  censored  in  Moscow  and  that  the 
prisoner  who  was  being  sought  had  either  left  or  his  whereabouts  were 
unknown.  Up  to  July  or  August  of  1942  these  families  kept  writing 
and  inquiring  about  these  men  and  they  kept  getting  these  answers. 
There  is  not  much  more  that  I  can  add  to  my  testunony. 

Mr.  Flood.  All  of  this  testimony  you  are  giving  now,  all  of  this 
reference  to  letters  from  the  families,  deals  particularly  w^itli  the  camps 
of  Kozielsk,  Starobielsk,  and  Ostashkov;  is  that  correct? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Not  all. 

Mr.  Flood.  Others? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  There  were  some  cards,  some  briefs,  letters, 
written  about  persons  who  were  not  in  these  camps. 

Mr.  Flood.  But  most  of  them? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Yes,  most  of  them. 

Mr.  Flood.  Most  of  them  were  about  men  who  were  in  those  three 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Yes,  they  were  about  men  who  were  in  those 
three  camps. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  had  150  cards  that  you  had  not  returned? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  AVliat  did  you  do  with  those  150  cards? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  I  left  all  the  papers  at  my  office  in  August  of 
1942  in  Russia  for  Lieutenant  Rudnicki,  who  was  military  attach 6  in 
Kuybishev — all  papers. 

Mr.  Flood.  All  the  records  of  your  bureau? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  All  the  records,  money,  and  so  on.  Only  one 
officer  of  my  bureau,  that  is  Mr.  Voit,  was  left  in  Russia,  and  was 
sent  to  Kuybishev  together  with  Lieutenant  Rudnicki. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  the  time  when  you  left  Russia,  you  were  then  chief 
of  this  bin-eau  that  we  are  talldng  about? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  when  you  left  charge  of  the  bin-eau,  a^ou  left  all 
of  your  records  and  money,  including  these  150  cards,  with  the  military 
a,ttach6  you  have  just  named? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Yes;  Rudnicki. 

Mr.  Flood.  During  the  time  that  you  were  chief  of  this  bin-can, 
did   you  youi'sclf  engage  in  anv  conversations  or  anv  connnunica- 


tions  mth  Moscow,  Russian  attaches  in  Kuybishev  or  any  place  else 
in  connection  with  the  search  for  the  missing  Pohsh  officers? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  I  was  in  Kuybishev  at  the  Pohsh  Embassy; 
I  was  sent  there  b}^  General  Anders.  I  had  been  asked  to  seek  these 
Polish  officers  also,  but  we  accepted  the  answer  we  received  from 
the  Polish  Embassy  that  Moscow  answered  there  are  none. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  yourself  ever  engage  in  any  conversations 
with  any  of  the  Russians? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Never.  The  wife  of  a  lieutenant  veterinary^ 
Dr.  Drapalski,  told  me  that  she  was  in  Kolhus  in  Siberia,  and  she  has 
written  many  letters  and  every  day  had  gone  to  the  chief  of  the 
NKDV  asking  where  is  her  husband  who  was  in  Kolhus.  After  some 
time  this  Russian  officer  became  very  interested  in  this  wife;  she  was 
very  young;  and  he  told  her:  "You  will  not  see  him  in  Europe  alive. 
You  seek  another  husband,  because  it  is  not  possible  that  you  can  find 
your  husband  in  your  life."  That  was  the  orAy  thing  that  showed 
that  something  was  wi'ong  with  him. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  know  the  name  of  that  woman  you  talked  to? 

Alajor  Kaczkowski.  Yes;  she  is  now  in  London,  but  the  address  is 
unknown  to  me. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  ever  see  a  list  of  the  names  of  the  officers 
whose  bodies  were  found  at  Katyn? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  We  have  grouped  these  names. 

Mr.  Flood.  "VVliat  was  the  name? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Drapalski. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  the  first  name? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  I  cannot  tell  jou. 

Mr.  Flood.  Was  it  Erazem? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Veterinary  doctor,  lieutenant. 

Mr.  Flood.  Now  I  direct  the  attention  of  the  witness  to  the  list  of 
the  names  of  the  Polish  officers  who  disappeared  from  these  three 
camps  and  specifically  to  page  41  thereof  and  ask  him  whether  or  not 
the  Drapalski  now  found  there  with  the  description  of  his  ranlc  in  the 
army  and  duty  in  the  army  is  the  name  of  the  officer  whose  wife  he 
was  talking  to. 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Yes,  that  is  the  same.  I  have  known  this  man, 
this  lieutenant,  and  his  wife. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  read  from  the  document  you  are  now  holding 
the  man's  name  and  spell  it  correctly,  and  the  information  thereon 
describing  him. 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Drapalski.  Now  comes  the  Christian  name: 
Erazm ;  second  lieutenant,  veterinary  doctor. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  The  witness  is  reading  from  page  41. 

Chairman  Madden.  Is  there  anything  further? 

Mr.  Flood.  I  would  like  you  to  give  us  the  names  of  any  associates 
who  were  mth  your  Bureau  during  this  work  that  you  were  carrying 
on,  as  you  describe  it,  who  might  be  available  to  testify  here. 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Here  is  a  lieutenant  or  captain  named  Voit; 
then  Captain  Lubomirski.    These  two  men  are  here. 

Mr.  Flood.  Are  these  two  men  whose  names  you  have  just  given 
us  here  now? 

Major  Kaczkowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  they  were  identified  with  you  and  the  work  you 
described  in  Poland  and  Russia? 


Major  Kaczkowski.  Yes. 

Chairman  Madden.  Thank  you  for  testifying  today. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  You  heard  the  last  witness  describe  who  the  next 
witness  is. 

Captain  Lubomirski.  My  name  is  Eugeniusz  Lubomirski,  captain 
of  the  Pohsh  Army. 

Chairman  Madden.  Captain,  before  you  make  a  statement,  it  is  our 
wish  that  you  be  advised  that  you  would  run  the  risk  of  action  in  the 
courts  by  anyone  who  considered  that  he  had  suffered  an  injury. 
At  the  same  time,  I  wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  and  the  House  of  Representatives  do  not  assume 
any  responsibility  in  yom*  behalf  with  respect  to  libel  or  slander 
proceedings  which  may  arise  as  a  result  of  your  testimony.  You 
understand  that? 

Captain  Lubomirski.  Yes,  I  understand. 

Chairman  Madden.  Now  you  are  to  be  sworn.  Do  you  swear  by 
Almighty  God  that  you  will,  according  to  your  best  knowledge,  testify 
to  the  truth,  the  whole  truth  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you 

Captain  Lubomirski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  is  your  rank  and  name? 


Captain  Lubomirski.  My  name  is  Eugeniusz  Lubomirski;  my  rank 
is  captain. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  have  been  and  I  believe  still  are  identified  with 
the  London  Polish  Government? 

Captain  Lubomirski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  In  what  official  capacity  are  you  identified  with 
that  organization  today? 

Captain  Lubomirski.  I  was  A.  D.  C.  to  General  Anders  during  the 
whole  war  and  during  the  whole  campaign  in  Italy  and  since  than  I  am 
his  personal  secretary  here  in  London. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  believe  it  has  been  brought  to  the  attention  of  the 
committee  that  you  act  as  interpreter  for  the  general? 

Captain  Lubomirski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  So  that  you  understand  English  and  Polish  quite  weU? 

Captain  Lubomirski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  heard  the  previous  witness,  the  Major,  who  has 
just  testified? 

Captain  Lubomirski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  in  a  position  here  where  you  could  hear  that 

Captain  Lubomirski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Every  word  as  he  gave  it? 

Captain  Lubomirski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  subscribe  and  corroborate  the  testimony  given 
by  the  Major? 

Captain  Lubomirski.  I  can  completely  confirm.  I  heard  what  he 
said  and  I  confirm  completely  100  percent  what  he  said,  because  I 
worked  with  him  and  he  was  my  superior  in  that  office  for  military 
families  in  Gangi  Gul  in  Russia. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  You  have  not  anything  to  add  to  that  report? 


Captain  Lubomirski.  I  have  here  the  written  statement  which  I 
made  in  1949  and  left  it  in  the  archives  of  the  organization  of  former 
PoUsh  prisoners  in  Russia.  It  saj^s  practically  the  same  about  those 
letters  which,  while  doing  my  work,  I  read.  In  most  of  those  letters 
the  thing  which  struck  me  was  that  all  of  the  families  seeking  informa- 
tion about  their  husbands,  brothers,  sons,  and  so  on,  repeatedly 
stated:  "The  last  news  I  had  about  him  was  March,  April,  1940." 
That  was  striking,  and  I  usually  put  a  red  mark  about  it. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  purpose  of  the  question  was  to  find  out  whether 
or  not  you  had  anything  that  you  could  add  to  what  the  other  witness 
before  you  said? 

Captain  Lubomirski.  I  do  not  think  I  can  add  anytliing. 

Mr.  Flood.  A\liile  this  is  being  read  in  Polish  by  my  colleague 
Mr.  Alaclu'owicz,  may  I  ask  you  this:  You  heard  the  former  witness 
recollect  a  conversation  that  he  just  happened  to  remember  that  he 
had  with  a  certain  lady? 

Captain  Lubomirski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Beyond  what  the  major  testified  to,  wdll  you  tax  your 
memory  for  a  minute  and  see  if  you  can  recall  any  such  particular 
incident  wliich  was  peculiar  and  personal  to  your  experience  in  this 
job  wliich  either  the  major  or  your  other  associates  might  not  have 
known  about — any  conversations,  any  personal  experience,  any  tele- 
phone talks,  any  particular  letter  or  incident  during  the  entire  job  of 
this  nature  that  ,you  tliink  would  be  helpful  to  the  committee.  Can 
you  tliink  of  any  such  thing? 

Captain  Lubomirski.  No ;  during  the  tim.e  of  my  work  in  that  office 
I  could  not  add  anything  beyond  that  which  is  said  in  the  written 
statement.  Only  I  remember  that  during  the  whole  time  also  when 
I  was  with  General  Anders  and  acting  as  interpreter,  always  the 
question  of  those  officers  came  up. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  have  any  conversations  or  communications  of 
any  nature  whatsoever  with  any  Russians  of  any  standing — military, 
civilian,  or  N.  K.  V.  D. — during  the  course  of  this  search  for  the  missing 
Polish  officers? 

Captain  Lubomirski.  No,  nothing. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Subsequent  to  the  time  that  you  were  working 
wuth  Major  Kaczkowski,  you  became  adjutant  of  the  commander  of 
the  Second  Corps  in  Italy? 

Captain  Lubomirski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  continue  in  that  capacity  to  receive 
letters  of  the  type  that  you  had  been  receiving  when  you  were  working 
with   Alajor   Kaczkowski? 

Captain  Lubomirski.  There  again  in  Italy  while  working  as  adju- 
tant to  General  Anders  at  our  office,  we  received,  of  course,  a  great 
number  of  letters,  including  several  letters  from  France,  Switzerland 
and  other  countries  in  Europe.  They  were  all  from  families  who 
had  WTitten  of  having  received  letters  from  Kozielsk  and  Starobielsk, 
in  1940  and  never  again  since  1940. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  any  of  those  letters  indicate  a  date  subsequent  to 
April  1940? 

Captain  Lubomirski.  Again  the  same  phrase  was  repeated  there: 
"March  or  April." 

Mr.  Flood.  And  nothing  beyond? 

Captain  Lubomirski.  There  were  perhaps  five  or  six  letters. 


Mr.  Flood.  The  witness  has  shown  the  committee  a  document 
which  I  will  ask  to  have  marked  as  ''Exhibit  No.  15."  I  now  show 
the  captain  exhibit  15  and  ask  him  if  that  is  the  statement  that  he 
gave  in  1949  in  connection  with  this  same  matter? 

Captain  Lubomirski.  Yes,  it  is. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  submit  that  now  as  an  exhibit  for  the  com- 

Captain  Lubomirski.  Yes. 

(The  report  was  marked  "Exhibit  15"  and  entered  in  the  record.) 

Ex.  15 
Eu?.  LUBOMIRSKI,  kpt. 
6,  Fairholt  Street, 
London,  S.  W.  7. 

Dnia  15  czerwca  1949. 

Polskie  Stowarzyszenie  b.  Wiezni6w  Sowieckich,  Londyn. 


Stwierdzam,  ze  w  czasie  mojej  pracy  w  Biurze  Rodzin  Wojsk.  i  Poszukiwan 
Armii  Polskiej  w  ZSRR  na  czele  ktorego  stal  kpt.  Kaczkowski,  w  czasie  od  kwietnia 
1942  do  lipca  1942  w  Jangi  Jul,  przez  moje  rece  przeszlo  bardzo  duzo  list6w  i 
kartek,  kt6re  pisane  byiy  przez  osoby  poszukuj^ce  swoich  krewnych  oficer6w 
i  szeregowych,  co  do  kt6rych  z  korespondencji  od  nich  otrzymywanej  wiedzieli, 
zeznajdowalisiewkoncuroku  19391  wzimieinawiosne  1940r.  wobozach  Kozielsk, 
Starobielsk  lub  Ostaszkowie.  Znamiennym  w  tych  listach  by}o,  zo  prawie  we 
wszystkich  podkre^lano,  iz  nie  moga  zrozumiec  dlaczego  poprzednio,  to  znaczy 
do  marca  i  kwietnia  1940r.  (i  te  daty  stale  sie  powtarzaiy) ,  raczej  regularnie  od 
nich  otrzymywali  wiadomo^ci  i  odpowiedzi  na  listy  do  nich  kierowane,  a  od 
powyzej  podanego  czasu  wszelka  korespondencja  sie  urwala.  Takich  hst6w  mam 
wrazenie  by}o  az  kilkaset.  Podkre^lalem  w  tych  hstach  te  daty  czerwonym 
ol6wkiem,  gdyz  w6wczas  kiedy  wlagciwie  nic  konkretnego  o  losie  tych  jenc6w  nie 
byto  wiadome,  te  daty  najbardziej  rzucaly  sie  w  oczy  jako  stale  powtarzaj^ce  sie. 
Listy  te  bj'ly  adresowane  do  Biura  Poszukiwan  Armii  1  pochodzlly  oczywl^cie  od 
krewnych  wywiezlonych  do  Rosji,  kt6rzy  zar6wno  przed  wy wiezieniem,  a  nastepnie 
i  na  terenie  Rosji  od  ]enc6w  otrzymywali  korespondencje.  Listy  te  bj-ly  zbierane 
i  winny  sig  znajdowad  w  archiwach  Biura  Poszukiwan,  ktore  o  lie  mi  wiadomo 
zostaly  przekazane  przez  kpt.  Kaczkowskiego  przed  jego  opuszczeniem  Rosji, 
attache  wojskowemu  przy  ambasadzie  R.  P.  w  Kujbyszewie,  plk.  Rudnickiemu. 
Sam  takich  listow  czy  tez  kartek  nie  posiadam. 

P6zniej  w  czasie  mojej  prac}^  w  adiutanturze  D-cy  2  Korpusu  we  Wloszech 
moge  stwierdzid,  ze  wptynela  tak  samo  pewna  ilo^c  list6w  od  os6b  przebywaj^cych 
na  terenie  Szwajcarii,  Francji  i  inn3-ch,  kt6rzy  nawet  przebywajqc  w  1940r.  na 
zachodzie,  otrzymali  kartki  z  tych  obozow  w  Rosji  i  w  kt6rych  to  listach  znowu 
sie  te  same  daty  powtarzaiy.  Z  datq  pdzniejszq,  od  kwietnia  1940r.  nikt  od  nich 
korespondencji  nie  otrzymal.  Te  listy  oddawatem  do  Oddzialu  Kul  tury  i  Prasy, 
zwracaj^c  uwage  ze  nalezaloby  je  pieczolowicie  przechowywad.  Powinny  one 
zatym  znajdowad  si§  w  archiwach  Oddz.  Kult.  i  Prasy  2  Korpusu. 

Eugene  Lubomirski,  Kpt, 
EuG.  Lubomirski,  Kpt. 

[Translation  from  Polish] 

Captain  Eugene  Lubomorski 
6  Fairholt  Street 
London,  S.  W.  7. 

June  15,  1949 
To  the  Polish  Union  of  Former  Soviet  Prisoners,  London: 


I  certify  that  during  my  work  with  the  Bureau  of  Families  of  Men  in  the  Service 
in  search  of  the  Polish  Army  in  the  U.  S.  S.  R.,  headed  by  Captain  Kaczkowski,  a 
large  number  of  letters  and  postcards  went  through  my  hands  from  May  1942  to 
June  1942  in  Jangi  Jul;  these  letters  were  written  by  persons  in  search  of  their 


relatives,  officers  and  enlisted  men.  These  persons  knew  from  correspondence 
with  their  relatives  in  the  service  that  the  latter  were  placed  by  the  end  of  1939 
and  in  the  winter  and  spring  of  1940  in  the  camps  in  Kozielsk,  Starobielsk,  or 
Ostaszkowo.  It  is  noteworthy  that  all  of  these  letters  [to  the  Bureau  of  Famihes] 
emphasized,  I  do  not  know  for  what  reason,  that  before  March  and  May  of  1940 
(these  dates  are  continuously  repeated)  they  received  information  rather  regularly 
[about  their  relatives]  and  replies  to  letters  sent  to  them,  but  that  from  the  above- 
mentioned  date  all  correspondence  ceased.  I  have  the  impression  that  there  were 
several  hundred  such  letters.  In  them  the  above-mentioned  dates  were  under- 
scored by  red  pencil,  although  at  that  time  nothing  was  known  definitely  con- 
cerning the  fate  of  these  prisoners  of  war.  And  these  dates  hit  the  eye,  since  they 
were  constantly  repeated.  The  letters  were  addressed  to  the  Bureau  for  Search 
of  the  Army,  and  evidently  were  sent  by  the  relatives  of  those  who  were  deported 
to  Russia.  Both  before  and  after  the  deportation,  the  relatives  received  corre- 
spondence from  the  prisoners  in  the  territory  of  Russia.  These  letters  were 
collected  and  must  be  kept  in  the  archives  of  the  Bureau  for  Search  which,  so  far 
as  I  know,  were  handed  over  by  Captain  Kaczkowski  before  he  left  Russia  to  the 
military  attache  of  the  Polish  Embassy  in  Kuybj'shev,  Colonel  Rudnicki.  I  do 
not  possess  any  such  letters  or  postcards. 

Later,  at  the  time  when  I  worked  at  the  adjutant's  office  of  the  commander  of 
the  second  corps  in  Italy^I  may  certify  that  similarly  a  certain  number  of  letters 
was  received  from  persons  who  resided  in  the  territory  of  Switzerland,  France,  and 
other  countries.  While  these  people  remained  in  the  West  in  1940,  they  received 
postcards  from  the  camps  in  Ptussia,  in  which  letters  the  same  data  were  repeated. 
None  of  these  persons  has  received  any  correspondence  with  a  date  later  than 
May  1940.  These  letters  I  gave  to  the  section  of  Culture  and  tha  Press,  drawing 
their  attention  to  the  fact  that  they  should  be  carefully  preserved.  They  must  be 
available  in  the  archives  of  the  Section  for  Press  and  Cultural  Affairs  of  the  Second 


Eugene  Lubomirski, 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  have  any  of  those  letters  which  you 
received  or  do  you  know  where  they  are  at  present? 

Captain  LuBioMiRSKi.  No;  the  unfortunate  thing  is  that  those 
letters,  as  Major  Kaczkowski  said,  were  sent  to  Kuybishev  to  the 
military  attache  and  I  think  they  never  left  Russia.  It  was  difficult 
to  get  things  out.  So  that  there  are  none.  There  are  some  of  those 
letters  which  were  collected  from  different  people  here  in  England 
which  Dr.  Stahl  had. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  about  those  you  received  in  Italy? 

Captain  Lubiomirski.  They  may  be  in  some  of  the  archives  but 
difficult  to  find  because  when  it  was  moved  to  England  at  very  short 
notice,  all  those  things  were  packed  together,  and  it  is  possible  that  in 
some  of  a  great  number  of  boxes  some  of  those  cards  are  stUl  there,  but 
it  is  very  hard  to  find  because  a  great  number  of  boxes  were  stored  all 
over  England  for  the  better  times  when  we  can  arrange  a  better 
storage  for  them. 

Chairman  Madden,  Captain,  we  want  to  thank  you  for  coming 
here.     Now  wdl  the  next  witness  state  his  name  and  address? 

Mr.  VoiT.  Roman  Voit,  48  Holland  Road,  London,  W.  14. 

Chairman  Madden.  Before  you  make  your  statement,  it  is  our  wish 
that  you  be  advised  that  you  would  run  the  risk  of  action  in  the  courts 
by  anyone  who  considered  he  had  suffered  injury.  At  the  same  time  I 
wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
and  the  House  of  Representatives  do  not  assume  any  responsibility 
in  your  behalf  with  respect  to  libel  or  slander  proceedings  which  may 
arise  as  the  result  of  your  testunony. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  The  witness  does  not  understand  English  too  weU, 
Mr.  Chairman. 


Chairman  Madden.  We  want  the  record  to  show  that  the  admoni- 
tion read  in  Enghsh  now  is  being  translated  for  the  witness  into  Polish. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  understand  the  provisions  in  the  admonition? 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  The  witness  says  that  he  does  understand. 

Chairman  Madden.  Do  you  swear  by  God  Almighty  that  you  will 
according  to  your  best  knowledge  tell  the  truth,  the  pure  truth,  and 
nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God? 

Mr.  Roman  Voit.  I  do. 



Mr.  Flood.  What  is  your  name? 

Mr.  Voit.  Roman  Voit. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  at  one  time,  I  understand,  identified  with 
the  Polish  Government  of  General  Sikorski  and  of  General  Anders? 

Mr.  Voit.  Yes,  that  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  identified  with  that  part  of  the  Government 
which  was  a  bureau  set  up  for  the  purpose  of  rendering  aid  and 
information  to  the  relatives  and  the  families  and  the  friends  of  the 
missing  Polish  officers? 

Mr.  Voit.  Yes,  that  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  present  here  in  the  room,  I  believe,  and  you 
heard  the  evidence  of  the  last  two  witnesses? 

Mr.  Voit.  Not  too  well;  I  do  not  hear  too  well. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  can  hear  me? 

Mr.  Voit.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  identified  with  a  bureau  set  up  by  General 
Sikorski  and  General  Anders  under  the  command  of  Major  Kacz- 

Mr.  Voit.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  also  working  with  Major  Kaczkowski,  and 
with  you  was  Captain  Felsztyn,  who  just  left  the  stand? 

Mr.  Voit.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  They  told  us  that  they  received  in  this  bureau  thou- 
sands of  letters  from  relatives  and  friends  and  the  families  of  the 
missing  officers;  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  Voit.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  employed  at  that  bureau  during  the  same 
period  of  time  with  the  other  two  officers  whose  names  I  have  just 

Mr.  Voit.  Yes;  that  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  other  officers  testified  that  these  communications 
came  in  all  during  that  period  of  time  by  the  thousands;  is  that  right? 

Mr.  Voit.  Maybe  not  in  thousands,  but  as  far  as  I  know  from  my 
own  contact  there  were  hundreds  of  those  letters. 

Mr.  Flood.  Many  of  these  communications  were  post  cards? 

Mr.  Voit.  Most  of  them  were  post  cards. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  had  l)een  received  by  the  relatives  and  friends 
and  families  from  the  men  who  were  in  Kozielsk  and  Starobielsk? 

Mr.  Voit.  Yes;  that  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  those  were  the  cards  that  these  people  sent  to 
your  office  to  see  if  you  could  help  locate  those  officers? 

Mr.  Voit.  That  is  correct. 


Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  yourself  ever  have  any  conversations  or  com- 
mimications  with  any  Russians,  mihtary,  civiHan  or  NKVD,  of  any 
category  in  connection  with  the  missing  Pohsh  officers? 

Mr.  VoiT.  No ;  only  with  the  Polish  families  ui  the  Russian  territory. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  the  date  that  was  stressed  in  your  mind  as 
the  last  date  or  dates  that  any  of  these  families  or  friends  had  received 
any  word  or  information  from  the  missing  officers  in  the  three  camps? 

Mr.  VoTT.  As  far  as  I  can  remember,  the  dates  were  January, 
February,  March,  and  possibly  some  in  April  of  1940. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  have  any  personal  reminiscence,  any  personal 
incident,  by  telephone,  in  writing  or  in  conversation  with  any  of  the 
relatives,  families  or  friends  or  anybody  else,  Polish,  Russian,  or 
anything  any  time  any  place  anywhere,  which  would  be  of  help  to 
this  committee? 

Mr.  VoiT.  There  was  constant  fear  and  theory  that  these  men  had 
disappeared,  that  these  men  had  been  killed,  and  chis  bureau  tried 
to  console  these  families  with  the  hope  that  they  would  be  found. 

Mr.  Flood.  Now  after  the  major,  the  chief  of  this  section,  left 
Russia,  did  you  remain? 

Mr.  VoiT.  Yes,  I  did;  I  went  to  Kuybyshev  wid\  Colonel  Rudnicki. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wlien  the  major,  who  just  left  here,  who  was  chief  of 
the  section,  turned  over  the  files  and  records  to  Colonel  Rudnicki, 
who  went  to  Kuybyshev,  did  you  go  with  Colonel  Rudnicki  to 

Mr.  VoiT.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  take  the  records  and  documents  with  you? 

Mr.  VoiT.  Yes,  and  I  personally  packed  them. 

Mr.  Flood.  When  was  the  last  that  you  saw  the  documents  in 

!Mr.  VoiT.  I  took  them  with  me. 

Mr.  Flood.  From  where?  What  I  want  to  know  is  what  happened 
to  the  documents  after  they  got  to  Kuybyshev.  Did  they  leave 

Mr.  VoiT.  The  Russian  authorities  objected  to  my  staying  at 
Kuybyshev,  so  then  I  left  for  Iraq,  but  the  documents  remained  there 
with  Colonel  Rudnicki. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  was  he  the  Polish  military  attache  at  Kuj^byshev? 

Mr.  VoiT.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  So  the  last  that  you  know  of  the  documents  and  records 
is  that  when  you  left  Kuybyshev  to  go  to  Iraq,  the  documents  and 
records  were  at  Kuybyshev  in  the  possession  of  the  Polish  military 
attache.  Colonel  Rudnicki? 

Mr.  VoiT.  That  is  correct. 
>  Mr.  Flood.  That  is  all. 

Chairman  Madden.  Any  further  questions? 

Mr.  VoiT.  May  I  make  a  further  statement?  I  know  as  a  matter 
of  fact  that  when  Russia  broke  off  diplomatic  relations  with  Poland 
in  1943,  the  Polish  officials  in  these  various  locations  were  burning  and 
destroying  their  records  and  documents;  but  we  continued  our  search 
for  these  officers  and  kept  contact  with  these  families  after  the  whole 
operation  was  transferred  to  Iraq,  to  Palestine,  and  to  Egypt. 

Mr.  Flood.  After  you  left  Kuybyshev,  did  you  ever  get  word  any 
place  or  ever  hear  anything  in  that  bureau  from  any  of  the  officers  at 
Kozielsk,  Starobielsk,  or  Pavlishchev  Bor  about  these  missing  officers? 


Mr.  VOIT.  No. 

Chairman  Madden.  We  want  to  thank  you  for  coming  here  this 
afternoon  and  testifying. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  This  gentleman  coming  up  now  is  the  only  surviving 
Polish  general  who  was  interned  in  either  of  these  camps. 

Chairman  Madden.  General,  \^dll  you  give  the  reporter  your  full 
name  and  address? 

General  Wolkowicki.  My  name  is  Jerzy  Wolkowicki,  and  my 
address  is  Penross  Camp,  PwUelli,  Wales. 

Chairman  Madden.  Before  you  make  a  statement.  General,  it  is 
our  wish  that  you  be  advised  that  you  v/ould  run  the  risk  of  actions 
in  the  courts  by  anyone  who  considered  he  had  suffered  an  injury. 
At  the  same  time,  I  wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  and  the  House  of  Representatives  do  not  assume 
any  responsibility  in  your  behalf  with  respect  to  libel  or  slander 
proceedings  which  may  arise  as  the  result  of  your  testimony. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  witness  will  now  have  interpreted  for  him  in 
Polish  the  admonition  just  rendered  by  the  chairman.  Does  he 
understand  the  provisions  of  the  admonition? 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  The  witness  says  that  he  does  understand  the 
provisions  of  the  admonition. 

Chairman  Madden.  General,  do  you  solemnly  swear  by  God 
Almighty  that  you  will  according  to  your  best  Icnowledge  to  tell  the 
truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God? 

General  Wolkowicki.  I  do. 



Mr.  Machrowicz.  Your  name  is  Jerzy  Wolkowicki? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Were  you  a  general  of  the  Polish  Army  in  1939? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Yes,  I  was  a  general  from  1927. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  what  branch  of  the  service  were  you  in  1939? 

General  Wolkowicki.  I  was  a  commander  in  the  reserve  army  of 
Gen.  Dom-Biernacki,  and  then  I  was  the  commanding  officer  of  the 
combined  division  entitled  or  named  "W". 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  while  in  such  command,  were  you  taken 
prisoner  by  the  Russians? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  When? 

General  Wolkowicki.  September  26,  1939. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  were  you  subsequently  interned  at  Kozielsk? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Yes;  I  arrived  at  Kozielsk  at  the  beginning 
of  November. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Of  1939? 

General  Wolkowicki.  1939. 

Mr.  MxcHROwicz.  How  many  Polish  generals  were  there  at  the 
Kozielsk  camp  at  that  time? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Five. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  how  long  did  you  remain  at  Kozielsk? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Until  April  26,  1940. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  happened  to  you  on  April  26,  1940? 


General  Wolkowicki.  On  that  date  I,  and  a  group  of  approximately 
96,  were  taken  from  this  camp  after  undergoing  a  very  intensive 
search  at  the  camp. 

Air.  Machrowicz.  Were  the  other  four  generals  in  that  group,  too? 

General  Wolkowicki.  No;  three  of  them  were  removed  before  I 
was,  and  one  after. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  know  what  became  of  those  three  who- 
were  removed  before  you? 

General  Wolkowicki.  No;  I  do  not.  I  do  know  that  they  were 
subsequently  found  among  those  in  Katyn. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  know  their  names? 

General  Wolkowicki.  General  Minkiewicz,  General  Smorawinski, 
General  Bohaterewicz,  and  Admiral  Czernicki. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  hand  you  this  exhibit  5A  of  the  Chicago 
hearings,  which  shows  the  list  of  the  officers  found  in  Kat>ai  and 
direct  your  specific  attention  to  page  114,  and  ask  you  to  find  the 
name  of  General  Minkiewicz  there? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Yes;  Henryk  Minkiewicz. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  He  was  among  those  who  were  found  dead  at 

General  Wolkowicki.  Yes;  that  is  correct. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  I  ask  \^ou  to  look  under  the  letter  "S"  and  see 
if  you  find  the  name  of  General  Smorawinski? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Yes;  Alieczyslaw  Smorawinski. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  And  you  find  it  at  what  page  of  the  exhibit? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Page  157. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  Now  I  direct  your  attention  again  to  the  same 
exhibit,  and  ask  you  whether  you  find  under  the  letter  "B"  the  name 
of  General  Bohaterewicz? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Yes;  Bronislaw  Bohaterewicz. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  On  what  page? 

General  Wolkowicki.  On  page  24. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  I  direct  your  attention  again  to  the  same 
exhibit  and  ask  j'ou  whether  you  find  therein  the  name  of  Admiral 

General  Wolkowicki.  Yes;  Ksawery  Czernicki. 

Air.  Machrowicz.  And  you  find  it  on  what  page? 

General  Wolkowicki.  On  page  36. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  So  that  all  four  of  your  colleagues,  the  three 
generals  and  the  admiral,  are  in  the  list  of  those  who  were  found  dead 
at  Katyn,  is  that  right? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Yes;  that  is  correct. 

Air.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  know  when  they  left  Kozielsk?  If  you 
do  not  know  the  exact  date,  can  you  give  us  the  approximate  date? 

General  Wolkowicki.  No;  I  do  not  recall  the  exact  date. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  When  did  you  leave? 

General  Wolkowicki.  April  26. 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  April  26  of  1940? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  did  they  leave  before  you? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Three  of  them  departed  before  I  did,  and 
those  are  General  Alinldewicz,  General  Smorawinski,  and  General 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  How  long  before  you  did  they  depart? 

General  Wolkowicki.  About  10  days. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Then  I  understand  that  Admiral  Czernicki 
was  still  at  Kozielsk  when  you  left? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Yes;  that  is  correct. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  have  any  knowledge  as  to  how  long  after 
you  Admiral  Czernicki  left  Kozielsk? 

General  Wolkowicki.  I  had  learned  from  a  subsequent  group  which 
had  arrived  at  Pavlishchev  Bor  after  our  arrival  there  that  Admiral 
Czernicki  was  evacuated  from  Kozielsk  about  3  days  after  my  de- 

]VIr.  Machrowicz.  During  the  time  that  you  were  at  Kozielsk  did 
you  at  any  time  have  any  opportunity  or  occasion  to  talk  to  any  of  the 
Russian  officers  regarding  the  fate  of  your  fellow  officers  who  left 
before  3'^ou? 

General  Wolkowicki.  I  frequently  asked  them  where  these  men 
were  taken. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  what  answers  did  you  get? 

General  Wolkowicki.  That  they  do  not  know. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  ever  get  any  answers  when  you  had  any 
other  occasion  to  inquire  about  their  whereabouts? 

General  Wolkowicki.  I  do  not  recall  who  this  officer  was,  but  I 
did  talk  to  one  Wliite  Russian  officer  at  the  camp  who  told  me  that 
these  men  would  be  turned  over  and  surrendered  to  the  Germans. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Now  from  Kozielsk  you  were  taken  to  Pav- 
lishchev Bor,  is  that  right? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  How  long  did  you  stay  there? 

General  Wolkowicki.  We  remained  there  1  month. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  during  the  time  you  were  at  Pavlishchev 
Bor,  did  you  have  any  opportunity  or  occasion  to  inquire  of  an}^  of  the 
Russian  officers  there  as  to  the  fate  of  the  other  Polish  officers? 
(  General  Wolkowicki.  Yes.  We  were  not  permitted  to  carry  on 
any  correspondence.  I,  however,  on  September  9,  1940,  wrote  the 
following  communication  to  the  NKVD. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  The  NKVD  at  Pavlishchev  Bor? 

General  Wolkowicki.  In  Griazowiec. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  is  this  paper  which  you  now  hand. to  the 
committee  a  copy  of  the  letter  which  you  sent? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Yes;  that  is  a  copy  of  the  letter  which  I 
wrote.     I  always  made  a  separate  copy  for  myself  of  any  letter  to  them. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  in  that  letter  you  complained  about  the 
lack  of  knowledge  as  to  the  fate  of  these  officers  who  left  the  camp 
before  you  did,  is  that  right? 

General  Wolkowicki.  As  the  result  of  this  letter  which  I  had 
written  to  the  NKVD  headquarters  in  Griazowiec,  we  were  permitted 
thereafter  to  correspond  with  relatives  and  friends. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Prior  to  this  letter,  3^ou  were  not  given  the  right 
to  correspond  with  your  relatives? 

General  Wolkowicki.  No,  prior  to  this  they  permitted  us  to  write 
only  two  letters,  and  we  had  never  received  any  answer  to  those 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  as  the  result  of  this  letter,  was  that  changed? 


General  Wolkowicki.  In  October  of  1940  they  permitted  us  to 
forrespond  with  the  outside  world,  and  then  we  started  getting  letters 
from  Poland. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  did  these  letters  indicate  that  the  families 
and  relatives  of  these  officers  were  unable  to  hear  from  them,  is  that 

General  Wolkowicki.  My  wife  had  ^\Titten  me  a  letter  inquiring 
about  three  people  in  particular. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  make  any  inquiry  of  any  Russian 
authorities  as  to  the  whereabouts  of  any  of  those  people? 

General  Wolkowicki.  I  then  went  to  the  Russian  officials  and 
inquired  of  them  why  they  are  permitting  us  to  write  letters  and  not 
permitting  those  others  to  write  letters  to  their  loved  ones. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Who  did  you  go  to? 

General  Wolkowicki.  I  went  to  captain  of  the  NKVD  Wasilewsky. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  When  you  say  those  others,  you  mean  those 
which  your  wife  had  written  to  you  about,  is  that  right? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Yes;  that  is  correct. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  answer  did  you  get  from  this  captain? 

General  Wolkowicki.  His  reply  was  that  he  did  not  know  in  which 
camp  these  men  were,  but  that  most  probabl}^  they  did  not  want  to 
write  to  their  families. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Other  than  that  did  you  have  any  other  conver- 
sations with  any  Russian  authorities  about  these  officers,  or  any  other 
missing  officers? 

General  Wolkowicki.  I  received  another  subsequent  letter  from 
the  wife  of  a  colonel  whose  name  I  would  rather  not  reveal  at  this 
time,  and  she  was  inquiring  about  her  brother.  Later  more  of  the 
people  in  the  camp  began  coming  to  me  and  telling  me  that  they  also 
are  receiving  letters  from  families  in  Poland  inquiring  why  their 
relatives  are  not  writing  to  them. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  As  a  result  of  these  complaints  which  had  come 
to  you  from  these  various  relatives,  did  you  make  any  other  attempts 
with  the  Russian  authorities  to  find  out  the  whereabouts  of  these - 
missing  officers? 

General  Wolkowicki.  In  January  of  1941  I  agam  went  to  Captam 
Wasilewsky  of  the  Russian  NKVD  and  had  a  conversation  with  him. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  ^Miat  did  he  tell  you?    * 

General  Wolkowicki.  I  told  him  that  many  others  are  receiving 
letters  similar  to  those  that  I  am  receiving,  and  I  threatened  at  that 
time  to  write  a  letter  to  the  headquarters  of  the  NKVD. 

Air.  Machrowicz.  Wliat  did  the  captain  tell  you? 

General  Wolkowicki.  He  told  me  the  same  thing:  "They  most 
probably  do  not  want  to  wTite  to  their  families." 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  do  anything  further  about  it? 

General  Wolkowicki.  I  told  him  that  I  could  understand  if  one  or 
two  or  thi'ee  were  reluctant  to  write  to  their  families,  but  when  we 
are  gettmg  hundreds  of  letters,  that  I  cannot  understand. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  do  anything  further  about  learning  of 
their  whereabouts? 

General  Wolkowicki.  He  assured  me  that  he  personally  would 
WTite  to  the  NKVD,  and  that  the  NKVD  would  contact  these  various 
prisoners  that  the  families  were  mquirmg  about  and  instruct  them  to 


write  to  their  families.  He  asked  me  to  prepare  for  him  a  Ust  of 
names  of  those  who  were  making  the  inquiries  and  said  that  he  would 
forward  that  list  to  the  NKVD  and  have  those  men  instructed  to 
write  home  to  their  families. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  give  him.  such  a  list? 

General  Wolkowicki.  I  informed  all  the  others  about  this  assur- 
ance, and  I  was  brought  130  names,  and  these  names  I  took  and  gave 
to  Captain  Wasilewsky. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  hear  further  from  him  about  it? 

General  Wolkowicki.  This  discussion  was  in  February.  In 
March,  again  I  went  to  Captain  Wasilewski  and  I  asked  him  what 
results  he  had  obtained,  because  I  was  continuing  to  get  these  letters. 
He  told  me  that  he  had  written  a  letter  to  the  NKVD  and  that  I  most 
probably  would  have  an  answer. 

In  April,  at  the  end  of  April  1941,  I  again  inquired  on  this  subject. 
Captain  Wasilewski  told  me  he  doesn't  know  why  I  am  not  getting  a 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  hear  anything  further  from  him  after 

General  Wolkowicki.  After  that,  the  Germans  declared  war  on 
the  Russians. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  you  had  no  other  contacts  with  any  Russian 
authorities  regarding  the  whereabouts  of  these,  lost  Polish  officers? 

General  Wolkowicki.  No;  I  did  not.  But  I  did  report  to  General 
Anders  in  Moscow. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  reported  to  General  Anders  the  things  that 
you  just  told  us;  is  that  right? 

General  Wolkowicki.  That  is  correct. 

Mr,  Machrowicz.  Is  there  anything  further  that  you  can  tell  us 
regarding  the  whereabouts  of  these  lost  Polish  officers? 

General  Wolkowicki.  I  can  leave  this  letter  with  you. 

(The  witness  produced  a  document.) 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  think  that  is  a  letter  you  received  asking  your 
assistance  to  locate  certain  lost  officers;  is  that  right? 

General  Wolkowicki.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Is  that  going  to  be  made  a  part  of  the  record? 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  have  any  objection  to  a  copj^  of  this 
letter  which  you  sent  to'  the  NKVD  being  made  a  part  of  the  record? 

General  Wolkowicki.  No  objections.     I  will  leave  that  for  you. 

Mr.  Flood.  Have  this  marked  as  ''No.  16." 

(The  document  referred  to  was  marked  as  "Exhibit  16.") 

Mr.  Flood.  The  witness  is  shown  exhibit  No.  16,  which  is  a  copy 
of  a  letter  that  he  testified  he  wrote  on  the  date  mentioned,  to  the 
NKVD,  in  connection  with  these  matters. 

Will  you  look  at  the  exhibit,  and  I  will  ask  you  if  that  is  such  a 

General  Wolkowicki.  Yes;  that  is. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  will  be  offered  in  evidence. 

Chairman  Madden.  It  is  accepted. 

(The  document  marked  as  "Exhibit  16"  was  received  in  evidence 
and  is  shown  below:) 


Exhibit  16 

J*«f  •^-fjJa^^  f-Uio^'e4^  .CJ^U^^,^  j^.   . 

93744— 52— pt.  4 10 

544  •    THE    KATYN    FOREST   MASSACRE 

^i^fja^c/4L^ij)^  Vf^ZM^'Tx^m^  ^jf&^^^jnmsy-pt^'-t^  t*  ^  ; 


'i^.,.'.  '■€;  ?^^  ?*-«-««„..^w  -t.  a7 



[Translation  from  Polish] 

Prisoners  of  War  Camp  "Grjazowiec" 

September  6,  1940 
People's  Commissariat  for  Internal  Affairs  (N.  K.  V.  D.) 
Office  for  P.  O.  W.  Affairs 

As  senior  officer  of  the  Polish  Army  in  the  Grjazowiec  POW  camp,  I  take  the 
liberty  to  address  myself  to  the  NKVD  with  the  following  declaration:  Over 
four  months  have  passed  since  our  departure  from  Kozielsk,  Starobielsk,  and 
Ostaszkow  and  our  arrival  at  the  present  camp.  Since  that  time  practically 
nobody  has  received  any  communications  from  his  family. 

During  that  time  we  were  permitted  to  write  to  our  families  twice,  but  we 
have  received  no  replv  to  our  letters. 

I  must  state  with  distress  that  the  prisoners  have  become  extremely  despondent; 
the  only  topic  of  conversation  is  the  lack  of  correspondence  and  their  anxiety  about 
their  families.  I  fear  that  suicides  may  take  place.  Nobody  believes  the  explana- 
tions of  the  camp  authorities:  that  our  relatives  do  not  write,  and  that  explains 
why  there  are  no  letters. 

I  therefore  request  the  NKVD  that  the  matter  of  correspondence  should  be 
reviewed  and  arrant>:ements  made  as  they  were  in  the  winter  camps.  If  long 
letters  are  impossible  to  arrange,  proper  typical  correspondence  cards  could  be 
introduced.  Even  the  slighest  information  is  better  than  the  depressing  lack  of 
information  about  nearest  relatives. 

It  is  suggested  that  perhaps  the  NKVD  could  make  the  proper  arrangements 
through  the  Soviet  Red  Cross  as  regards  correspondence  with  families  on  the 
territories  occupied  by  the  USSR,  and  for  the  territories  occupied  b}'  the  Germans, 
through  the  Polish  Red  Cross  in  Warsaw.  This  last  method  has  been  practiced 
in  the  past. 

It  is  known  from  the  correspondence  which  we  have  been  receiving  that  in  the 
German  POW  camps  it  is  permitted  for  [the  prisoners]  to  write  once  a  week,  and 
the  reception  of  letters  is  unlimited. 

Major  General,  Polish  Army 

General  Wolkowicki.  This  is  the  original,  and  I  had  written  the 
Russian  version  of  this  letter  to  the  NKVD. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  The  letter  you  sent  to  the  NKVD  was  in 
Russian,  but  this  is  a  copy  of  that  same  letter  written  in  the  Polish 
language;  is  that  correct? 

General  Wolkowicki,  Yes;  that  is  correct.  • 

IS^T.  Flood.  General,  why  is  it  that  of  all  the  general  officers  at 
Kozielsk — and  general  officers  are  very  important  people — why  would 
it  be  that  of  all  the  general  officers  there,  as  well  as  the  admiral  who 
was  there,  that  you  were  the  only  one  that  survived?  You  do  not 
know  the  reason,  but  what  guess  do  you  have? 

General  Wolkowicki.  I  am  a  former  Russian  naval  officer.  Before 
World  War  I,  I  was  a  Russian 

ATr.  IMachrowicz.  General,  that  was  before  Poland  was  formed  in 
1919;  is  that  right? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  There  was  no  Poland  at  that  time,  and  you  were 
then  a  Russian  naval  officer? 

General  Wolkowicki.  I  was  a  Russian  naval  officer  before  World 
War  I. 

Chairman  Madden.  And  you  attribute  that  fact  to  the  reason  that 
you  were  spared  death? 

General  Wolkowicki.  I  was  also  in  the  battle  of  Tsushima.  I 
was  on  the  ship  which  was  surrendered  by  a  Russian  admiral  to  the 
Japanese.  I  was  the  only  officer  who  opposed  the  surrender  of  this 
ship,  and  that  is  why  their  attitude  toward  me  was  one  of  considerable 


Claairman  Madden.  How  old  are  you? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Sixty-nine. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  offered  anj^  command  with  the  Polish. 
Armies  under  the  Russian  command? 

General  Wolkowicki.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  After  August  of  1941? 

General  Wolkowicki.  No;  because  I  already  was  a  deputy  com- 
mander of  the  SLxth  Division  under  General  Anders,  and  then  my 
attitude  toward  them  was  such  that  they  wouldn't  dare  make  me  such 
an  offer. 

Chairman  Madden.  Is  that  all? 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  is  aU. 

General  Wolkowicki.  I  have  with  me  here  a  certificate  of  an 
inoculation  against  typhus,  which  all  of  these  men  received.  I  wish 
to  point  out  that  it  was  these  certificates  that  were  found  in  great 
numbers  on  the  Polish  soldiers  whose  bodies  were  discovered  at 

Chairman  Madden.  May  we  see  that? 

(The  document  referred  to  was  handed  to  the  committee.) 

General  Wolkowicki.  This  is  the  only  document  that  the  Russians 
permitted  me  to  keep.  They  had  taken  all  of  my  other  documents, 
including  my  letters,  away  from  me. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  the  reporter  mark  this  as  "Exhibit  17"? 

(The  document  referred  to  was  marked  "Exhibit  17"  and  is  shown 
below :) 

Exhibit  IT 


[Translation  from  Russian] 

Wolkowicki  Jerzy  S.  [son  of]  Tadeusz 
(Written  in  Polish:]  Wolkowicki  Jerzy  S.  [son  of]  Tadeusz 

Wolkowicki  has  undergone  injections  against  typhoid  fever  and  paratyphoid 
twice:  December  6,  1939.  The  physician  of  the  camp  of  the  NKVD  [Peoples' 
Commissariat  for  the  Interior]  in  Kozielsk. 

[Signature  illegible] 

General  Wolkowicki.  All  my  other  documents  were  taken  away 
at  the  time  I  left  Kozielsk. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  witness  is  shown  the  document  marked  for  identifi- 
cation "Exhibit  17"  and  I  ask  him  whether  or  not  this  is  the  typhus- 
innoculation  certificate  to  which  he  referred? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Yes;  it  is. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  all  of  the  officers  and  prisoners  at  Kozielsk 
innoculated  against  typhus  and  given  one  of  these  certificates,  as 
far  as  you  know? 

>,   General  Wolkowicki.  I  believe  that  all  of  them  were. 
^  Mr,  Flood.  And  of  all  the  things  they  were  permitted  to  keep  with 
them,  as  far  as  you  know,  when  they  left  Kozielsk,  as  in  your  case, 
this  certificate  was  one  of  those  thmgs? 

General  Wolkowicki.  I  had  mine  in  my  pocket,  and  when  the 
soldier  that  was  searchmg  me  looked  at  it  he  gave  it  back  to  me. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  have  seen  certificates  subsequently,  that  were 
found  on  the  bodies  of  the  soldiers  at  Katyn,  that  were  similar  to  the 
certificates  of  innoculation  at  Kozielsk? 

General  Wolkowicki.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  This  is  offered  in  evidence  as  well. 

Chairman  Madden.  That  exhibit  is  received  in  evidence. 

Are  there  any  further  questions? 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  might  say,  for  the  record,  that  I  am  now  look- 
ing through  the  exhibit  which  is  the  list  of  the  names  of  the  ofiicers 
found  at  Katyn.  I  have  found  quite  a  number  of  notes  that  such 
innoculation  cards  have  been  found  on  the  bodies. 

Chairman  Madden.  General,  from  your  broad  experience  as  a 
former  Russian  officer,  naval  officer,  and  from  your  experience  in 
contact  with  the  Russian  people  over  these  long  years,  and  also  from 
your  experience  in  the  prison  camp  at  Kozielsk,  and  also  from  the 
experience  and  the  information  you  have  received  since  you  were 
released  from  the  prison  camp,  can  you  state,  in  your  opinion,  who 
you  think  committed  the  massacres  and  murders  at  Katyn? 

General  Wolkowicki.  On  the  basis  of  my  own  personal  observa- 
tions, it  is  my  belief  that  the  massacre  at  Katyn  was  perpetrated  by 
the  Russians. 

Chairman  Madden.  That  is  all.  General.  We  want  to  thank  you 
for  your  testimony  here  today:  it  is  very  valuable. 

General,  did  anybody  promise  you  any  pay  or  consideration  or 
emolument  or  any  reward  to  come  here  to  testify  today? 

General  Wolkowicki.  Nobody. 

Mr.  Pucinski.  Gentlemen,  this  is  Mr.  Moszynski. 

Chahman  Madden.  Mr.  Moszynski,  would  you  spell  your  full  name 
for  the  record? 

Mr.  Moszynski.  M-o-s-z-y-n-s-k-i ;  Adam. 

Chairman  Madden.  And  yom'  address? 


Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  Penhros  Camp,  near  Pwllheli,  in  north  Wales. 

Chau-man  Madden.  Before  you  make  your  statement,  it  is  our  wish 
that  you  be  advised  that  you  would  run  the  risk  of  action  in  the  courts 
by  anyone  who  considered  he  had  suffered  injury  as  a  result  of  your 
testimony.  At  the  same  time,  I  wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  and  the  House  of  Representatives 
do  not  assume  any  responsibility  in  your  behalf  with  respect  to  libel 
or  slander  proceedings  which  may  arise  as  a  result  of  your  testimony. 
Do  you  understand  that? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  Yes. 

Chairman  Madden.  Now,  will  you  be  sworn? 

Do  you  solemnly  swear,  by  God  the  Almighty,  that  you  will,  accord- 
ing to  your  best  knowledge,  testify  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and 
nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  I  suggest  he  make  a  brief  statement  on  how  he 
prepared  the  book  and  then  we  can  interrogate  him. 


Chairman  Madden.  Will  you  proceed  and  make  a  statement  in 
your  own  words  regarding  what  information  you  would  like  to  convey 
to  the  committee? 

Mr.  Moszynski.  I  will  report  in  Polish  because  I  understand 
English,  but  it  is  easier  for  me  to  speak  in  Polish. 

Mr.  Flood.  Before  you  begin:  This  committee  has  had  before  it 
at  its  hearings  in  the  United  States  of  America  and  here  in  London 
today  a  document  to  which  it  has  been  referring  and  to  which  it  has 
asked  certain  of  the  witnesses  to  refer  for  the  purpose  of  identifying 
the  names  of  the  Polish  officers  whose  bodies  were  found  at  Katyn. 
We  now  show  you  that  document  and  ask  you  if  you  were  identified 
with  its  preparation  in  any  way?  [It  is  exhibit  5-A,  introduced  in 

Mr.  Moszynski.  Yes,  of  course.  I  have  a  copy.  Yes;  this  is 
the  same. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wliat  is  it? 

Mr.  Moszynski.  This  is  the  list  of  all  prisoners  of  war  who  were 
in  three  camps:  in  Kozielsk,  in  Ostashkov,  and  in  Starobielsk. 

Mr.  Flood.  Have  you  been  identified  in  any  way  with  the  particular 
document  to  which  you  refer?  Have  you  prepared  it  or  been  con- 
nected with  its  production? 

Mr.  Moszynski.  I  prepared  this  document  on  the  ground  of  the 
German  official  book  Amtliches  Material  ziim  Massenmord  von 

Mr.  Flood.  Are  you  referring  to  the  so-called  German  white  book? 

Mr.  Moszynski.  Yes;  entitled  "Amtliches  Material  zum  Massen- 
mord von  Katyn;  ausgegebcn  in  1943,  in  Berlin." 

Here  is  the  list  of  some  2,000,  with  some  hundred,  prisoners  of  war 
who  were  exhumed  in  Katyn  in  1943.     It  was  the  first  set. 

The  second  set  was  the  list  which  was  prepared  by  the  Polish  Red 
Cross  in  Katyn  during  exhumation  in  1943.     Then  the  third  set  was 


the  list  which  was  prepared  in  the  PoKsh  Army  in  Russian  through 
Dr.  Kaczkowski. 

Then  I  have  identified  the  names  with  official  yearbooks  of  officers. 
I  have  received  these  books  from  the  general  staff.  In  addition  to 
that,  I  had  compared  the  annual  officers'  yearbooks  that  are  in  the 
possession  of  the  Polish  Army  General  Staff  here  in  London,  in  exile. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Where  did  you  get  those  names?  Where  did  they 
come  from  originally,  the  names  that  made  up  that  book  by  the 
Germans  and  then  copied  by  you  into  your  book? 

What  I  want  to  know  and  what  the  committee  wants  to  know  is : 
Where  did  that  list  of  names  come  from  that  made  up  that  book  by 
the  Germans? 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  want  to  ask  a  question  on  that.  Do  you  know 
how  the  Germans  assembled  their  list,  the  Amtliches  Material  zum 
Massenmord  von  Katyn? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  How? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  The  Germans  had  prepared  this  list  on  the  ground 
of  documents  found  in  the  graves. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  That  is  what  we  want  to  know. 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  But  there  were  many  mistakes  because  there  were 
the  names  ^nritten  in  Russian  letters,  in  Polish  letters,  and  they  were 
read  by  the  Germans;  and,  therefore,  I  must  identify  the  names  if  it 
was  possible  for  me. 

Mr.  DoNDERo.  Kanst  du  Deutsch  lesen?  [Enghsh  translation: 
Can  you  read  German?] 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Just  one  question,  Mr.  Moszynski. 

There  has  been  some  talk  about  the  German  list  not  being  a  com- 
pletely reliable  list.     Can  you  make  any  comment  as  to  that? 

Mr.  Moszynski.  I  can  verify  the  fact  now,  on  the  basis  of  my  own 
investigation,  that  the  bullN;  of  those  names  included  in  the  German 
book  agree  with  the  list  prepared  independently  by  the  Polish  Red 
Cross  at  Katyn  and  also  with  the  list  prepared  by  the  bureau  which 
was  headed  by  Mr.  Kaczkowski,  the  Family  Service  Bureau. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Mr.  Moszynski,  as  I  tried  to  explain,  the 
Germans  prepared  their  list — that  is  in  answer  to  Mr.  Dondero's 
question— on  the  basis  of  the  documents  which  they  found  on  the 

Mr.  Moszynski.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  But  such  a  list  could  be  in  error  because  there 
could  be  some  occasions  when  one  person  might  have  a  document 
bearing  someone  else's  name? 

Mr.  Moszynski.  Of  course;  of  course. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  such  mstances  were  found;  were  they  not? 

Mr.  Moszynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  As,  for  instance,  the  case  of  Franciszek  Biernacki, 
which  has  been  mentioned  by  some. 

Mr.  Moszynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  are  familiar  with  that  instance? 

Mr.  Moszynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Can  you  explain  the  error  in  that  case? 

Mr.  Moszynski.  It  is  conceivable  that  one  of  the  corpses  found  at 
Katyn  may  have  had  in  his  possession  a  letter  or  something  which  had 


been  written  by  Biernacki.  As  far  as  I  recollect  the  details  on  that, 
Biernacki  had  left  behind,  when  he  was  evacuated  from  Poland,  his 
bankbook,  and  one  of  his  friends,  who  was  close  by,  had  taken  the 
book  and  then  subsequently  the  friend  had  fallen  in  Kat3^n,  and  it  was 
Biernacki's  book  that  was  found  on  another  body. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  So  that  the  natural  conclusion  of  the  Germans 
was  that  this  man,  other  than  Biernacki,  who  had  Biernacki's  book, 
was  Biernacki? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Other  than  such  occasional  errors,  you  found 
the  German  list  in  substance  to  be  correct;  did  you? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  It  might  be  interesting  to  observe  for  the  record  at  this 
point  that  when  this  committee  goes  to  Frankfurt,  where  it  will  sit 
next  week  to  conduct  hearings,  there  will  be  present  and  testifying  the 
various  former  German  Government  officials  who,  under  the  direction 
of  Von  Ribbentrop  and  Goebbels,  prepared  the  white  book  and  in 
other  ways  conducted  the  investigation  at  Katyn. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  want  the  record  to  show  that  I 
had  asked  the  witness  in  the  German  language  whether  or  not  he 
could  read  German,  and  he  answered  "Yes." 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  I  personally  had  translated  from  German  into 
Polish  the  various  notes  that  are  included,  notations  that  are  included 
in  the  German  text  of  items  that  were  found  on  the  bodies  of  these  men. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Were  you  at  Katyn  personally? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  No.  I  am  a  prisoner  of  war  at  Starobielsk  camp 
and  I  am  alive;  so  is  the  General  Wolkowicki  from  Kozielsk,  so  I  am 
from  Starobielsk.  I  had  been  interned  at  Starobielsk,  and  we  met 
together  in  Pavlischev  Bor  and  then  in  Griazowiec. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Have  you  also  used  the  list  of  a  group  of  Poles 
who  were  examining  the  bodies  at  Katyn  under  German  supervision? 
You  used,  in  preparation  of  this  document,  a  list  prepared  by  a  group 
of  Poles  who  were  in  Katyn  during  the  German  occupation? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  German  occupation,  yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  you  have  made  several  revisions  of  this 
book;  have  you? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  I  had  to  rectify  some  names  on  the  ground  of  the 
official  yearbooks  of  officers, 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  How  much  time  have  you  spent  on  the  prepara- 
tion of  this  book? 

Mr,  Moszynski,  Eleven  months. 

Mr,  Machrowicz.  And,  to  the  best  of  your  knowledge  and  belief, 
that  is  as  complete  a  record  of  the  lost  officers  at  the  three  camps  as 
is  at  the  present  time  available? 

Mr.  Moszynski.  Yes.  This  list  was  in  the  beginning  published 
in  the  weekly  Wliite  Eagle,  a  newspaper.  This  list  was  also  further 
corrected  when  the  list  was  reprinted  in  the  Polish  newspaper  White 
Eagle,  and  on  the  basis  of  the  publication  of  these  names  in  this 
newspaper  I  had  had  some  correspondence,  including  a  letter  from 
one  Pole  whose  name  had  been  listed  as  dead,  and  he,  in  fact,  is  alive. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  But  none  of  the  officers  who  were  in  Kozielsk, 
m  Starobielsk,  or  in  Ostashkov,  later  proved  to  be  alive;  is  that  not 


Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  This  list  does  not  include  any  names  of  those 
who  are  known  to  be  alive. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  The  Russians  claim  that  the  Germans  shot  these 
men.    Did  the  Russians  make  a  list  of  the  dead? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  I  have  no  knowledge  of  such  alist. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  If  there  were  such  a  list,  you  would  probably 
have  heard  of  it;  is  that  right? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  Yes;  I  would  have  most  probably  heard  about  it. 
I  was  in  that  type  of  service  in  the  Polish  Army  that  I  had  access 
to  various  secret  documents,  which  probably  would  have  borne  that 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  The  Germans  were  the  first  to  make  a  list  of  these 
men  who  had  been  shot;  were  they  not? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKT.  Yes;  that  is  correct. 

Chairman  Madden.  Did  you  have  any  knowledge  as  to  the  number 
of  clergymen — ministers,  priests,  rabbis — that  were  in  these  camps, 
these  prison  camps? 

Mr.  MoszYxsKi.  How  many? 

Chairman  Madden.  Do  you  know  of  any  that  were  there  at  all — 
clergymen,  priests,  ministers? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  Yes;  of  course. 

Chairman  Madden.  About  how  many  would  you  sa^^,  just  roughly? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  For  instance,  there  were  about  440  doctors  in 
Kozielsk;  in  Starobielsk,  where  I  was,  were  also  about  400  doctors. 
Then  there  was  in  Starobielsk  a  group  of  judges;  they  were  brought  to 
Starobielsk  from  Lwow.  Then  there  were  about  10  priests.  In 
Starobielsk  also  was  a  rabbi. 

Chairman  Madden.  Any  ministers? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  In  Starobielsk,  no  ministers,  but  in  Kozielsk  there 

Mr.  Machrowicz,  Have  you  the  total  number  of  names  found,  in 
this  book  of  yours? 

Mr.  DoNDERo.  Wieviel?     [How  many?] 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  There  are  3,794  names  from  Camp  Kozielsk. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Of  those  who  were  lost  from  Camp  Kozielsk? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  represents  what  percentage  of  the  total 
lost  from  that  camp? 

Mr.  Moszynski.  73  percent. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  So  that  you  have  assembled  the  names  of  73 
percent  of  those  who  were  lost  at  Kozielsk;  have  you? 

Mr.  Moszynski.  Actually,  it  is  a  little  more  than  73  percent.  I 
have  here  a  letter  from  one  of  the  Polish  policemen  who  was  interned 
in  Kozielsk  No.  2.  That  camp  was  established  in  the  period  following 
the  liquidation  of  Kozielsk  No.  1.  This  policeman  had  read  on  the 
wall  in  the  kitchen  in  Kozielsk  camp  an  inscription  written  with  a  knife 
which  carried  the  following  message,  in  Polish:  "There  were  five  thou- 
sand of  us  Polish  officers  here." 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Will  you  teU  us  how  many  yom-  list  contains 
of  those  from  Ostashkov? 

Mr.  Moszynski.  It  is  very  little;  it  is  only  1,231.  It  is  about 
20  percent. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Twenty  percent  of  those  who  were  knowTi  to 
have  disappeared  from  Ostashkov? 


Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  Yes.  I  arrived  at  the  total  number  of  Polish 
prisoners  at  Ostashkov  on  the  basis  of  information  fm-nished  by  those 
gentlemen  who  survived  the  Ostashkov  liquidation. 

And  from  Starobielsk  it  is  better. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  How  many  do  you  have? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  3,343  names.     It  is  87  percent. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Besides  that,  what  other  names  do  you  have? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  Besides  that,  there  were  2,703  without  names  and 
also  145  without  names,  only  the  items  found  on  their  bodies  in  Katyn 
are  described. 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  In  Katyn? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  In  Katyn. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  All  in  all,  a^ou  have  9,515  names;  do  3'OU? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowciz.  And  that  represents  what  percentage  of  the 
total  number  of  lost  officers  at  Kozielsk,  Ostashkov,  and  Starobielsk? 

Mr.  MoszYXSKi.  The  total  number  I  count  about  15,400  persons. 
They  are  not  only  of  officers,  but  other  persons,  because  we  know  that 
the  graves  also  contained  bodies  of  civilians  and  clergy. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  account  for  15,000  lost  persons  in  those 
three  camps? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  Yes;  15,400. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  you  have  assembled,  of  those  15,000, 
9,515  names,  or  about  53  percent  of  the  total.     Is  that  correct? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Of  the  remainder,  about  whom  all  the  rumors  liave 
been  going  around  as  to  what  may  have  happened  to  the  officers 
that  have  never  been  found  or  whose  bodies  have  never  been  found, 
you  are  aware,  as  is  the  committee,  that  there  had  been  a  lot  of  rumors 
as  to  what  may  have  happened  to  them  or  where  they  went.  From 
your  experience  in  this  matter,  do  you  care  to  offer  3'Our  opinion  or 
your  guess  as  to  what  happened  to  the  remainder  of  the  prisoners  from 
Ostashkov  and  from  Starobielsk? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  I  am  sure  there  are  three  Katyns  in  the  world. 
One  Katyn  is  in  the  Katyn  Forest,  near  Gniezdovo  (Smolensk) ;  the 
second  Katyn,  of  Starozlsk,  could  be  near  Kharkov,  and  the  prisoners 
of  Ostashkov,  near  the  White  Sea. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  is  your  best  opinion;  is  that  correct? 

Air.  MoszYNSKi.  Yes. 

Chairman  Madden.  Wlien  you  mention  the  White  Sea,  are  you 
referring  to  those  thousands  that  were  allegedly  drowned  on  the  barges. 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  Yes.  To  the  best  of  my  knowledge,  based  on  con- 
siderable research  on  the  subject,  the  prisoners  in  Ostashkov  were 
placed  on  two  very  old  barges,  and  when  the  barges  were  towed  out 
to  sea  they  were  destroyed  by  Russian  artillery  fire. 

Mr.  Flood.  About  how  man}',  would  you  say,  drowned  on  the 
barges  in  the  White  Sea  at  that  time? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  More  than  5,000.  It  is  the  whole  remainder  to 
the  total  number  of  Ostashkov  prisoners.  There  are  alive  only  120 
from  Ostashkov. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  feel  that  somewhere  in  the  vicinity  of  Kharkov 
there  must  be  graves  similar  to  those  found  at  Katyn,  which  contain 
the  bodies  of  those  not  yet  discovered  from  Starobielsk? 


Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  Yes.  When  I  left  Starobielsk  on  May  12th  with 
19  others  in  my  group,  there  remained  in  that  camp  11  PoKsh  officers 
from  a  total  of  3,920.  Another  officer  and  myself  sitting  in  the  rail 
car  on  our  wa}^  away  from  Starobielsk  had  observed  an  inscription 
carved  with  a  pen  knife.  The  inscription  was:  "We  arrived  at  the 
station  at  Kharkov.  Most  probably  we  mil  be  unloaded  or  removed 
from  the  train." 

Chairman  Madden.  Is  that  all,  Mr.  Machrowicz? 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  is  all. 

Chaii-man  Madden.  Would  you  have  any  opinion  as  to  why  you 
were  saved  and  not  murdered? 

Mr.  MoszYNSKi.  Those  of  us  who  have  survived  have  thought 
about  that  a  great  deal.  Looking  over  this  group  of  the  400  survivors, 
we  have  come  to  the  conclusion,  if  the  Russians  had  any  particular 
reason  for  selecting  us,  that  reason  was  that  they  wanted  a  complete 
cross  section  of  all  the  Polish  prisoners  that  were  ever  detained  so 
that  they  could  subsequently  say,  "Why,  you  have  these  prisoners 

Chairman  Madden.  From  all  your  experience  in  research  in  the 
prison  camp  and  outside,  since  the  beginning  of  the  war,  have  you 
formed  an  opinion  as  to  who  committed  the  massacres  at  Katyn? 

Mr.  Moszynski.  No  other;  only  the  Bolsheviks. 

Mr.  Dondero.  Do  you  mean  by  that  the  Russians? 

Mr.  Moszynski.  The  Russians. 

Chairman  Madden.  We  wish  to  thanlc  you  for  your  testimony;  it 
is  very  valuable. 

The  committee  will  meet  at  10  o'clock  in  the  morning. 

(Whereupon,  at  6:20  p.  m.,  the  comnlittee  recessed,  to  reconvene 
at  10  a.  m.  Thursday,  April  17,  1952.) 


THURSDAY,  APRIL  17,   1952 

House  of  Representatives, 
The  Select  Committee  on  the  Katyn  Forest  Massacre, 

London,  England. 

The  Select  Committee  met  at  10  a.  m.,  pm"suant  to  recess,  in  room 
111,  Kensington  Palace  Hotel,  De  Vere  Gardens,  W.  8,  Hon.  Ray  J. 
Madden  (chairman)  presiding. 

Present:  Messrs.  Madden,  Flood,  Machrowicz,  Dondero,  and 

Also  present:  Roman  Pucinski,  committee  investigator  and  inter- 

Chairman  Madden.  The  committee  will  come  to  order. 

The  record  will  show  that  present  at  the  hearing  today  are  the 
Chanman,  Congressman  Flood,  Congressman  Machrowicz,  Congress- 
man Dondero,  and  Congressman  O'Konski. 

We  will  now  proceed. 

Mr.  Pucinski.  Gentlemen,  this  is  General  Bohusz-Szyszko,  who 
was  the  first  military  attache  of  the  Polish  Government  in  Moscow 
after  Poland  and  Russia  reestablished  diplomatic  relations  in  1941. 

Chairman  Madden.  Just  state  your  name  to  the  reporter. 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Lieutenant  General  Bohusz-Szyszko. 
The  fu'st  name  is  Zygmunt  Peter.  The  address  is  Chester;  44  Lower 
Bridge  Street. 

Mr.  Flood.  Before  you  make  a  statement,  it  is  our  wish  that  you 
be  advised  that  yoa  would  run  the  risk  of  action  in  the  courts  by 
anyone  who  had  considered  he  had  suffered  injury  as  a  result  of  your 
testimony.  At  the  same  time,  I  wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  and  the  House  of  Representatives 
do  not  assume  any  responsibility  in  your  behalf  with  respect  to  libel 
or  slander  proceedings  which  may  arise  as  a  result  of  your  testimony. 

Mr.  Interpreter,  will  you  translate  that  admonition  for  the  witness? 

(The  interpreter  translated  the  admonition.) 

Does  the  witness  clearly  understand  the  provisions  of  that  admoni- 

Mr.  Pucinski.  The  witness  says  he  does  understand  the  provisions 
of  that  admonition. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  the  witness  rise  and  be  sworn? 

Do  you  swear,  by  God  the  Almighty  and  Omniscient,  that  you  will, 
according  to  your  best  knowledge,  tell  the  pure  truth  and  you  will 
not  conceal  anything;  so  help  you  God? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  I  do. 




Mr.  Flood.  What  is  your  name? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  My  name  is  Bohusz-Szyszko. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  at  any  time  identified  with  the  Pohsh  Army? 

General  Boe^csz-Szyszko.  Yes,  I  was  in  the  Polish  Army  before 
the  war  and  during  the  war  in  the  present  Polish  Army. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  your  ranlc? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Lieutenant  general. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  a  lieutenant  general  in  the  Polish  Army  in 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  No,  in  1939  I  was  major  general. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  understand  that  at  one  time  you  were  a  military 
attache  for  the  Polish  Government. 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Not  attache;  I  was  first  chief  of  the 
Polish  Military  Mission  in  Moscow. 

Mr.  Flood.  When  was  that?     What  year  was  that? 

General  Bohusz-Szuszko.  From  the  1st  of  August  1941  to  the  last 
of  December  1941. 

Mr.  Pucinski.  December  31? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  December  31. 

Mr.  Flood.  Who  appointed  you  to  that  position;  who  named  you? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  General  Sikorski. 

Mr.  Flood.  General  Sikorski  at  that  time  was  the  chief  of  the 
Polish  Government;  was  he  not? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes;  he  was  Prime  Minister. 

Mr.  Flood.  Who  went  with  you?  I  am  not  interested  in  the  names 
especially,  but  what  was  the  make-up  of  the  Polish  Military  Mission? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Tw^o  persons.  One  is  a  liigh  Polish 
officer  and  the  second,  secretary  of  the  Polish  Embassy  m  Moscow. 

Mr.  Flood.  If  those  are  all  there  were,  will  you  give  me  the  names, 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes,  sir.  It  was  a  Major  Bortnowsld, 
and  the  secretary  was  Mr.  Arlet. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  go  from  Kuibishev  to  Moscow? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  No;  I  went  from  London,  from  London 
by  airplane  to  our  hangars  in  Moscow. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  put  up  by  the  Russians  or  by  the  Polish 
Ambassador?  Where  did  you  stay?  How  were  you  put  up  there  in 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  First  in  a  hotel  and  later  in  the  Polish 

Mr.  Flood.  Who  was  the  Ambassador  for  the  Poles  at  that  time? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Mr.  Kot. 

A'Ir.  Flood.  What  is  his  full  name? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Stanislaw  Kot. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  Stanislaw  Kot  was  the  Polish  Ambassador  in 
Moscow  on  August  1,  1941,  when  you  arrived  there  as  chief  of  the 
Polish  Military  ]\Tission? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes.  But  Ambassador — Professor  Kot 
ari'ived  later,  a  month  later,  the  1st  day  of  September. 


Mr.  Flood.  But  during  your  term  as  chief  of  the  Mihtary  Mission, 
Ambassador  Kot,  starting  in  September,  was  the  ambassador  to 
Moscow,  was  he? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  The  answer  to  3'our  original  question  is 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  What  year? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.   1941. 

Mr.  Flood.  So  that,  from  August  1,  1941,  until  that  day  in  Septem- 
ber when  Ambassador  Kot  arrived  in  Moscow,  you  were  the  chief 
representative  of  the  Polish  Government  in  Moscow? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  Of  course,  one  of  your  chief  missions,  I  suppose,  was 
to  inquire  as  to  the  whereabouts  of  certain  missing  Polish  officers; 
was  it  not? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes;  because  I  was  this  officer  who  was 
designated  to  make  a  military  agreement  with  the  Russian  Gov- 

]Mr.  Flood.  You  were  the  militarj-  officer  who  participated  in  the 
protocol  with  the  Russian  military? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  just  go  on  in  3-our  own  words  and  describe 
for  us  the  thing  m  which  we  are  chiefly  interested  at  this  time,  which 
is:  Any  conversations,  any  communications,  that  you,  as  the  ranking 
Polish  representative,  as  chief  of  the  official  Polish  Military  Mission 
in  Moscow,  conducted  with  any  Russians?  Tell  us  who  they  were, 
their  names,  rank,  and  the  tenor  and  the  nature  of  the  entire  conversa- 
tion until  Ambassador  Kot  got  there. 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  After  the  military  agreement  between 
Poland  and  Russia  was  established  or  reached,  several  conversations 
followed  with  representatives  of  both  the  Russian  Government  and 
the  Russian  Armj^.  Among  those  authorized  by  the  Russians  to 
carry  on  these  conversations  was  Major  Zhukov,  who  was  the  chief  of 
the  security  division  of  the  Russian  Army.  That  particular  position 
is  comparable  to  a  general  in  the  Army.  He  had  the  title  of  Pleni- 
potentiar}'  of  the  Soviet  Government. 

Representing  the  staff  of  the  Russian  Army  was  Major  General 
Panfilow.  The  Polish  Government  was  represented  by  General 
Anders  and  myself  in  these  discussions.  At  that  time.  General 
Anders  already  had  been  nominated  by  General  Sikorski  as  the  Chief 
of  Staff  ot  the  Polish  Army  being  formed  in  Russia. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  that  point,  I  want  to  make  the  record  clear. 

Although  General  Anders  was  with  you  in  the  conversations,  the 

fact  remains  that  you  were  the  chief  of  the  Military  Mission  and 

General  Anders  was  Chief  of  Staff  of  the  Polish  Army;  is  that  right? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  No;   General  Anders  was   not  chief  of 

staff;  he  was  commander  in  chief  of  the  Polish  Army. 

Mr.  Flood.  But  you  were  chief  of  the  Military  Mission? 
General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Military  Mission,  yes. 
.     Mr.  PuciNSKi.  The   witness   was   asked   whether   General  Anders 
had  already  been  on  the  scene  there  at  the  time  the  witness  arrived  in 
Moscow.     He  said  that  General  Anders  was  in  Lubianka  prison  at 
that  time. 


General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  At  the  first  conference,  which  was  con- 
ducted during  the  middle  of  August  1941,  one  of  our  first  demands 

Mr.  Flood.  The  first  conference  took  place  in  the  middle  of  August 

in  Moscow,  did  it  not?     And  by  that  time  General  Anders  already 

was  released  from  Lubianka  prison  and  joined  you  in  this  conference. 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes;  in  Moscow.     General  Anders  was 


Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  tell  us,  as  you  best-recall,  who  appeared  for 
the  Russians? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  General  Panfilow  and  General  Zhukov, 
these  two. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  for  the  Poles? 
General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  General  Anders  and  I. 
Mr.  Flood.  Very  well. 

General  Bohttsz-Szyszko.  Our  first  request  was  that  we  be  supplied 
with  a  list  of  all  the  Polish  officers  who  were  at  that  time  being  held 
in  Russia,  because  neither  could  the  London  Government  nor  the 
English  mission,  which  was  there  at  the  time,  give  us  this  information. 
And  we  had  no  definite  details  as  to  the  names  or  the  number  of  Polish 
officers  being  held  in  Russia.  The  only  basis  of  information  that  we 
had  as  to  the  numbers  was  a  speech  made  by  Molotov  in  1939,  who  at 
that  time  had  announced  that  the  Russians  had  taken  prisoner  in 
excess  of  250,000  Polish  soldiers  and  an  excess  of  10,000  Polish  Army 

Mr.  Flood.  "What  was  the  occasion  of  the  Molotov  statement? 
General  Bohusz-Sztszko.  He  made  that  announcement  after  the 
cessation  of  hostilities  in  Poland. 

Both  Zhukov  and  Panfilow  assured  us  that  tliej"  would  provide  us 
with  such  a  list  of  names;  and  at  a  subsequent  conference,  not  the  next 
one  but  the  one  immediately  following  the  next  one,  or  the  third 
conference  that  we  held,  they  did  give  us  a  list  of  Polish  officers  from 

The  list  was  composed  of  a  pad  of  names  which  were  type\^Titten, 
and  we  received  a  carbon  copy  and  it  contained  1,100  names  of  Polish 
officers  and  about  300  names  of  noncommissioned  officers  and  police 
officers,  and  a  few  civilians.     The  names  were  all  Poles. 

We  immediately  began  to  study  this  list  in  the  presence  of  the  two 
Russian  delegates  at  this  conference.  General  Anders  and  I  began 
studying  the  names  contained  in  that  list  because  we  wanted  to 
determine  immediately  who  was  on  this  list  and  which  of  those  men 
on  the  list  could  be  utilized  in  the  proposed  Polish  Ai-my,  which  of 
them  could  be  commanding  officers  of  divisions  and  various  other 
Army  units.  We  immediately  registered  our  surprise  after  examining 
this  list,  that  there  were  virtually  no  names  of  high-ranking  Polish 
officers.    There  were  only  three  generals  on  this  list. 

There  appeared  on  this  list  the  names  of  only  three  generals,  who 
were  Generals  Walkowicki,  Przezdziecki,  and  Jni-iuiskiowicz;  and  just 
a  few  colonels  and  lieutenant  colonels.  We  realized  immediately  that 
there  should  have  been  many  higher-ranking  Polish  officers  on  this 
list.  We  asked  them  at  that  time  in  which  camps  and,  "Where  are 
the  rest  of  the  Polish  officers  and  when  will  their  nnnies  be  furnished 


To  this,  General  Zhukov,  the  NKVD  head,  repHed  that  those  names 
would  be  furnished  us  later  because  at  that  time  they  could  not  locate 
and  assemble  the  names. 

We  did  not  pursue  our  demand  for  these  names  any  further  at  this 
particular  conference,  but  we  did  single  out  at  this  conference  the 
names  of  three  particular  Polish  officers  that  we  were  seeking. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Did  General  Anders  speak  Russian,  or  was  it  done 
through  an  interpreter? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  General  Anders  understood  Russian. 

Mr.  DoNDEED.  Did  you  understand  what  they  said? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Myself,  again,  I  speak  Russian  fluently. 

The  three  that  we  named  in  particular  were  Lt.  Col.  Adam  Soltan, 
who  was  formerly  the  Chief  of  Staff  for  General  Anders;  Colonel 
Janiszewski,  who  was  a  very  good  friend  of  mine  and  my  own  aide, 
and  Dr.  Major  Delawau. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  want  the  record  to  show  that  I 
asked  the  question  whether  this  witness  understood  Russian,  and  he 
answered  that  he  did  and  that  General  Anders  understands  Russian 
and  speaks  Russian. 

The  purpose  of  that  question  is  to  be  sure  there  was  no  misunder- 
standing between  the  Polish  representatives  and  the  Russians. 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes.     You  are  completely  correct. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  All  right,  now,  will  you  proceed  with  your 
statement.  General? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  These  three  particular  officers  we  wanted 
very  badly  because  we  knew  of  their  experience  and  we  needed  them 
to  help  in  the  organization  of  the  Polish  Army  in  Russia.  We  re- 
ceived no  adequate  information  on  these  men  either  at  this  particular 
converence  or  at  any  other  subsequent  conference  that  we  held  when 
we  repeated  the  demand  for  additional  information  as  to  their  where- 

I  later  learned  that  two  of  these  men  definitely  were  on  the  list  of 
the  Katyn  victims.  Soltan  and  Delawau  were  definitely  on  the 
Katyn  list,  and  I  am  not  certain  of  the  third  one,  Janiszewski.  At 
no  time  during  the  six  conferences  that  we  held  with  them  regarding 
the  formation  of  Polish  armies  were  we  successful  in  obtaining  any 
details  of  information  as  to  the  whereabouts  of  the  Polish  officers 
that  we  were  seeking. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  have  now  mentioned  six  conferences.  You 
have  already  related  three.  Would  you  be  able  to  state  within  what 
period  of  time  these  six  conferences  took  place:  Were  they  within  a 
short  period  of  time? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  About  6  weeks — one  conference  each 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  At  this  point  would  you  state  what  the  general 
attitude  was  of  the  Russians  at  the  first,  second,  and  third  conferences: 
Was  it  of  hostility,  or  was  it  an  amiable  attitude;  what  was  it? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Their  attitude  in  general  was  a  very 
pleasant  one,  except  whenever  we  raised  the  question  of  the  where- 
abouts of  the  Polish  officers;  then  they  appeared  to  become  very 
much  disturbed  and  rattled,  and  they  always  managed  to  evade  the 
particular  subject. 

93744— 52— pt.  4 11 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  that  attitude  continue  during  all  sLx  con- 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Now  proceed  with  the  rest  of  your  stoiy. 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  At  that  time  we  had  no  idea  what  was 
the  fate  of  these  Polish  officers.  We  suspected  that  the}'  might  be 
somewhere  in  the  far  northern  prison  camps  of  Russia  and  that  they 
cannot  be  immediately  delivered  to  us,  and  bacause  of  that  our 
demands  for  their  return  at  these  particular  conferences  ended. 
At  the  end  of  our  particular  conferences  our  Ambassador  Kot  had 
arrived  in  Moscow,  and  we  thereafter  assigned  the  whole  effort  to 
locate  these  soldiers  to  the  diplomatic  staff,  namely,  Mr.  Kot,  who 
was  now  in  Moscow. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Are  we  correct  in  assuming,  then,  that  from 
that  moment  on,  all  further  negotiations  with  regard  to  these  lost 
officers  were  carried  on  by  Ambassador  Kot;  is  that  correct? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  subsequent  to  that,  as  chief  of  the 
Polish  military  mission  in  Moscow,  have  any  other  conferences  or 
discussions  with  any  Russian  officers  or  officials? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  As  to  the  fate  of  these  Polish  officers? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes,  the  whole  time,  because  I  was  in 
the  Embassy. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  "iou  then  became  a  member  of  the  staff  in 
the  Embassy? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  what  capacity — as  military  attache? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  As  chief  of  military  mission. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  the  Embassy? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Will  you  tell  us  what  your  subsequent  conver- 
sations or  discussions  were  with  regard  to  these  lost  officers? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  What  I  have  now  just  related  was  the 
first  phase  of  our  efforts  to  locate  the  Polish  officers. 

Mr.  Flood.  May  I  interrupt.  I  am  sorry,  General,  that  I  had  to 
leave  the  room  when  I  was  questioning  you.  We  had  a  telephone 
call  m  from  the  chief  of  the  .A.merican  mission  at  Berne,  Switzerland, 
in  connection  with  Professor  Naville,  whom  you  will  remember. 
Before  you  go  into  the  second  phase,  I  would  lilve  to  ask  you  this: 
I  understand  that  up  to  this  point  in  all  your  conversations  Mdth  your 
Russian  opposite  numbers  j^ou  had  complete  cooperation  for  the 
purpose  of  your  military  mission? 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  everything  except  whatever  had  to  do  with 
talks  about  missing  Polish  officers? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes,  you  are  right,  sir. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Up  until  tliis  time  did  you  have  any  conversa- 
tions with  Stalin,  Yishinsky  or  Molotov? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  No. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Or  Beria? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  No,  only  with  Field  Alarshal  Shaposin- 
hov,  who  was  Chief  of  wStaff  of  the  Red  .Vrmy,  but  not  about  the 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Not  a])ou1  tl;e  ofHcers? 


General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Can  you  detail  for  us,  if  there  is  any  such,  any  incident 
of  particular  interest,  any  really  important  incident  which  you  think 
the  committee  should  know  about;  with  any  of  the  Russians,  military, 
civilian  or  otherwise,  in  the  conferences  or  outside  the  conferences, 
socially  or  officially,  before  you  g-o  to  the  second  phase — regarding  the 
Polish  officers  only  now? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes.  We  discussed  this  matter  with 
them  very  frequently,  and,  just  like  in  all  our  conversations,  they 
were  very  amiable  and  discussed  thmgs  very  freely  with  us;  but  the 
moment  that  we  raised  the  point  of  the  Polish  officers  our  conversa- 
tion ceased  and  there  v^as  a  war  between  us. 

Mr.  Flood.  Even  socially,  having  a  drink  at  some  place? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Even  sociall3^  I  can  give  you  one 
concrete  example  of  my  own  personal  conversation  with  General 
Zhukov,  who,  whenever  we  learned  definitely  the  name  of  a  Polish 
officer  and  his  whereai)0Uts  and  we  asked  General  Zhukov  to  help  us 
get  this  man  released,  he  was  very  agreeable  and  did  that  almost 
immediately;  but  when  I  asked  him  for  the  third  time  in  one  of  our 
private  discussions  for  the  release  of  Colonel  Janiszewski  and  Dr. 
Major  Delawau,  he  told  me  very  bluntl}^:  "Please  do  not  ask  me 
about  these  men,  because  in  this  particular  case  I  cannot  help  you." 

Mr.  Flood.  Was  there  any  mention  at  any  time  made  by  you  to 
emy  of  the  Russians  in  connection  with  camps  at  Kozielsk,  Starobielsk, 
and  Ostaslikov? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  said  about  any  of  those  three  camps? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  They  never  gave  us  any  concrete  answer 
as  to  the  whereabouts  of  the  officers  from  these  three  particular  camps. 
Subsequently  at  Pavlishchev  Bor  and  Starobielsk  there  were  Polish 
soldiers  and  our  own  people  went  there  to  mobilize  these  Polish 
soldiers,  but  they  found  no  officers. 

Mr.  Flood.  We  are  interested  in  just  your  particular  job  at  this 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  General,  now  will  j^ou  relate  to  us  an  account  of 
this  so-called  second  phase  or  your  discussions  in  Moscow,  when  they 
were,  and  so  forth? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes;  our  second  phase  of  the  conversa- 
tions consisted  mostly  of  our  discussions  with  them  giving  the  informa- 
tion that  we  had  available  as  to  the  names  of  officers  who  we  believed 
should  be  in  Russia,  and  we  provided  them  with  such  a  list.  A 
strange  circumstance  arose  in  that  we  received  absolutely  no  assistance 
from  the  Russians  in  compiling  a  list  of  the  Polish  officers  that  we 
were  seeking,  and  whenever  that  subject  was  brought  up,  they  would 
then  ask  us:  "Well,  who  specffically  are  you  looking  for:  who  do  you 
believe  should  be  in  Russia?"  It  was  then  that  we  began  preparing 
the  list  of  Polish  names  which  we  gathered  from  other  Poles  who  had 
reported  to  us  and  who  had  had  conversations  with  Polish  officers 
in  Russia  at  some  time  or  other.  Every  Polish  soldier  who  reported 
to  the  Polish  Army  in  Russia  was  very  carefully  interrogated  and  was 
directed  to  search  his  memory  for  the  names  of  any  Polish  officers  that 
he  may  have  seen  at  any  camp  in  Russia  where  he  himself  may  have 
been  interned.  This  list  was  necessary  so  that  we  would  have  a  basis 
for  official  diplomatic  intervention  through  our  own  Ambassador  in 


Russia.  The  preparation  of  this  Ust  and  gathering  this  information 
lasted  approximately  another  6  weeks.  It  was  obvious  that  tlie  hsts 
that  were  prepared  at  first  were  incomplete.  But  our  first  list,  even 
thought  it  was  incomplete,  already  contained  approximately  3,500 
names  of  Polish  officers,  names  which  we  were  able  to  get  from  other 
Poles  reporting  to  us.  It  was  this  list  that  formed  the  basis  for  our 
official  diplomatic  intervention  thi"ough  Ambassador  Kot  with  the 
Russians,  and  then  subsequently  through  General  Sikorski  personally, 
who  conducted  the  conversations  with  Stalin  in  November  of  1941. 
Neither  the  official  intervention  by  Ambassador  Kot  nor  the  personal 
conversations  of  General  Sikorsld  with  Stalin  resulted  in  any  particular 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wliat  personal  part,  if  any,  did  you  play  in  the 
interventions  of  Ambassador  Kot  in  this  matter:  did  you  participate 
in  the  conferences  he  had,  or  what  part  did  you  play? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes;  I  prepared  the  material  and  the 
list,  but  I  did  not  personally  participate  in  those  conversations  which 
were  conducted  by  Ambassador  Kot. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  I  imagine  the  same  is  true — you  did  not 
personally  participate  in  any  of  the  conferences  held  directly  by 
General  Sikorski  with  Stalin? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes,  that  is  correct. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Have  you  anything  further  to  add  in  that 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes;  the  last  phase  of  my  particular 
investigation  was  that  since  we  had  no  success  in  our  official  negotia- 
tions with  the  Russians,  we  returned  again  to  an  effort  through  the 
military  to  locate  these  officers.  This,  of  course,  was  done  in  two 
ways:  Tlii'ough  official  channels  and  through  unofficial  channels. 
Officially  Major  Czapski  was  nominated  by  General  Anders  to  deal 
with  the  military  in  an  official  way.  He  had  the  proper  letters  of 
authorization  for  him  to  do  this  particular  work.  His  assignment 
was  to  contact  the  top  command  of  the  NKDV,  and  through  them 
it  was  his  assignment  to  try  and  learn  as  to  the  whereabouts  or  fate 
of  the  Polish  officers.  Our  unofficial  efforts  consisted  in  sending  our 
own  people  to  the  various  locations  and  camps  that  had  been  sug- 
gested from  time  to  time  where  these  Polish  officers  might  be  still 
held  captive.  Particularly  did  we  send  people  to  the  far  north. 
Those  are  the  points  from  which  there  were  no  Polish  officers  report- 
ing to  us  when  the  Army  was  being  formed.  From  among  those  that 
we  had  sent  unofficially  and  secretly  into  these  northern  sections  of 
Russia  to  get  some  information  on  the  Polish  officers,  very  few 
returned,  and  those  who  did  manage  to  return  could  not  give  us  any 
additional  information.  At  this  time  I  already  had  been  named  as 
Chief  of  Staff  of  the  Polish  Forces  in  Russia;  and  since  I  was  the 
Chief  of  Staff  then  I  was  directly  in  command  of  sending  Major 
Czapski  into  the  official  channels  and  these  various  other  people 
through  the  unofficial  channels  into  northern  Russia. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Just  to  make  the  record  clear,  when  you  speak 
of  the  Polish  Army  in  Russia,  you  are  referring  to  General  Anders' 
army;  is  that  right? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes.  This  all  happened  during  the 
summer  of  1942.     This  for  the  most  part  consists  of  the  highlights  of 


the  knowledge  that  I  have  of  our  efforts  to  locate  these  Polish  soldiers. 
If  you  have  any  particular  questions,  I  shall  be  happy  to  answer  them. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  There  were  no  further  direct  contacts  made  with 
any  Russian  officials  other  than  those  about  which  you  have  told  us, 
so  far  as  it  relates  to  the  missing  Polish  officers? 

General  Bohusz-Szsyzko.  We  had  m.ade  constant  efforts  not  only 
when  I  first  arrived  there  but  also  when  I  became  the  Chief  of  Staff"  to 
locate  or  get  some  information  as  to  the  whereabouts  of  these  Polish 
officers,  and  all  through  1942  our  efforts  were  completely  without 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Did  all  of  this  happen  before  Germany  attacked 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  All  of  this  was  after  Germany  had 
attacked  Russia  and  the  Poles  established  diplomatic  relations  with 
the  Russians. 

Mr.  DoxDERO.  What  was  the  date  of  the  German  attack? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  The  22d  of  June  1941,  and  I  arrived  in 
Russia  on  the  4th  of  August  1941. 

Chairman  Madden.  Let  me  ask  the  general  this:  In  the  conferences 
that  you  had  with  the  Russian  officials  regarding  the  missing  officers, 
their  statements  to  you,  as  I  understand  it,  were  that  they  did  not 
know  anything  about  these  missing  officers;  is  that  right? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes. 

Chairman  Madden.  You  are  familiar  wdth  the  time  when  the 
Germans,  the  Nazis,  made  the  broadcast  announcing  the  finding  of  the 
graves  at  Katjm,  are  you  not? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes. 

Chairman  Madden.  How  soon  after  this  Berlin  broadcast  an- 
nouncing the  finding  of  the  thousands  of  bodies  at  Katyn  did  the 
Russians  come  out  in  a  broadcast  and  state  that  the  Germans  killed 
these  Polish  officers? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  This  broadcast  was  in  1943  and  the 
Polish  Army  was  in  the  Middle  East  at  this  time.  We  left  Russia 
in  1943. 

Chairman  Madden.  I  understand  it  was  mthin  24  or  48  hours  that 
Moscow  came  out  and  stated  that  the  Germans  killed  these  people? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  We  at  that  time,  of  course,  no  longer 
were  in  Russia;  the  entire  Polish  Army  had  been  moved  out  of  Russia 
and  we  were  in  the  Middle  East. 

Chairman  Madden.  But  do  you  know  how  long  after  the  Berlin 
broadcast  announcing  the  finding  of  the  graves  was  it  that  Russia 
broadcast  and  accused  the  Germans  of  killing  them? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  I  do  not  recall  exacth^;  it  is  difficult  for 
me  to  fix  the  exact  time;  but  it  was  very  shortly  after  that. 

Mr.  Pucinski.  The  witness  points  out  that  thej^  were  shocked  and 
taken  by  complete  surprise  when  the  Russians  announced  then  ver- 
sion, particularly  after  the  German  announcement,  and  they  were 
extremely  disturbed  over  the  question;  "WTiy  did  not  the  Russians 
tell  us  where  these  men  were  if  they  had  known  that  they  were  there 
during  our  entire  negotiations?"  They  had  claimed  all  along  that 
these  Polish  officers  had  been  sent  to  labor  camps  somewhere  in  the 
Smolensk  area.  Wliy  could  not  they  have  told  us  at  that  time  that 
"We  had  sent  them  to  these  labor  details  in  Smolensk,"  and  that  tho 


Germans  had  taken  them  prisoner.  Instead  we  received 'the  reply 
from  StaHn  that  maybe  these  men  had  fled  or  escaped  to  Manchuria. 
if  Mr.  Machrowicz.  General,  I  want  to  hand  you  now  the  official 
exhibit  which  was  identified  yesterday  by  Mr.  Moszynski  as  the  so- 
called  Katyn  list  of  the  missing  officers  of  the  Koziclsk,  Starobielsk,  and 
Ostashkov  camps.  You  have  mentioned  three  persons  in  whom  you 
were  particularly^  interested  in  finding.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Soltan, 
Colonel  Janiszewski,  and  Dr.  Major  Delawau. 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  hand  you  the  exhibit  I  have  just  described  and 
call  your  attention  to  page  291,  and  ask  you  whether  you  find  there 
the  name  of  IMaj.  Adam  Soltan,  whom,  you  were  trying  to  locate  at 
that  tim.e? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  find  there  his  name  as  one  of  those  who 
were  found  missing  in  Katyn? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Now  I  will  call  your  specific  attention  to  page 
259  and  ask  whether  you  find  there  the  nam.e  of  Colonel  Janiszewski 
whom  you  have  also  mentioned? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes,  the  sam.e. 

Mr.  IMachrowicz.  That  is  the  same  person? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  have  been  unable  to  find  in  that  exhibit  the 
name  of  Dr.  Major  Delawau.     Do  you  find  it  there? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Delawau  is  not  there. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  want  to  correct  myself,  when  I  say  that  the  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Soltan  and  of  Colonel  Janiszewski  are  on 
the  list  of  Katyn,  I  want  or  correct  that  as  being  on  the  list  of  those 
who  have  never  been  heard  of. 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  It  is  m.y  understanding  that  Colonel 
Soltan  was  among  those  found  in  Katyn. 

^iMr.  Machrowicz.  At  any  rate,  General,  he  has  not  been  seen  since 
April  1940;  is  that  correct;  he  has  never  been  seen  alive? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  General,  I  have  just  three  final  questions  to  tie  your 
testimony  altogether  here,  with  particular  reference  now  to  the 
so-called  second  phase  of  your  investigation  after  Ambassador  Kot 
reached  Moscow.  In  all  of  your  conversations  with  the  Russians  from 
that  point  on,  regardless  of  who  they  were  publicly,  officially,  or 
privately,  did  you  still  find  the  same  attitude  any  time  you  mentioned 
missing  Polish  Officers? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Otherwise,  there  was  an  atmosphere  and  an  attitude  of 
cooperation  in  everything  but  the  question  of  missing  Polish  Officers; 
is  that  true? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes.  • 

Mr.  Flood.  You  mentioned  that  during  this  period  of  time  after 
the  Ambassador  arrived,  the  second  phase,  you  were  getting  lists  of 
names  of  officers  from  different  Polish  prisoners  that  were  released 
and  were  coming  in  to  Polish  camps  from  all  over  Russia;  you  were 
getting  names  from  them  as  best  you  could? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes. 


Mr.  Flood.  But  at  no  time  from  no  one,  Pole  or  otherwise,  did 
you  get  any  names  of  any  officers  who  were  at  Koziesk,  vStarobielsk 
or  Ostashkov  except  those  who  had  been  taken  to  Palvhshchev  Bor? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Finally,  as  the  Chief  of  the  Polish  MiHtary  Mission 
and  as  a  ranking  Polish  general  and  as  subsequent  Chief  of  the 
General  Staff  of  the  Polish  Forces  under  General  Anders,  you,  of 
course,  at  that  time  were  fully  aware  of  that  provision  in  the  protocol 
of  rapproachement  between  the  Soviet  and  the  Poles  which  provided 
that  the  Russians  were  to  release  all  Polish  prisoners  of  all  categories, 
military  and  civilian;  is  that  not  correct? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  yet,  despite  that  protocol,  in  all  conversations 
you  had  at  any  time  with  any  Russians,  military,  civilian  or  NKVD, 
about  missing  Polish  officers,  the  Russians  insisted  that  the  Poles 
produce  lists  of  names;  is  that  not  right? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  at  no  time  did  they  assume  the  burden  that  they 
had  agreed  to  under  the  protocol  of  releasing  everybody? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Several  times,  in  reply  to  our  demands 
that  there  are  still  many  Poles  being  interned,  and  that  they  should  be 
released,  we  received  official  answers.  One  of  those  answers  came 
directly  from  Mr.  Stalin,  who  said:  "If  all  of  these  Poles  are  not 
released,  it  is  the  fault  of  the  lower  echelons  within  the  NKVD." 

Mr.  Flood.  But  the  fact  remains  that  they  were  not  released? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  is  all. 

Mr.  Dondero.  Have  you  been  promised  any  reward  or  pay  for 
coming  to  testify  or  did  you  come  here  voluntarily? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  I  came  here  voluntarily,  without  any 
compulsion.    I  have  been  offered  no  remunerations  for  my  testimony. 

Mr.  Dondero.  As  a  result  of  your  experience  and  contact  with 
the  Russians  and  the  position  you  held,  what  is  yom-  opinion  now  or 
then  as  to  who  committed  this  crime  of  killing  the  officers  ia  Katyn? 

General  Bohusz-Szyszko.  There  is  no  doubt  or  misunderstanding 
in  my  mind.  I  am  certain  that  this  could  have  been  done  only  by 
the  Russians. 

Mr.  Flood.  May  I  say  for  the  committee,  General,  that  we  are 
very  grateful  that  3^011  would  take  your  time  to  come  here.  We  know 
that  you  welcome  the  opportunity  of  stating  the  truth,  but,  evea  so, 
we  appreciate  it  very  much. 


LONDON,  N.W.ll 

Mr.  Flood.  Before  you  make  a  statement,  it  is  our  wish  that  you 
be  advised  that  you  would  run  the  risk  of  action  in  the  courts  by 
anvone  who  considered  that  he  had  suffered  injury.  At  the  same 
time,  I  wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  and  the  House  of  Representatives  do  not  assume  any  respon- 
sibility in  your  behalf  with  respect  to  libel  or  slander  proceedings 
which  may  arise  as  the  result  of  the  testimony.  You  understand  that 
admonition  clearly? 


Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes,  I  do. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  rise  and  be  sworn,  please.  Do  you  swear  by 
Almighty  God  that  you  will,  according  to  the  best  of  youi-  knowledge, 
tell  the  pure  truth  and  you  will  not  conceal  anything,  so  help  3''ou  God? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Mr.  Ambassador,  will  you  tell  us  your  connection  with 
the  Government  of  General  Sikorski,  the  Polish  Government  in 
London,  during  the  years  that  you  were  here  in  that  connection? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  I  was  appointed  Polish  Ambassador. 

Mr.  Flood.  By  whom? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  In  London,  by  the  former  Polish  Government. 
The  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  at  that  time  was  Colonel  Beck  in 
1934 — that  is  in  prewar  days — and  I  was  Ambassador  in  London 
since  November  1934. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  continued  to  be  Ambassador  in  1939? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  I  continued  to  be  Ambassador  throughout  until 
recognition  from  the  Polish  Government  was  withdrawn  in  July  1945. 
So  I  remained  Ambassador  in  London  for  11  years. 

Mr.  Flood.  For  11  years  from  1934? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  From  1934,  November,  until  July  1945.  I  have 
to  add  that  during  General  Sikorski's  prime  ministership,  after  the 
signature  of  the  Polish-Soviet  agreement  of  July  30,  1941,  there  was 
a  change  in  the  Polish  Government.  The  Polish  Minister  of  the  day, 
the  Honorable  A.  Zaleski,  withdrew  and  presented  his  resignation 
and  in  August  1941  I  was  entrusted  with  foreign  affairs  of  Poland 
first  as  Acting  Foreign  Minister  of  Poland  and  a  few  months  later  as 
Minister  of  State  in  Charge  of  Polish  Foreign  Affairs. 

Mr.  Flood.  But  during  that  period  of  time  that  you  have  just 
described,  when  you  took  over  your  new  position  in  the  Polish  London 
Government,  you  were  still  in  residence  in  London? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  capacity  do  you  now  hold  with  the  so-called 
London  Free  Polish  Government? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  I  am  holding  no  official  position  at  all.  I  have  for 
some  days  been  chief  Polish  adviser  to  the  British  Minister  of  Labor 
and  National  Service. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  recall  who  was  Ambassador  from  the  Soviet  to 
London  ui  1943? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  The  Ambassador  of  the  Soviet  Government  to 
the  British  Government  in  London  was  Mr.  Myski. 

Mr.  Flood.  Can  you  tell  us  in  what  capacity  the  Soviet  repre- 
sentative, Bogomolow,  served  in  London? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes.  Bogomolow  was  the  Soviet  Ambassador 
to  the  Polish  Government. 

Mr.  Flood.  In  London? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  In  London. 

Mr.  Flood.  During  what  period  of  time? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  I  could  not  tell  you  the  exact  date  of  his  appoint- 
ment, but  he  was  appointed,  in  any  case,  the  first  and  the  onh'  Soviet 
Ambassador  accredited  with  the  Polish  Government  in  1941,  and  re- 
mained as  the  Soviet  Ambassador  to  the  Polish  Government  up  to  the 
day  of  the  breaking  of  the  Polish-Soviet  relations. 


Mr.  Flood.  For  our  purposes,  Mr.  Bogomolow  was  the  Russian 
Ambassador  to  the  Pohsh  Government  in  London  during  the  time  of 
conversations  and  communications  deahng  with  the  Katyn  incident. 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you,  in  your  own  words,  and  paying  as  particular 
attention  as  you  can  to  the  Katyn  matter  only,  describe  for  the  com- 
mittee your  conversations,  if  any,  and  your  communications,  if  any, 
with  Mr.  Bogomolow,  or  with  any  other  governments  or  any  other 
persons  on  the  Katjm  matter. 

Mr.  Raczynski.  The  question  of  Katyn,  as  you  know,  I  think, 
from  other  sources,  has  caused  very  serious  concern  to  the  Polish 
Government  immediately  after  it  was  realized  that  at  the  moment  of 
the  release  of  the  civilians  and  of  military  persons  in  Russia,  a  very 
large  number  of  Polish  officers  did  not  turn  up.  This  had  become 
clear  already  before  the  end  of  the  year  1941,  and  had  been,  as  you 
will  remember,  discussed  by  General  Anders  and  by  other  officers  and 
by  General  Sikorski  during  his  visit  to  Moscow  in  his  conversations 
with  Marshal  Stalin  at  the  beginning  of  December  1941.  The  same 
information  came,  naturally,  our  way  here  in  London  and  we  were 
trying  to  check  every  piece  of  news  in  order  to  find  some  clues  pointing 
to  the  whereabouts  of  the  missing  Polish  officers.  After  so  many 
years,  one's  recollections  cannot  be  located  with  absolute  precision  to 
1  day  or  1  hour,  but  I  do  remember  that  on  several  occasions  in  these 
days  at  that  time  we  received  contradictory  and  curious  information 
regarding  the  presence  of  some  of  the  missing  Polish  officers  in  very 
far  away  regions  in  Russia.  According  to  one  information  which  is 
present  to  my  memory,  the  Polish  officers  apparently  had  been  sent 
to  the  Kolyma  district,  wliich  is  situated  far  north  on  the  Arctic 
Ocean  and  it  is  not  accessible  except  in  certain  weeks. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  When  you  speak  of  these  representations  made 
to  you,  would  you  be  specific  and  state  on  the  record  who  gave  you 
the  information  and  when,  rather  than  a  general  allegation. 

Mr.  Raczynski.  It  was  not  information  communicated  to  us  in 
any  way  officially.  It  was  hearsay  news  coming  from  fellow  Poles 
from  Russia.  A  certain  large  nmiiber  of  Poles  had  been  released. 
These  were  flocking  in  large  numbers  to  certain  points,  like  the  Polish 
Embassy  in  Moscow  and  later  in  Kuybyshev,  and  other  points. 
Polish  agents  were  established  under  a  welfare  organization  under  the 
Polish-Soviet  Treaty  and  these  refugees  were  flocldng  to  these  centers 
and  they  were  anxiously  questioned  as  to  whether  they  had  any 
information  to  supply  regarding  missing  Polish  officers. 

Mr.  Flood.  As  a  result  of  all  of  this  information,  as  a  result  of 
these  rumors,  as  a  result  of  all  these  communications  and  personal 
writing  that  was  coming  to  you  as  the  Polish  Ambassador  here  in 
London,  did  you  communicate  with  the  Soviet  Ambassador  to  the 
Polish  Government,  Air.  Bogomolow? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  I  did. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  tell  us  the  first  time  you  made  such  a  com- 
munication in  writing  any  person? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  The  first  communication  in  writing  which  I  made 
was  on  the  28th  January,  1942.     I  have  the  text  here. 

Mr.  Flood.  May  I  see  the  document,  please? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  I  even  had  a  copy  made. 

Mr.  Flood.  May  I  have  it? 


Mr.  Raczynski.  This  document  is  published  in  this  volume,  the 
Polish-Soviet  Relations  1918-43,  Official  Documents,  which  was 
issued  by  the  Polish  Embassy  in  Washington  by  authority  of  the 
Government  of  the  Republic  of  Poland.  These  documents  are 
absolutely  authentic. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  witness  shows  the  committee  a  copy  of  a  letter  just 
mentioned,  and  will  the  Stenographer  mark  this  as  "exhibit  18." 

(The  letter  referred  to  was  marked  as  ''exhibit  18,"  and  is  shown 

Exhibit  18 

[Translation  copy] 

Note  of  January  28,  1942,  From  Mr.  Raczynski,  Polish  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  to  Ambassador  Bogomolov,  Concerning  the  Failure  To  Set 
Free  a  Number  of  Polish  Citizens,  and  Specifically  a  Number  of  Polish 

No.  49/Sow/42 

London,  January  2S,  1942. 

Mr.  Ambassador:  The  Polish  Government  regrets  to  have  to  bring  to  Your 
Excellency's  notice  that,  according  to  information  just  received,  the  liberation 
of  Polish  citizens  detained  on  the  territory  of  the  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist  Re- 
publics in  labour  camps  and  other  places  of  detention  has  not  been  completely 
carried  out.  In  a  number  of  cases  the  local  administrative  authorities  of  the 
Union  do  not  apply  in  full  the  provisions  of  the  Soviet  Decree  dated  August  12, 

In  this  respect  I  have  the  honour  to  mention  in  particular  the  painful  fact,  that 
of  all  the  officers  and  soldiers  registered  in  the  prisoner  of  war  camps  of  Kozielsk, 
Starobielsk  and  Ostashkov,  12  generals,  94  colonels,  293  majors  and  about  7,800 
officers  of  lesser  rank  have  so  far  not  yet  been  set  free.  It  must  be  emphasized 
that  investigations  carried  out  in  Poland  and  in  the  Reich,  have  made  it  possible 
to  establish  definitely  that  these  soldiers  are  not  at  present  in  occupied  Poland, 
nor  in  prisoner-of-war  camps  in  Germany. 

According  to  fragmentary  information  that  has  reached  us,  a  certain  number 
of  these  prisoners  find  themselves  in  extremely  hard  circumstances  on  Franz 
Joseph  Land,  Nova  Zem.bla  and  on  the  territory  of  the  Yakut  Repubhc  on  the 
banks  of  the  Kolyma  River. 

I  must  add  that  the  question  of  the  fate  of  Polish  citizens,  civilians  and  military, 
has  been  the  subject  of  several  consecutive  interventions  by  the  Polish  Embassy 
at  Kuybyshev,  which  will  soon  be  in  a  position  to  submit  a  new  list  of  names  of 
all  these  persons  to  the  Government  of  the  Union.  The  same  question  was  also 
the  subject  of  a  conversation  in  Moscow  on  December  4,  1941,  between  the 
Polish  Prime  Minister  and  the  Chairman  of  the  Council  of  People's  Commissars. 
During  the  course  of  this  conversation  General  Sikorski  was  relieved  to  receive 
an  assurance  that  the  necessary  instructions  would  be  issued  to  the  competent 
Soviet  authorities  and  that  all  the  prisoners  would  be  set  free. 

Referring  to  the  letter  and  spirit  of  this  conversation  and  of  the  understandings 
reached  by  our  two  Governments,  I  have  no  doubt  that  Your  Excellency  will 
share  my  conviction  that  the  efficient  and  speedy  execution  of  the  provisions  of  the 
supplementary  Protocol  to  the  Polish-Soviet  Agreement  signed  in  London  on 
July  30,  1941,  concerning  the  liberation  of  Polish  citizens,  imprisoned  or  detained 
in  prisoner  of  war  camps  or  labour  camps,  rests  on  imperative  motivs  of  humanity 
and  justice.  Your  Excellency  will  no  doubt  also  share  the  Polish  Government's 
opinion  that  special  importance  should  be  attached  to  the  favoural)le  development 
of  our  mutual  relations,  as  desired  by  the  political  leaders  of  both  our  countries 
united  in  the  common  struggle  against  the  invader. 

In  requesting  Your  Excellency  to  be  so  good  as  to  bring  the  contents  of  this 
Note  to  the  attention  of  Your  Government,  I  take  this  occasion  to  assure  Your 
Excellency  of  my  highest  consideration. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  etc. 

His  Excellency 

Ambassador  Alexander  Bogomolov 
Ambassador  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  to  the  Polish  Government. 


Mr.  Flood.  I  show  the  witness  for  his  attention  exliibit  18  marked 
for  identification  and  ask  him  whether  or  not  exhibit  18  is  a  copy  of 
the  letter  sent  by  him  to  Mr.  Bogomolow  on  January  28,  1942.  Just 
answer  yes  or  no. 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  tell  us  the  substance  of  that  communication? 
Wliat  was  that  letter? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  This  letter  was  the  first  official  note  wliich  I 
addressed  to  Bogomolow  to  tell  him  of  the  information  available  at 
the  time  regarding  the  number  of  the  missing  officers  in  Russia  and 
asking  him  to  give  us  information  on  the  subject. 

Mr.  Flood.  By  the  way,  exhibit  18  is  an  English  translation  of  the 
letter  of  wliich  you  speak,  is  it  not? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes;  it  is. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wliat  was  in  the  letter  in  substance? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  As  you  will  note,  in  tliis  note  I  am  m.entioiiing  the 
fact  that  we  had  received  some  information,  or  alleged  information, 
regarding  the  presence  of  some  of  these  men  in  the  Franz  Joseph  Land, 
Nova  Tem.bla,  and  the  territory  of  the  Yakut  Republic  and  the  Kolyma 
River,  wliich  I  m.entioned  before. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  is  the  gist  of  the  letter,  wliich  will  speak  for  itself 
and  will  be  in  the  record.  Did  the  Russian  Ambassador  Bogomolow 
reply  in  ^\Titing? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  The  Russian  Ambassador  Bogomolow  did  give  me 
a  reply  in  Avriting. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  have  a  copy  of  that  reply,  or  the  original? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  No,  I  have  not  the  original.  I  have  a  copy  of 
that  reply.  I  have  not  a  copy  made,  but  it  is  in  this  collection  of 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  tell  me  on  what  page  of  the  document  Bogo- 
molow's  reply  is  to  be  found? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  It  is  to  be  found  at  page  118  under  No.  38. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  this  time  the  committee  shows  the  stenographer  a 
document  to  be  marked  as  "exhibit  19." 

(Document  headed  "Polish-Soviet  Relations  1918-43"  was  marked 
as  "exhibit  19"  and  appears  m  the  appendix  of  the  record  of  the 
London  hearings.) 

Mr.  Flood.  For  identification,  exhibit  19  is  referred  to  as  "Polish- 
Soviet  Relations  1918-43,  Official  Documents,  issued  by  the  Polish 
Embassy  in  Washington  by  authority  of  the  Government  of  the 
Republic  of  Poland,"  marked  "Confidential,"  and  I  show  exhibit  19 
to  the  witness  and  ask  him  if  he  can  identify,  as  an  official  representa- 
tive of  that  said  Polish  Government,  that  document. 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  tell  me  that  on  page  118  of  exhibit  19  is  to  be 
found  the  reply  of  Bogomolow  to  your  communication ;  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  is  the  date  of  Bogomolow's  reply  to  your  first 

Mr.  Raczynski.  March  13,  1942. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  this  time  we  offer  in  evidence  that  part  of  exhibit 
19  only  which  is  called  No.  38  and  is  to  be  found  at  pages  118  and 
119  of  exhibit  19.     It   will  be  marked  "exhibit    19A"  and   entered 


at  this  point  in  the  record.     Will  you  tell  us  the  gist  of  Bogomolow's 

Exhibit  19A  . 

No.  38 

Note  of  March  13,  1942,  From  Ambassador  Bogomolov  to  Mr.  Raczynski, 
Polish  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  in  Reply  to  His  Note  of  January  28, 

The  Embassy  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  to  the  Polish  Government. 

No.  57. 

London,  March  IS,  1942. 

Mr.  Minister:  In  reply  to  your  Note  of  January  28,  1942,  I  have  the  honour, 
by  order  of  the  Soviet  Government,  to  bring  the  following  to  your  notice: 

The  Soviet  Government  cannot  agree  to  the  statements  contained  in  Your 
Excellency's  Note.  According  to  these  statements  the  liberation  of  Polish  citizens, 
including  officers  and  soldiers,  detained  on  the  territory  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  in  labour 
camps  and  other  places  of  detention,  has  not  been  completed,  because,  it  is  alleged 
in  the  Note,  the  local  Soviet  authorities  have  not  applied  to  their  full  extent  the 
provisions  of  the  Decree  of  the  Presidium  of  the  Supreme  Council  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R. 
of  August  12,  1941,  concerning  the  amnesty  of  Polish  citizens. 

In  the  reply  by  M.  V.  M.  Molotov's  Note  of  November  8,  1941,  addressed  to 
Mr.  Kot,  and  in  the  Aide-M6moire  of  the  People's  Commissariat  for  Foreign 
Affairs  of  November  19,  it  had  already  been  announced  that  the  amnesty  of 
Polish  citizens  had  been  strictly  carried  out.  An  appropriate  investigation  con- 
ducted by  competent  Soviet  authorities  after  the  conversation  held  on  December 
4,  1941,  between  the  Pohsh  Prime  Minister,  General  Sikorski,  and  the  Chairman 
of  the  People's  Commissars  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.,  J.  V.  Stalin,  completely  confirmed 
the  above  statement;  besides  the  People's  Commissar  in  the  spirit  of  his  Note 
No.  6  of  January  9,  1942,  addressed  to  the  Embassy  of  the  Republic  of  Poland, 
gave  additional  detailed  explanations  on  the  carrying  out  of  the  amnesty  in  favour 
of  Polish  citizens. 

As  the  Polish  officers  and  soldiers  were  liberated  on  the  same  basis  as  other 
Pohsh  citizens  under  the  Decree  of  August  12,  1941,  all  that  has  been  said  above 
applies  equally  to  the  Polish  officers  and  soldiers. 

As  regards  the  statements  contained  in  Your  Excellency's  Note,  alleging  that 
there  are  still  Polish  officers  who  have  not  yet  been  set  free,  and  that  some  of  them 
are  on  the  Franz  Joseph  and  Nova  Zembla  islands,  and  the  banks  of  the  river 
Kolyma,  it  must  be  stated  that  these  assertions  are  without  foundation  and 
obviously  based  on  inaccurate  information.  In  any  case,  whenever  it  is  learned 
that  there  are  certain  isolated  instances  of  delay  in  setting  free  Polish  citizens, 
the  competent  Soviet  authorities  immediately  take  measures  necessary  for  their 

The  Soviet  Government  takes  this  opportunity  to  declare  that  it  has  put  into 
full  effect  the  measures  concerning  the  liberation  of  Polish  citizens  in  accordance 
with  the  Supplementary  Protocol  to  the  Soviet-Polish  Agreement  of  July  30,  1941, 
and  that  thus  the  Soviet  Government  is  doing  in  this  respect  all  that  is  necessary 
for  the  future  favorable  development  of  the  Soviet-Polish  relations. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  etc. 


Mr.  Raczynski,  Bogomolow's  reply  was  of  a  very  formal  character. 
It  just  kept  maintaining  that  the  so-called  law  of  amnesty  had  been 
implemented,  and  that  all  persons,  whether  civilian  or  military,  who 
under  that  law  should  have  been  released  were  actually  released. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  communicate  subsequently  with  Bogomolow 
or  anybody  else  on  this  same  subject? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes,  I  did. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wlien? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  I  cannot  give  you  the  dates,  but  on  several 
occasions  during  our  many  conversations  at  regular  intervals  with 
Bogomolow  in  reviewing  different  Polish-Soviet  questions,  wc  often 
reverted  to  that  point,  but  always  with  the  same  negative  result. 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  So  that  we  have  the  proper  contmuity,  Mr. 
Ambassador,  have  you  had  any  official  communication  from  Ambas- 
sador Bogomolow  prior  to  the  one  dated  March  13,  which  you 
identified  in  this  book? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  No. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  refer  you  particularly  to  one  of  November  14, 
1941.     Do  you  remember  one  of  that  date? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  T  cannot  recollect  offhand. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  have  your  records? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  find  a  note  which  Ambassador 
Bogomolow  is  alleged  to  have  delivered  to  you  on  November  14, 
1941?  Incidentally,  to  refresh  your  memory,  it  is  the  note  in  which 
I  understand  he  was  to  have  informed  you  that  all  the  Polish  officers 
who  were  on  Soviet  territory  had  already  been  released. 

Mr.  Raczynski  (having  referred  to  exhibit  19).  This  note  of 
November  14- — - — ■ 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  year? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  November  14, 1941.  It  is  a  note  from  Ambassador 
Bogomolow  addressed  not  to  me  but  to  General  Sikorski.  It  is  on 
page  ]  15  of  your  exhibit  19. 

Air.  Machrowicz.  But  it  was  delivered  to  you? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  That  is  a  difficult  question  for  me.  I  believed 
that  it  must  have  been  delivered  to  General  Sikorski  directly. 

Chairman  Madden.  You  do  not  recall  that? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Is  it  entirely  possible  that  any  communications  ad- 
dressed to  the  head  of  your  Government  by  Bogomolow  in  London 
would  have  been  transmitted  officially  through  the  channels  of  your 
office  and  would  have  been  probably  a  procedural  matter  only;  is 
that  correct? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  In  the  conversations  you  had  with  Bogomolow  after 
his  reply  to  your  first  letter,  were  they  personal  or  telephone  conversa- 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Personal. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  in  London? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  In  London. 

Mr.  Flood.  They  were  conversations  which  had  to  do  with  the 
general  matters  between  Ambassadors  of  the  two  countries? 

Air.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  During  the  course  of  those  conversations,  you  would 
repeatedly  refer  to  the  missing  Polish  officers? 

Air.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  in  every  instance  would  be  the  reply  and  the 
attitude  of  Bogomolow  on  that  question? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  The  reply  of  Bogomolow  in  every  case  was  purely 
and  entirely  formal.  He  repeated,  like  Soviet  representatives  often 
do,  obviously  an  instruction  which  was  given  him,  and  as  he  seemed 
to  be  anxious  to  avoid  any  mistake  or  to  make  any  slip,  he  kept  to 
more  or  less  the  same  wording,  repeating  it  foi^mally. 

Mr.  Flood.  Of  all  the  conversations  that  you  had  with  Bogomolow 
on  this  subject  during  that  period  of  time,  that  particular  part  we  are 
concerned  with,  Katyn,  will  you  give  us  a  sample  of  what  you  said  to 


him  and  what  he  said  to  you,  not  exact,  but  as  you  best  recall,  an 

Mr.  Raczynski.  By  way  of  illustration,  I  can  say  that  I  was  trying 
to  induce  Bogomolow  to  speak  freely  and  to  give  his  reasons,  and  I 
appealed  to  his  reason  and  to  his  understanding  in  quoting  arguments 
and  in  saying:  "It  is  impossible  that  you  should  not  be  able  to  trace 
at  least  one  of  these  missing  men.  We  have  had  information  to  the 
effect  that  some  had  been  seen  here  or  there.  It  is  not  possible  that 
such  a  large  number  of  people  should  have  vanished  into  thin  air." 
Those  are  the  kind  of  arguments  which  I  was  trying  to  put  to  him. 
His  answer  was  always  entirely  formal.  He  said  to  me:  "My  dear 
Minister,  the  Soviet  govermnent  executes  to  the  letter  its  obligations. 
It  has  undertaken  to  release  these  people.    It  has  released  everybody." 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  ever  communicate  with  Bogomolow  in  writing 
jafter  this  fii'st  letter  which  you  told  us  about  on  this  subject? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes,  but  only  after  the  crime  at  Katyn  was  known, 
when  I  wrote  him  another  note. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  was  in  1943? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Is  this  correct:  Before  the  crime  at  Katyn  was  dis- 
covered, you  wrote  to  Bogomolow  only  once? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  talked  to  him  on  four  occasions,  and  the  gist  of  the 
conversation  on  those  occasions  on  both  sides  was  as  you  have  just 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  All  of  these  conversations,  Mr.  Ambassador,  took 
place  here  in  London? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Mr.  Ambassador,  will  you  now  take  us  down  to  that 
time  in  194o  when  the  Germans  announced  their  discovery  of  the 
crime  at  Katyn,  and  tell  us  how  the  matter  first  came  to  your  atten- 
tion unofficially,  and  then  officially? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  The  news  of  the  discovery  of  Katyn  came  to  my 
knowledge,  as  to  everybody's  knowledge,  thi'ough  the  publication  of 
the  German  Government  which  was  released  to  the  press. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wlien  was  that  date?     Do  you  recall  the  exact  date? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  April  15,  I  think;  we  had  no  other  information 

Mr.  Flood.  Just  a  moment.  Will  you  give  me  the  exact  date  that 
you  first  heard  of  the  German  announcement  about  Katyn,  the  day, 
the  month  and  the  year? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  April  13,  1943. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  at  that  time  you  were  still  Ambassador  for  the 
Polish  Government  in  London? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  I  was  still  Minister  of  State  in  charge  of  foreign 
affairs  of  the  Polish  Government. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  then  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Minister  of  State  in  charge  of  foreign  affairs. 

Mr.  Flood.  As  soon  as  this  German  announcement  was  brought  to 
your  knowledge  and  attention,  what  was  the  first  thing  that  you  did 
either  in  reference  to  the  German  Government  or  the  Soviet  Govern- 
ment, or  anybody  else? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  We  did  nothing  with  regard  to  the  German  Gov- 


Mr.  Flood.  Very  well.  Wlien  was  the  first  day  that  you  heard  of 
the  Russian  reply  to  the  German  announcement?  Do  you  remember 
the  day  that  the  Russians  made  their  first  announcement  m  reply  to 
the  German  announcement? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  On  April  15. 

Mr.  Flood.  April  15.  As  soon  as  you  heard  of  the  Russian  reply 
to  the  German  charge  about  the  massacre  of  Polish  officers  at  Katyn 
then  what  did  you  do  in  your  unofficial  capacity? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  The  Polish  Government  discussed  the  matter, 

Mr.  Flood.  With  whom? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Amongst  ourselves — that  means  General  Sikorski, 
the  Prime  Minister;  the  Polish  Minister  of  Defense;  the  former  Polish 
Ambassador  in  Russia,  and  also  the  Minister  of  Information. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  recall  if  at  that  time,  and  as  the  basis  for  the 
discussions  of  the  Polish  Government  that  you  are  now  describing, 
having  received  any  communication  from  the  Polish  General  Anders 
on  April  15,  which  was  the  day  of  the  Russian  announcement?  Do 
you  recall  any  such  incident? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes;  a  telegram  was  received  on  April  15,  1943, 
from  General  Anders  pointing  out  to  the  Russians  the  painful  impres- 
sion created  by  this  discovery  in  the  minds  of  the  Polish  forces. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  now  tell  us  what  transpired  at  the  meeting 
on  April  15,  1943,  of  the  Polish  Government? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  At  this  meeting  we  realized  that  this  information, 
first  of  all,  had  the  appearance  of  authenticity,  and  also  we  did  feel 
that  it  could  not  remain  without  a  strong  reaction  on  our  part.  We 
felt  that  it  was  above  all  essential  that  the  information  should  be 
impartially  verified 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  May  I  interrupt  one  second,  Mr.  Ambassador? 
Did  you  participate  yoiu'self  in  the  meetings  of  the  Council  of  Minis- 
ters as  they  were  held  around  that  time? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes,  I  did — and  it  occurred  to  us  that  the  best 
authority  for  verifying  the  information,  and  for  stating  officially  the 
best  view  on  the  authenticity  of  this  discovery  would  be  the  Inter- 
national Red  Cross  at  Geneva.    We  therefore 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Mr.  Ambassador,  do  you  remember  participat- 
ing in  the  meeting  of  the  Council  of  Ministers  which  was  held  on 
April  17.  1943,  as  the  result  of  this  announcement  by  the  Germans? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  participated  in  that  meeting? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  remember  then,  as  the  result  of  that 
meeting,  it  was  decided  to  make  one  final  attempt  to  appeal  to  the 
Soviet  Government,  and  a  note  was  accordingly  issued  and  sent  and 
delivered  to  the  Soviet  Ambassador  on  April  20,  1943? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes,  that  is  my  note  of  April  20. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  was  before  the  appeal  was  made  to  the 
International  Red  Cross? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes,  but  the  note  was  actually  sent  after. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Well,  it  was  delivered  to  the  Soviet  ambas- 
sador, Mr.  Bogomolow,  on  April  20? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  have  a  copy  of  the  note  of  April  20  that  was 
dispatched  to  Bogomolow? 


Mr.  E.ACZYNSKI.  Yes,  I  have  a  copy  here. 

Mr.  Flood.  May  I  have  that,  please? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Certainly. 

(Mr.  Raczynski  handed  the  copy  of  the  note  of  April  20,  1943. 
The  copy  of  the  note  referred  to  was  marked  as  "Exhibit  No.  20  for 
identification,"  and  follows:) 

Exhibit  20 

[Translation  copy] 

Note  of  April  20,  1943,  From  Mr.  E.  Raczynski,  Polish  Minister  of  For- 
eign Affairs,  to  Mr.  A.  Bogomolov,  Ambassador  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R., 
Demanding  an  Explanation  of  the  Fate  of  Polish  Prisoners  Missing 
in  the  U.  S.  S.  R. 


London,  April  20,  1943. 
Mr.  Ambassador, 

Foreign  telegraph  agencies  publish  a  report  of  the  German  military  authorities 
concerning  the  discovery  at  Kozia  G6ra  near  Katyn  in  the  vicinity  of  Smolensk 
of  a  mass-grave  containing  the  bodies  of  the  Polish  officers  allegedly  killed  in  the 
spring  of  1940.  During  the  first  few  days  155  bodies  were  identified  among  which 
the  body  of  Major  General  Mieczyslaw  Smorawihski  is  supposed  to  have  been 

This  report,  although  emanating  from  enemy  sources,  has  produced  profound 
anxiety  not  only  in  Polish  public  opinion  but  also  throughout  the  world. 

In  a  public  statement  on  April  17,  1943,  the  Polish  Government  categorically 
condemned  Germany's  attempt  to  exploit  the  tragedy  of  Polish  prisoners  of  war 
in  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  for  her  own  political  ends.  But  more  than  ever  the  Polish 
Government  unalterably  maintains  its  attitude  that  the  truth  about  this  case  so 
cynically  exploited  by  Hitlerite  propaganda  must  be  fully  elucidated. 

You  are  no  doubt  aware,  Mr.  Ambassador,  that  after  the  conclusion  of  the 
Polish-Soviet  Agreement  of  July  30,  1941,  the  Polish  Government  repeatedly 
approached  the  civil  and  military  authorities  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  with  requests  for 
information  concerning  the  prisoners  of  war  and  civilians  who  were  in  the  camps 
of  Koziolsk  /East  of  Smolensk/,  Starobielsk  /near  Kharkov/  and  Ostashkov 
/near  Kalinin/. 

According  to  information  of  the  Polish  Government  there  were  in  all  at  the 
beginning  of  1940,  15,490  Polish  citizens,  including  8,700  officers,  in  the  three 
above  mentioned  camps.  From  April  5,  1940,  until  the  middle  of  May  1940, 
the  Soviet  authorities  proceeded  to  break  up  these  camps,  deporting  the  inmates 
in  batches  every  few  days.  Prisoners  of  the  Kozielsk  camp  were  deported  in 
the  direction  of  Smolensk,  and  from  all  the  three  camps  only  400  men  were 
transferred  in  the  la-st  batches,  first  to  the  Yukhnovski  camp — railway  station 
Babvnino — and  subsequently  in  June  1940,  to  Griazovetz  in  the  Vologda  district. 

When  after  the  signing  of  the  Polish-Soviet  military  agreement  on  August  14, 
1941,  the  Polish  Government  proceeded  with  the  organization  of  the  Polish 
Army  in  the  U.  S.  S.  R.,  the  camp  of  Griazovetz,  to  which  in  the  meantime 
military  and  civilian  prisoners  from  other  camps  had  arrived,  was  also  broken 
up  and  from  the  above  mentioned  group  of  400  prisoners  more  than  200  officers 
reported  for  service  in  the  Polish  Army  before  the  end  of  August  1941.  All  the 
other  officers  however,  who  were  deported  to  an  unknown  destination  from  the 
camps  of  Kozielsk,  Starobielsk,  and  Ostashkov  have  neither  been  found  nor  have 
they  given  any  sign  of  life.  So  it  became  apparent  that  more  than  8,000  officers 
were  missing  who  might  have  supplied  the  cadres  of  senior  and  junior  officers  of 
the  army  in  formation  and  who  would  have  been  of  inestimable  value  m  the 
military  operations  against  Germany. 

From  October  1941,  both  Ambassador  Ko^  and  General  Anders,  Commander- 
in-Chief  of  the  Polisli  .\rmy  in  the  U.  S.  S.  P.,  constantly  intervened,  both  orally 
and  in  writing,  in  tl)e  matter  of  the  missing  officers.  Ambassador  Kot  discussed 
tins  subject  with  Premier  Stalin,  with  Mr.  Molotov,  IVople's  Commissar  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  and  with  Mr.  Vishinsky,  Deputv  People's  Commissar  for  For- 
eign Affairs,  demanding  a  list  of  the  prisoners  detained  in  the  three  camps  men- 
tioned above  and  an  explanation  as  to  their  fate.  During  the  visit  to  Moscow 
in   December   1941,   General  Sikorski  also  intervened  in  the  above  matter  in  a 


conversation  with  Mr.  Stalin  and  on  that  occasion  handed  him  a  hst  containing 
the  names  of  3,845  Polish  officers.  On  March  18,  1942,  General  Anders  gave 
Mr.  Stalin,  Chairman  of  the  Council  of  People's  Commissars,  a  supplementary- 
list  of  800  officers.  On  January  28,  1942,  I  had  the  honour  to  send  you,  Mr. 
Ambassador,  a  Note  in  which  I  emphasized  the  anxietv  of  the  Polish  Govern- 
ment at  the  failure  to  find  many  thousands  of  Polish  officers.  Lastly,  on  May 
19,  1942,  Ambassador  Kot  sent  the  People's  Commissariat  for  Foreign  Affairs  a 
Memorandum  in  which,  reverting  again  to  the  question  of  the  missing  officers, 
he  expressed  his  rea;ret  at  the  refusal  to  supply  him  with  the  list  of  prisoners,  and 
his  concern  as  to  their  fate. 

I  regret  the  necessity  of  calling  your  attention,  Mr.  Ambassador,  to  the  fact 
that  the  Polish  Government  in  spite  ot  reiterated  requests,  has  never  received 
either  a  list  of  the  prisoners  or  definite  information  as  to  the  whereabouts  of  the 
missing  officers  and  of  other  prisoners  deported  from  the  three  camps  mentioned 
above.  Official,  verbal  and  written  statements  of  the  representatives  of  the 
U.  S.  S.  R.  have  been  confined  to  mere  assurances  that,  in  accordance  with  a 
Decree  of  the  Presidium  of  the  Supreme  Council  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.,  dated  August  12, 
1941,  the  amnesty  was  of  a  general  and  universal  character  as  it  included  both 
military  and  civilian  prisoners,  and  that  the  Government  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  had 
released  all  the  Polish  offi^cers  from  prisoner  of  war  camps. 

I  should  like  to  emphasize  that  the  Polish  Government,  as  can  be  seen  from 
their  many  representations  quoted  above,  entirely  independentlv  of  recent  German 
revelations,  has  never  regarded  the  question  of  the  missing  officers  as  closed.  If, 
however,  as  shown  by  the  communique  of  the  Soviet  Information  Bureau  of 
April  15,  19^3,  the  Govenment  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  would  seem  to  be  in  possession  of 
more  ample  information  on  this  matter  than  was  commimicated  to  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Polish  Government  sometime  ago,  I  beg  once  more  to  request  you, 
Mr.  Ambassador,  to  communicate  to  the  Polish  Government  detailed  and  precise 
information  as  to  the  fate  of  the  prisoners  of  war  and  civilians  previously  detained 
in  the  camps  of  Kozielsk,  Starobielsk,  and  Ostasbkov. 

Public  opinion  in  Pola.nd,  and  throughout  the  world  has  rightly  been  so  deeply 
shocked  that  only  irrefutable  facts  can   outweigh  the  numerous  and  detailed 
German  statements  concerning  the  discovery  of  the  bodies  of  many  thousand 
Polish  officers  murdered  near  Smolensk  in  the  spring  of  1940. 
His  Excellency,  Alexander  Bogomolov 

Ambassador  Extraordinary  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  to  the  Government  of  the  Polish 
Repvblic  in  London. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  show  the  witness  marked  for  identification  exhibit 
No.  20,  and  ask  him  whether  or  not  this  is  the  communication  ad- 
dressed by  the  Pohsh  Government  by  him  dated  April  20,  1943,  as 
the  result  of  the  meeting  of  the  Polish  Council  of  Ministers  on  April  17 
to  Bogomolow? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes;  it  is. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  state  for  the  record,  without  reading  the  letter 
(wliich  speaks  for  itself)  the  gist  of  your  note  of  April  20  to  Bogomolow? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  The  gist  of  my  note  of  April  20  is  to  remind  the 
Soviet  Government  of  the  whole  story,  first  of  all  of  the  promised 
so-called  amnesty  to  the  Polish  civilians  and  to  the  Polish  military, 
and  to  remind  him  also  of  all  the  former  occasions  on  which  we  had 
demanded  information,  requested  information,  on  the  missing  officers 
without  ever  receiving  a  satisfactory  repl}^. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  tenor  of  j^our  note  of  April  20  to  Bogomolow  em- 
phasized that  there  was  no  desire  on  the  part  of  the  Polish  Government 
to  break  relations  with  the  Soviet  Government? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood,  The  letter  indicates  that  there  was  no  such  intention? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  There  was  never  such  an  intention. 

Mr.  Flood.  We  offer  that  document  in  evidence.  Now  did  you 
ever  receive  a  reply  from  Bogomolow  or  from  any  other  Soviet  repre- 
sentative to  the  Polish  note  we  are  just  discussing  of  April  20,  exhibit 
No.  20? 

93744— 52— pt.  4 12 


Mr.  Raczynski.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Now  you  told  us  that,  for  the  reasons  you  stated,  it 
was  the  determination  of  the  PoUsh  Council  of  Ministers  to  com- 
municate with  the  International  Red  Cross  as  an  impartial  tribunal? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Was  such  a  communication  ever  directed  by  the  Polish 
Government  in  London  to  the  International  Red  Cross  in  Geneva? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes;  through  the  Polish  representative  in  Switzer- 
land we  requested  the  International  Red  Cross  to  take  action. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  have  a  copy  of  such  a  communication  in  your 

Mr.  Raczynski.  I  have  not  got  it  handy  here  at  the  moment,  but 
it  is  available. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  am  advised  that  Ambassador  General  Kukiel  will 
appear  and  testify  to  the  committee  and  will  have  these  documents, 
and  that  certain  representatives  of  the  Polish  Government,  who  also 
have  in  their  custody  documents  of  this  nature,  will  also  appear  here 
and  testify  and  produce  such  documents.  Then  for  the  purpose  of 
this  morning,  Mr.  Ambassador,  will  you  give  us  the  gist  of  the  com- 
munication that  the  Polish  representative  in  Geneva  made  to  the 
International  Red  Cross  in  this  matter? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  The  Polish  Government  requested  the  Interna- 
tional Red  Cross  as  an  impartial  institution  to  investigate  the  crime 
at  Katj^n,  to  investigate  all  the  facts  connected  with  the  crime  which 
was  disclosed  at  Katyn,  in  order  to  establish  the  truth. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  the  International  Red  Cross  reply  to  that  request? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes;  the  International  Red  Cross  replied,  pointing 
out  certain  difficulties  in  carrying  out  this  request. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  the  nature  of  the  reply  of  the  International 
Red  Cross?     Wliat  was  the  gist  of  it? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  As  far  as  I  remember,  the  difficulty  to  which  the 
International  Red  Cross  pointed  was  that  it  was  a  one-sided  request 
on  our  part.  The  answer  of  the  International  Red  Cross  was  that  it 
would  be  prepared  to  take  action  if  requested  by  all  interested  parties. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  "by  all  interested  parties,"  we  understand  you  to 
mean  the  Russian  Government  and  the  German  Government? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Now  do  you  know  whether  or  not  the  German  Gov- 
ernment also  made  a  request  to  the  International  Red  Cross  for  the 
same  purpose? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes;  it  did. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  or  about  the  same  tune? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes;  it  did. 

Mr.  Flood.  Are  you  aware  from  your  memory  of  the  general 
nature  of  the  German  recjuest  to  the  International  Red  Cross? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes.  As  far  as  I  remember,  and  as  far  as  my 
memory  goes,  the  German  request  was  to  the  effect  that  the  Interna- 
tional Red  Cross  should  investigate,  and  was  promising  every 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Which  request  came  first,  Mr.  Ambassador,  the 
Polish  request  or  the  German  request,  to  the  International  Red  Cross? 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  give  me  the  date  of  the  Polish  request  and  the 
date  of  the  German  request  to  the  Red  Cross? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  The  German  request  was  on  A])ril  16. 


Mr.  Flood.  April  16  of  what  year? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  1943. 

Mr.  Flood,  And  the  date  of  the  PoHsh  request? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  The  PoKsh  Government  decision  was  taken  on 
April  15 

Mr.  Flood.  Yes,  I  know. 

Mr.  Raczynski.  But  its  execution  took  place  on  April  17. 

Mr.  Flood.  Thank  you.  Now  do  you  have  any  information  from 
Bogomolow  as  to  any  communications  that  were  made  by  the  Russians 
to  the  International  Red  Cross?  Were  you  advised  by  Bogomolow  of 
the  Russian  reply?  Wliat  did  the  Russians  say  to  the  international 
Red  Cross,  if  you  know? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  No,  I  was  not  advised  by  Bogomolow  about  it; 
Bogomolow  kept  absolutely  silent. 

Mr.  Flood.  So  none  of  the  communications  between  the  Inter- 
national Red  Cross  and  the  Soviet  Government  with  reference  to 
either  the  Polish  note  or  the  German  note  requesting  Red  Cross 
intercession  was  handled  tlu'ough  London? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  So  far  as  you  know,  it  may  have  been  handled  thi-ough 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Lid  you  communicate  tlirough  your  office  in  London 
with  any  other  governments  in  connection  with  the  Katyn  matter, 
or  any  other  Sovereigns? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes;  we  were  in  contract  with  the  British  Govern- 
ment at  the  time,  keeping  them  informed. 

Mr.  Flood.  Was  your  communication  with  the  British  merely  to 
keep  them  informed  of  what  you  were  doing? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  was  the  entire  nature  of  your  association  with 
the  British  on  this  mater? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Lid  you  ever  at  any  time  communicate  with  the  Vati- 
can officially  on  this  matter? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  I  will  give  you  the  best  of  my  memory. 

Mr.  Flood.  Yes;  the  best  of  your  recollection. 

Mr.  Raczynski.  We  kept  all  Polish  representatives  abroad,  of 
course,  fully  informed  of  what  we  were  doing,  and  it  was  natural  for 
them  to  keep  the  governments  to  which  they  were  accredited  informed 
of  events. 

Mr.  Flood.  But  as  far  as  you  remember,  you,  as  the  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs  here  in  London,  did  not  communicate  directly  with  the 
Vatican  on  this  subject  at  that  time? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  I  do  not  remember  it. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  know  whether  or  not,  to  the  best  of  your 
recollection  as  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs — did  it  ever  come  to  your 
attention  that  the  Vatican  communicated  with  the  Soviet  Ambassador 
at  Istanbul,  if  you  recall,  at  that  time  on  this  subject? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes;  I  seem  to  recall  that,  but  I  had  no  special 

Mr.  Flood.  You  recall  some  such  matter? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes;  I  do. 


Mr.  Flood.  Now,  Mr.  Ambassador,  was  that  the  extent  of  your 
official  connection  with  the  Katyn  matter,  and  either  the  German, 
the  Russian,  and  the  International  Red  Cross  groups  on  the  Katj^n 
matter — is  that  all  of  j^our  official  connection  with  it? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  hav^e  any  other  official  reports  in  your 
possession  which  you  had  in  j^our  capacity  at  that  time  made  available 
to  the  Polish  Gov'ernment  in  exile? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  I  would  like  to  call  your  attention  to  the  statement 
of  policy  adopted  by  the  Polish  Gov^ernment  on  April  17  through  its 
Council  of  Ministers  which  was  publicly  issued  that  day  regarding  the 
discovery  of  the  graves  at  Katyn.     I  have  it  here,  if  you  \\4sh  to  see  it. 

Mr.  Flood.  Mr.  Ambassador,  if  you  will  give  me  the  statement  we 
will  enter  it  in  the  record  at  this  point  as  exhibit  21. 

(The  document  was  handed  to  Mr.  Flood  and  was  marked  "Exhibit 
21,"  which  follows:) 

Exhibit  21 

Statement  of  the  Polish  Government  of  April  17,  1943,  Published  in 
London,  April  18,  1943,  Concerning  the  Discovery  of  Graves  of  Polish 
Officers  Near  Smolensk 

The  Council  of  Polish  Ministers  at  a  meeting  held  in  London  on  the  17th  of 
April  1943,  after  acquainting  itself  with  all  information  received  in  the  matter  of 
Polish  officers  whose  bodies  had  been  recently  discovered  near  Smolensk  and 
having  taken  notice  of  a  report  in  this  matter  received  from  Poland,  issued  the 
following  statement: 

"No  Pole  can  help  but  be  deeply  shocked  by  the  news,  now  given  the  widest 
publicity  by  the  Germans,  of  the  discovery  of  the  bodies  of  the  Polish  officers 
missing  in  the  IT.  S.  S.  R.  in  a  common  grave  near  Smolensk,  and  of  the  mass 
execution  of  which  they  were  victims. 

"The  Polish  Government  has  instructed  their  representative  in  Switzerland  to 
request  the  International  Red  Cross  in  Geneva  to  send  a  delegation  to  investigate 
the  true  state  of  affairs  on  the  spot.  It  is  to  be  desired  that  the  findings  of  this 
protective  institution,  which  is  to  be  entrusted  with  the  task  of  clarifjing  the 
matter  and  of  establishing  responsibility,  should  be  issued  without  delay. 

"At  the  same  time,  however,  the  Polish  Government,  on  behalf  of  the  Polish 
nation,  denies  to  the  Germans  any  right  to  base  on  a  crime  they  ascribe  to  others, 
arguments  in  their  own  defense.  The  profoundly  hypocritical  indignation  of 
German  propaganda  will  not  succeed  in  concealing  from  th3  world  the  many  cruel 
and  reiterated  cri-nes  still  being  perpstrated  against  the  Polish  people. 

"The  Polish  Government  recalls  such  facts  as  the  removal  of  Polish  officers 
from  prisoner-of-war  camps  in  the  Reich  and  the  subsequent  shooting  of  them  for 
political  offenses  alleged  to  have  been  committed  before  the  war,  mass  arrests  of 
reserve  officers  subsequently  deported  to  concentration  camps,  to  die  a  slow 
death—from  Cracow  and  the  neighboring  district  alone  6,000  were  deported  in 
June  1942;  the  compulsory  enlistment  in  the  German  Army  of  Polish  prisoners 
of  war  from  territories  illegally  incorporated  in  the  Reich;  the  forcible  conscription 
of  about  200,000  Poles  from  the  same  territories,  and  the  execution  ot  the  families 
of  those  who  managed  to  escape;  the  massacre  of  1%  million  people  by  executions 
or  in  concentration  camps;  the  recent  imprisonment  of  80,000  people  of  military 
age,  officers  and  men,  and  their  torture  and  murder  in  the  camps  of  Maydanek 
and  Tremblinka. 

"It  is  not  to  enable  the  Germans  to  make  impudent  claims  and  pose  as  the 
defenders  of  Christianity  and  European  civilization,  that  Poland  is  making  im- 
mense sacrifices,  fighting  and  enduring  suffering.  The  blood  of  Polish  soldiers 
and  Polish  citizens,  wherever  it  is  shed,  cries  for  atonement  before  the  conscience 
of  the  free  peoples  ot  the  world.  The  Polish  Government  condemns  all  the  crimes 
committed  against  Polish  citizens  and  refuse  the  right  to  make  political  capital 
of  such  sacrifices,  to  all  who  are  themselves  guilty  of  such  crimes." 

Mr.  Flood.  Thank  you  very  much,  Mr.  Ambassador. 
Mr.  Raczynski.  May  I  make  one  short  general  remark  on  tliis 


Mr.  Flood.  Yes. 

Mr.  Raczynski.  Because  I  think  this  is  the  proper  place  for  me  to 
do  it.  It  has  occurred  to  me  that  one  important  element  pointing  to 
the  responsibility  of  the  Soviet  Government,  and  the  authorship  of 
the  Soviet  of  the  crime,  has  not  been  sufficiently  underlined  so  far, 
and  that  is  this:  Although  the  Soviet  Government  has  not  signed  the 
Geneva  Convention  relating  to  war  prisoners,  it  has  nonetheless 
generally  pretended  to  have  observed  that  convention.  In  this  case 
the  Soviet  Government,  caught  in  its  own  mesh  of  fiction,  has  declared 
to  the  world  that  it  had  actually  emplo5'ed  thousands  of  Polish  officers, 
including  more  than  a  hundred  generals,  admkals,  and  colonels 
advanced  in  age,  in  breaking  stones  on  the  roads  near  Smolensk. 
I  think  that  this  kind  of  employment,  this  kind  of  occupation,  for 
senior  officers  is  scandalous  in  itself,  and  I  may  go  one  step  further 
and  say  that  so  far  as  I  am  aware  from  all  available  evidence,  this 
has  not  been  done  by  the  Soviet  Government.  They  have  been  cruel 
to  the  prisoners;  they  have  for  a  time  kept  them  in  very  primitive 
conditions;  they  have  deprived  them,  for  instance,  of  noncommissioned 
officers  as  aides  at  certain  stages  of  their  detention,  but  the  Soviet 
Government  has  certainly  not  sent  senior  officers  of  the  rank  of  general 
and  admu'al  to  break  stones.  This  has  not  been  done  b}^  any  bellig- 
erent anywhere  during  the  great  war,  and  would  be,  as  I  say,  scandal- 
ous in  itself;  but  to  my  mind  it  is  additional  evidence  showing  that, 
having  been  caught  in  their  own  tissue  of  stories,  they  did  not  know 
how  to  explain  this  fact  away,  and  I  think  that  this  should  be  under- 
lined as  an  additional  point  of  chcumstantial  evidence  showing  the 
responsibility  for  the  crime. 

Mr.  Flood.  Mr.  Ambassador,  the  committee  appreciates  very 
much  your  interest  in  these  proceedings,  and  the  fact  that  you  would 
come  here  today  and  testify  before  us.  Now  have  you  been  offered 
any  emoluments  or  any  promises  of  any  sort  by  anybody  to  appear 
here  and  give  this  testimony  today? 

Mr.  Raczynski.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Thank  you  very  much  for  coming. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Gentlemen,  the  next  witness  is  Mr.  Rowinski,  an 
officer  in  the  Polish  Air  Force,  and  he  is  an  attorney. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  just  state  your  name,  and  give  the  correct 
spelling  of  jour  name  and  your  present  address  to  the  reporter? 

Mr.  Rowinski.  Zbigniew  Rowinski,  and  my  addi^ess  is  No.  11, 
Hereford  Square,  London,  S.  W.  7,  England. 

Mr.  Flood.  Before  you  make  a  statement,  it  is  our  wish  that  you 
be  advised  that  you  would  run  the  risk  of  action  in  the  courts  by  any- 
one who  considered  he  had  suffered  injury  as  the  result  of  your  testi- 
mony. At  the  same  time,  I  wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  and  the  House  of  Representatives 
do  not  assume  any  responsibility  in  your  behalf  with  respect  to  libel  or 
slander  proceedings  which  may  arise  as  the  result  of  your  testimony. 
Do  you  understand? 

Mr.  Rowinski.  Yes,  I  do. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  raise  your  right  hand  and  be  sworn?  Do  you 
swear  by  God  Almighty  that  you  will,  according  to  your  best  knowl- 
edge, tell  the  pure  truth  and  that  you  will  not  conceal  anything,  so 
help  you  God? 

Mr.  Rowinski.  I  do. 



Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  a  member  of  the  Polish  armed  forces  at  any 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  I  was  a  reserve  officer  in  the  Polish  Ai-my,  in  the 
air  force. 

Mr.  Flood.  During  the  year  1939? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  were  you  called  up  to  active  duty  by  the  Polish 
armed  forces  in  1939? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wlien? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  On  September  25,  2  months  before  the  war  started. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  subsequently  taken  prisoner? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  By  whom? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  By  the  Germans. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  where  were  you  taken  to — what  German  prison 
were  you  taken  to? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  First  I  was  taken  to  Brunswick  in  Germany. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  where  were  you  in  1943,  in  what  prison? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  I  was  at  Woldenberg. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wlien  was  the  Katyn  Forest  massacre  first  brought  to 
your  attention? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  So  far  as  I  remember,  and  according  to  my  notes,  I 
heard  of  it  first  on  April  14;  it  was  in  the  German  press  which  we  got 
from  Stettin. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  then  a  prisoner  in  the  prison  camp 
at  Stettin? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  you  read  this  information  in  a  German  newspaper? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  action  (if  any)  was  ever  taken  by  you  in  relation 
to  the  Katyn  Forest  massacre?  In  what  connection  were  you  ever 
identified  in  connection  with  the  Katyn  Forest  massacre? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  I  was  called  in,  I  think,  by  accident. 

Mr.  Flood.  Was  that  by  the  German  authorities  at  your  camp? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes.  So  far  as  I  remember,  the  German  authorities 
there  asked  the  Polish  authorities  to  provide  somebody. 

Mr.  Flood.  They  asked  the  Polish  authorities  at  your  camp? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  did  the  Polish  authorities  at  your  camp  designate 
you  as  one  of  the  Poles? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  one  of  those  designated? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes — because  the  German  authorities  refused  at 
first  to  accept  some  of  the  officers  designated  by  the  Polish  authorities. 

Mr.  Flood.  But  anyway,  you  were  designated  by  the  Poles  and 
accepted  by  the  Germans? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  For  what  purpose? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  We  were  told  by  the  Germans  that  we  have  to  go 
to  Stettin  to  identify  a  list  of  names  of  Polish  officers. 

Mr,  Flood.  Did  you  go? 


Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes,  we  did. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  you  went  with  whom? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  With  another  Pole,  Major  Nowosielski,  and  Captain 

Mr.  Flood.  Now,  you  went  to  Stettin  for  the  purpose,  so  the 
Germans  said,  of  checking  or  examining  a  Hst  of  what? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Of  the  names  of  Pohsh  soldiers  or  officers  found 
in  the  grave  at  Katyn. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  go  to  Stettin? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  we  did. 

Mr.  Flood.  With  the  Germans? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  did  you  see  such  a  list? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  No.  We  were  brought  to  the  German  general  in 
charge  of  this  area,  and  he  told  us  that  we  will  go  somewhere  (he  did 
not  tell  us  where)  which  will  be  a  very  interesting  journey  for  us, 
and  he  asked  us  to  note  all  we  will  see  there.  Then  he  asked  us  if 
we  can  give  him  our  word  that  we  will  not  try  to  escape.  Colonel 
Mossor,  who  was  in  charge  of  our  group — I  have  forgotten  to  mention 
that  they  brought  also  other  Polish  officers  from  different  camps 
to  Stettin. 

Air.  Flood.  When  you  got  to  Stettin,  in  addition  to  the  Polish 
officers  from  your  camp,  there  were  similarly  other  Polish  officer 
prisoners  who  had  been  collected  at  Stettm  by  the  Germans  from 
other  German  prison  camps  for  the  same  purpose? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes,  under  German  escort. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  remember  how  many  were  at  Stettin? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Eight  as  far  as  I  remember. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  happened  then;  where  did  you  go? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Then  we  were  sent  to  Berlin. 

Mr.  Flood.  All  of  you? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  All  of  us. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  happened  at  Berlin? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Excuse  me.  T\Tien  Colonel  Mosser  told  him  that 
we  cannot  give  him  our  word  we  will  not  try  to  escape,  we  were  again 
escorted  by  German  military  escort  to  Berlin. 

Air.  Flood.  Then  the  Polish  officer  in  command  of  this  group  of 
eight  Polish  officers  refused  to  give  parole  not  to  escape? 

Air.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Air.  DoNDERO.  Just  a  moment.  I  do  not  think  the  witness  said 
that  the  eight  were  Polish  officers. 

Air.  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  all  Poles  from  different  Polish  camps. 

Mr.  Flood.  So,  you  went  to  Berlin? 

Air.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  what  happened  there? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  From  there  we  \>^ere  taken  by  plane  to  Smolensk. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  talk  to  anybody  in  Berlm  at  the  Propaganda 

Air.  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  but  not  myself;  it  was  Colonel  Alossor,  and 
he  gave  us  a  report  of  all  his  speeches. 

Air.  Flood.  When  you  arrived  at  Berlin,  Colonel  Alossor  was  taken 
to  tlie  German  Propaganda  Alinistry? 

Air.  RowiNSKi.  That  is  right. 


Mr.  Flood.  After  he  came  back  from  the  Propaganda  Ministry, 
did  Colonel  Mossor  telll  his  brother  officers  what  happened  there? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  he  told  us  all  about  it. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  did  he  say? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  He  said  he  was  asked  to  go  to  Katyn  with  us,  and 
then  to  give  a  report  about  all  he  saw,  and  the  Germans  said  they 
would  organize  radio  communication  and  have  reporters  there  and 
they  also  wanted  Colonel  Mossor  to  give  reports  to  representatives  of 
the  Polish  papers  in  Cracow;  I  do  not  remember  the  title  of  the 
newspapers  at  the  moment. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  Colonel  Mossor  tell  you  to  whom  he  spoke  at  the 
Propaganda  Ministry  in  Berlin? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  No;  he  did  not. 

Mr.  Flood.  Very  well.     Did  you  then  go  to  Katyn? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Tell  us  What  happened  there. 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  We  went  to  Smolensk  and  first  of  all  we  met  the 
ofiicer  in  charge  of  the  excavations. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  v/ent  to  Smolensk? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  is,  the  eight  Polish  officers  under  German 
escort  by  air? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  When  you  got  to  Smolensk,  you  were  taken  where? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  To  some  "digs"  prepared  for  us. 

Mr.  Flood.  Quarters? 

Mr.  Row^iNSKi.  Quarters;  and  after  a  while  we  saw  the  officer  in 
charge  of  the  excavations.  So  far  as  I  remember,  it  was  a  man  named 

Mr.  Flood.  Was  he  Polish  or  Russian? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  No;  he  was  German — an  Austrian  as  far  as 
I  remember. 

Mr.  Flood.  He  was  an  Austrian  in  the  German  Army? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  an  Austrian  in  the  German  Army. 

Mr.  Flood.  Now,  as  you  best  remember,  can  j^ou  tell  us  the  date, 
the  day,  the  month,  and  the  year  that  you  arrived  in  Smolensk? 

Mr,  RowiNSKi.  Yes,  if  you  allow  me  to  look  at  some  notes  that  I 

Mr.  Flood.  Yes,  of  course;  you  may  refresh  your  memory. 

Mr.  RowiNSKi  (after  referring  to  notes).  It  was  April  15  when 
he  left. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  April  15  of  what  year? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  In  1943,  when  we  left  Stettin  for  Berlin,  and  we 
started  for  Smolensk  on  April  16. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  you  got  to  Smolensk  when? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Late  on  the  same  day. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  tell  us  what  the  German  officer  told  you? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  The  German  officer  brought  us  photographs  of 
documents  which  were  alread}'^  recovered  from  the  grave,  and  also 
photographs  of  statements  of  witnesses  taken  by  the  German  authori- 
ties; especially  there  were  translations  of  statements  of  Russian 
witnesses,  Russian  railway  employees. 

Mr.  Flood.  Are  these  statements  of  the  Russian  railway  employees 
the  statements  of  witnesses  who  had  been  at  the  grave? 


Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Air.  Flood.  Documents  allegedly  to  have  been  taken  from  the 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  presented  to  you  by  this  German  officer? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes,  and  photographs;  they  were  left  with  us, 
and  we  were  asked  to  study  them,  and  we  were  told  the  following 
day  we  would  be  taken  to  the  grave. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  study  them  that  night? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  comments,  if  any,  were  made  by  you  and  your 
brother  officers?  What  was  the  consensus,  if  any,  that  night  after 
you  looked  at  these  things? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  We  had  doubts  about  the  number  of  bodies  which 
the  Germans  expected  to  be  found  in  the  graves. 

Mr.  Flood.  How  manv  bodies  did  the  Germans  tell  vou? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  12,000'. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  you  had  doubts  about  that  number? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  All  right.     Go  ahead. 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  More  specifically  we  found  out  that  the  statements 
of  the  Russian  witnesses  are  not  very  clear  regarding  the  transport 
and  the  number  of  Polish  officers  brought  to  the  small  station 
Gniezdovo.  So,  Colonel  Mossor,  who  spoke  Russian,  decided  to  put 
some  questions  to  the  Russian  witnesses. 

Mr.  Flood.  Just  a  moment;  we  have  not  got  that  far  yet;  we  are 
still  in  the  "digs"  at  Smolensk. 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  all  that  you  have  in  front  of  you  now  are  state- 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  examined  those  statements,  and  were  not  satisfied 
with  them? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  other  opinions  were  expressed  that  night  in 
Smolensk  by  the  eight  Polish  officers  who  were  together  regarding 
this  matter,  if  any? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  The  opinion  in  om'  group  was  that  this  was  prob- 
ably another  German  trick. 

Mr.  Flood.  Propaganda? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes.  We  all  believed  that  most  probably  the 
Germans  constructed  this  mass  grave,  put  into  the  grave  the  bodies 
perhaps  not  even  of  Poles,  but  other  bodies,  then  put  the  Polish  uni- 
forms on  the  bodies  and  that  they  just  filled  it  in.  This  was  the 
general  opinion  of  the  camp.  Therefore,  we  decided  to  try  and  find 
out  the  truth  and  to  get  om*  own  impression  about  this.  So,  first  of 
all,  when  we  had  all  the  documents  and  all  the  photographs  of 
the  documents  found  in  the  grave,  we  started  to  examine  them  and 
tried  to  find  out  if  they  could  be  forged.  The  general  impression  was 
that  they  were  genuine,  especially  because  there  were  a  lot  of  Polish 
savings-bank  books,  a  lot  of  them.  They  were  quite  distinct;  you 
could  see  the  stamps  of  the  different  places  where  the  money  was 


Mr.  Flood.  So,  that  first  night  you  took  a  look  at  these  exliibits, 
and  you  had  the  general  impression  that,  while  they  were  only  photo- 
graphs, they  were  photogi'aphs  of  authentic  original  documents? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  but,  as  we  had  some  doubts  about  the  state- 
ments of  the  Russian  witnesses.  Colonel  Mossor  decided  to  put  some 
questions  to  these  witnesses,  because  we  were  told  by  the  Germans 
that  we  would  be  able  to  meet  the  witnesses  the  following  day  and  put 
some  questions  to  them  if  we  wanted  to. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  decide  anything  other  than  what  you  have 
told  us  regarding  your  decisions  that  night? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes.  We  agreed  to  put  some  questions  to  the 
witnesses  the  following  day,  and  Colonel  Mossor  prepared  some 
questions  after  studying  their  statements. 

Mr.  Flood.  Now,  what  happened  the  next  day? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Next  day  we  were  taken  to  the  place  where  the 
graves  were  found. 

Mr.  Flood.  Where  was  that? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  It  is  not  far  from  the  railway  station  at  Gniezdovo. 

Mr.  Flood.  About  how  far  is  Gniezdovo  from  Smolensk? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  I  think  it  is  the  second  railway  station  from 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  About  how  far  in  miles? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  It  took  us  about  20  minutes  by  car. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  about  how  far  were  the  Katyn  graves  from  the 
station  at  Gniezdovo? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  About  a  kilometer  or  a  kilometer  and  a  half. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  taken  to  Katyn  in  motorcars  imder  German 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wliat  happened  when  you  arrived  at  the  graves,  as  you 
best  remember? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  When  we  arrived  at  the  graves  we  were  introduced 
to  Professor  Buhtz.  He  was  in  charge  of  the  excavations,  and  when 
we  were  introduced  to  him  I  though tT  I  would  try  some  way  to  get  a 
better  understanding  with  him,  because,  as  I  told  you,  we  left  the 
camp  with  the  general  feeling  that  this  is  a  German  trick;  and,  as  a 
lawyer,  as  a  prosecutor,  I  personally  wanted  to  find  out  what  the 
facts  were,  to  have  my  own  personal  opinion  about  it.  Therefore,  I 
approached  him  in  this  way :  I  asked  him  if  he  is  the  author  of  a  book 
which  I  knew  he  wrote 

Mr.  Flood.  About  what? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  About  traffic  accidents,  which  I  used  when  acting 
as  a  prosecutor  in  Poland. 

Mr.  Flood.  Was  Professor  Buhtz  an  authority  on  forensic  Inw  at 
the  time? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  in  Breslau,  as  far  as  I  remember,  before  the 
war.  Well,  he  was  rather  surprised  to  hear  that  I  knew  his  work,  and 
he  asked  me  "How  is  it"  that  I  knew  of  it.  So,  then  I  had  the  oppor- 
tunity of  explaining  to  him  that  I  am  a  laAvyer  as  well;  that  I  am  a 
prosecutor  in  Poland,  and  he  was  then  very  helpful,  and  he  treated 
me  like  a  fellow  lawyer,  like  a  younger  one.  Anyhow,  he  gave  me  great 

Mr.  Flood.  The  atmosphere  and  attitude  of  the  German  officers 
at  this  time  was  one  of  full  cooperation? 


Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Tell  us  what  happened  then.  What  did  you  see;  what 
did  you  do  and  so  on? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  We  were  shown  roundabout  the  graves.  There 
were  at  the  time  about  five  places  where  the  big  grave  was  excavated. 
I  have  a  sketch  of  it  here.  In  one  of  the  graves  we  found  bodies  with 
hands  bound  with  cord.    I  have  a  piece  of  the  cord  here. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  say  that  you  have  a  piece  of  the  cord  with  you? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  say  that  the  piece  of  the  cord  that  you  have 
with  you  is  a  piece  of  the  cord  that  you  yourself  took  from  one  of  the 
graves  at  Katyn  on  the  day  that  you  visited  it? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Not  myself.  Professor  Buhtz  in  my  presence  took 
it  off  the  hands  and  gave  it  to  me. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  say  Professor  Buhtz,  who  was  in  charge  of  the 
German  investigation,  removed  this  particular  piece  of  cord  which 
you  now  have  here  from  the  hands  of  the  body  of  a  dead  Polish  officer? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  In  one  of  the  graves  at  Katyn? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  let  me  see  that? 

(Mr.  Rowinski  handed  the  piece  of  cord,  referred  to,  to  Mr.  Flood.) 

Air.  Flood.  The  witness  has  shown  the  committee  a  piece  of  what 
looks  like  sash  cord,  in  American  parlance,  very  strong,  about  6  inches 
long;  and  we  will  ask  the  stenographer  to  mark  this  as  "Exhibit  22" 

(The  cord  referred  to  was  marked  "Exhibit  22,"  a  photograph  of 
which  is  shown  below.) 

Exhibit  22 

Photo  of  cord  identified  as  a  piece  which  was  removed  from  the  body  of  one  of  the  victims 

found  dead  in  Katyn. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  witness  is  shown  now,  marked  "Exhibit  22,"  the 
piece  of  cord  spoken  of.  Do  you  identify  this  as  the  piece  of  cord  or 
rope  that  we  have  just  discussed? 

I    Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Definitely.     It  was  in  my  possession  the  whole 

Mr.  Flood.  This  exhibit  has  been  in  your  custody  since  the  time  you 
received  it  from  the  hands  of  Professor  Buhtz  at  the  graves  in  Katyn 
until  the  moment  you  have  just  presented  it  to  this  committee  this 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  is  offered  in  evidence.  Wliat  else  after  this 
incident  took  place  did  you  see  or  do?  We  have  a  great  deal  of  evi- 
dence already  in  the  record  describing  the  scenes  and  circumstances  of 
the  grave,  and  we  will  have  a  great  deal  more  from  German  witnesses, 
but  we  would  like  a  paragraph  or  so  from  you  as  to  what  you  saw. 


Mr.  RowiNSKi.  I  put  it  all  in  detail  in  the  book  there,  but  it  is  in 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  One  of  the  first  things  I  presume  that  occui-red 
to  you  as  a  Polish  officer,  and  because  of  the  suspicions  that  you  had 
that  this  might  be  German  propaganda  was  whether  or  not  these  were 
actually  Polish  officers;  am  I  right? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  make  any  attempt  to  convince  yourself 
whether  or  not  these  were  actually  bodies  of  Polish  officers? 

Mr,  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  I  did. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  How  did  you  determine  that  they  were  Polish 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  I  found  one  of  my  acquaintances,  the  body  of 
Captain  Sidor. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  3^ou  then  direct  your  attention  in  any  way 
to  the  matter  of  uniforms? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  did  you  do  and  what  did  you  find  with 
regard  to  the  uniforms  on  the  bodies  that  were  found  in  the  grave? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  I  checked  the  uniforms  so  far  as  I  could.  I  saw 
that  they  were  Polish — there  was  no  doubt — and  I  saw  also  Polish 
stamps  of  different  manufacturers  on  the  shirts  and  underwear. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  it  occur  to  you  that  these  uniforms  might 
have  been  planted  on  bodies  which  were  not  those  of  Pohsh  officers? 
Did  that  thought  come  to  you? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  certainly.  It  was  one  of  the  principal  things 
that  I  wanted  to  find  out. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  understand  you,  with  your  background  as  a 
prosecutor,  wanted  to  check  for  yourself  whether  or  not  the  Germans 
had  planted  this  incident, 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr,  Machrowicz.  As  you  just  said,  one  of  the  questions  that 
occurred  to  you  was  that  they  might  have  planted  Pofish  uniforms 
on  bodies  of  non-Poles? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  did  you  do? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  First  of  all,  I  found  the  original  Polish  uniforms. 
So  there  was  the  consequent  question  whether  those  Polish  uniforms 
could  be  planted  on  different  bodies  which  were  not  Polish.  So  far  as 
I  could  see,  and  judging  after  my  short  experience,  I  came  to  the  con- 
clusion that  the  uniforms  were  on  the  bodies  at  least  from  the  time 
when  they  were  put  into  the  grave. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  led  joii  to  that  conclusion? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  On  some  of  the  bodies  the  uniforms  were  completely 
pasted  to  the  skin,  stuck  together,  showing  that  they  were  very  long 
in  the  grave;  and,  besides,  there  were  some  folds  in  the  uniforms 
which  rather  showed  that  the  bod}?^,  when  it  was  put  into  the  grave, 
must  have  been  still  warm,  because  it  is  rather  impossible  that  the 
uniforms  could  have  all  these  folds. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Generall}^  speaking,  the  fact  that  these  uniforms 
were  so  closely  molded  into  the  body,  led  you  to  the  conclusion  that 
they  could  not  have  been  planted  on  the  bodies? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr,  Machrowicz,  How  many  graves  did  you  find? 


Mr.  RowiNSKi.  We  were  told  there  was  one  big  grave,  but  four 
holes  were  dug  into  the  place  and  we  saw  four  big  graves. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  it  occur  to  you  also  that  possibly  these 
bodies  might  have  been  moved,  or  touched,  before  you  got  there? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes.  Those  are  the  questions  wliich  I  wanted  to 
investigate  as  well. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  do  anything  to  investigate  that? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes.  Professor  Buhtz  allowed  us  to  go  down  into 
one  of  the  graves,  especially  the  graves  where  the  bodies  were  with 
their  hands  bound.  He  allowed  us  to  choose  any  body  in  the  grave 
and  excavate  it;  so  we  did.  We  chose  a  body  which,  in  our  opinion, 
had  not  been  touched  before.  We  took  it  out  and  it  looked  just  like 
a  date  out  of  a  box.  The  body  wliich  we  found  lying  on  the  stomach 
had  a  hole  here  in  the  stomach  where  the  head  of  another  body  lying 
under  this  body  was  completely  stuck  in. 

Mr.  !Machrowicz.  In  other  words,  the  body  on  top  had  its  head 
indented  into  the  stomach  of  the  body  just  below  it? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  No;  it  is  the  contrary.     It  is  the  other  way, 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  The  head  into  the  stomach? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes.  We  could  see  it  was  not  touched  before 
because  it  was  completely  pressed  in.  It  was  lying  in  tliis  way 
probably  about  2  3''ears. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  indicated  to  you  that  these  bodies  were 
not  removed  or  planted? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Air.  Machroavicz.  Did  the  question  of  the  caliber  of  the  bullets 
interest  you? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  make  any  investigation  in  that  respect? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes.  I  looked  for  some  bullets,  but  I  could  not 
find  an}',  of  course,  so  I  asked  one  of  the  German  gendarmes.  He 
could  not  give  me  any  reasonable  answer.  He  just  told  me  that  most 
probably  the  cartridges  were  somewhere  here  m  the  dump,  and  later 
on  we  would  probably  find  them,  but  he  could  not  tell  me  what  hap- 
pened to  the  cartridges;  so  we  presumed  that  the  shots  were  fired 
from  the  Russian  type  of  revolver  where  there  is  only  a  drum  and 
the  cartridges  are  not  shaken  out  automatically.  This  was  my  pre- 
sumption, but,  later  on,  it  turned  out  that  it  was  false,  because  the 
cartridges  were  of  German  origin. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  3^ou  find  any  grave  there  which  had  bodies 
which  gave  you  indications  of  having  been  there  longer  than  those 
bodies  you  have  been  describing  now? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Not  myself.  Colonel  Mossor  went  across  the  road 
to  another  grave  which  was  also  discovered  by  the  Germans,  where 
he  told  us  he  found  bodies  of  civilians,  so  far  as  he  thought,  in  long 
boots  and  civilian  clothes,  which,  as  to  his  opinion,  must  have  been 
in  there  much  longer,  about  6  to  8  years. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  were  there  in  1943? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  The  other  grave  contained  bodies  which,  to 
Colonel  Mossor,  appeared  to  have  been  there  6  to  8  years? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Which  would  bring  it  to  about  1937? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  Were  the  hands  of  these  bodies  tied  in  the  same 
way  as  the  others? 

^Ir.  RowTNSKi.  The  same  way,  and,  according  to  the  statement  of 
the  Russian  witnesses,  they  were  bodies  of  different  Russians  which 
were  shot  there  in  the  same  place. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Were  you,  because  of  your  legal  background, 
interested  in  trying  to  determine  the  length  of  time  these  bodies  were 
there  by  the  documents  found  on  the  bodies? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes,  I  did. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wliat  did  a^ou  do  m  that  respect? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  I  found  different  letters  addressed  to  the  officers. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  How  did  you  find  these  letters? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Wlien  we  visited  the  graves,  we  were  then  taken  to 
a  small  house  not  far  from  the  graves,  where  the  Germans  had  collected 
all  the  documents.  They  were  at  our  disposal.  We  could  touch 
them  and  we  could  examine  them.  Among  others,  I  found  some  letters 
addressed  from  Chorzow.  On  the  envelopes  of  the  letters  there  were 
marks  done  probably  by  the  officer  who  received  the  letters  when  he 
received  the  letters.  I  examined  about  three  or  four  such  envelopes, 
and  the  dates  on  the  envelopes  never  exceeded  the  end  of  March,  so 
far  as  I  remember  now. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  year? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  I  have  it  here  [the  witness  perused  some  documents] ; 
1940,  of  course. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  have  just  been  looking  at  certain  notes. 
What  are  they? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  They  are  notes  I  took  down  just  after  visiting  the 
graves  in  Smolensk. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Immediately  after  visiting  the  graves? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  Those  notes  bear  the  last  date  of  these  letters  as 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  The  end  of  March  and  the  beginning  of  April. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  year? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.   1940. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  are  positive? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes,  I  am  quite  positive.  T  checked  them  among 
others.  I  found  a  letter  addressed  to  an  officer,  sent  from  his  wife 
who  was  at  this  time  living  in  the  house  of  a  friend  in  Chorzow. 

Mr.  Flood.  Are  those  notes  to  which  you  are  referring  for  the 
purpose  of  refreshing  your  memory  made  in  your  own  writing? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  made  unmediatel}^  after  vour  visit  to 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Will  you  find  in  those  notes  any  reference  to 
any  diaries  that  you  may  have  found? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes.  I  remember  that  we  found  a  diary  in  which 
the  officer  put  a  note  at  the  moment  when  he  was  brought  to  Gniezdovo, 
this  small  station  near  Katyn. 

Air.  Machrowicz.  May  I  direct  your  particular  attention  and  ask 
you  whether  or  not  you  have  any  recollection  now  of  having  found  a 
diary  of  a  Second  Lt.  Jaji  Bartys?  Would  you  refresh  3^our  memory 
by  looking  at  your  notes? 


Mr.  RowiNSKi.  I  cannot  find  it  here. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Does  this  help  you  at  all  [showing  document  to 

Air.  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  that  is  correct. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Will  you  tell  me  what  you  found  with  regard 
to  the  diary  of  Second  Lt.  Jan  Bartys? 

Air.  RowiNTSKi.  In  this  memo — it  was  only  a  small  calendar — he 
puts  the  notec  "We  have  just  arrived  at  the  Gniezdovo  station," 
because  he  could  see  the  inscription,  probably,  "and  I  see  NKVD 
people  standing  from  the  raihvay  station  up  to  the  woods,"  which 
were  not  far  from  the  railway  station.  This  he  saw,  apparently, 
from  the  window  of  the  rail  car. 

Mr.  AIachroavicz.  Do  you  know  the  date  of  the  last  notation  on 
that  calendar? 

Air.  RowiNSKi.  Alarch  15,  1940. 

Air.  A'Iachrowicz.  Were  the  remaining  pages  of  that  calendar  still 

Air.  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  they  were.  I  examined  the  calendar,  so  far 
as  I  remember  now,  because  some  people  said  it  was  all  prepared  by 
the  Germans,  and  they  have  probably  torn  out  the  unnecessary  pages 
and  left  only  those  which  were  suitable  for  them. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  Tell  me  if  there  was  anytliLng  significant  about 
that  particular  calendar  which  attracted  your  attention? 

Air.  RowiNSKi.  Only  the  fact  that  he  stated  in  his  note  that  he  is 
seeing  the  NKVD  people  standing  along  the  road  leading  from  the 
station  to  the  woods. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  The  remaining  portion  of  the  calendar  after 
March  15 

Air.  RowiNSKi.  There  was  no  note  at  all;  the  pages  were  intact — 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  Did  you,  in  checking  these  various  papers,  let- 
ters, calendars,  diaries,  and  notes  that  you  found,  find  any  one  which 
had  a  date  later  than  Alarch  1940? 

Air.  RowiNSKi.  No. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  Did  you  yourself  remove  any  papers  or  docu- 
ments from  any  of  the  bodies? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  From  the  bodies,  no. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  Did  you  ask  Professor  Buhtz  for  permission  to 
select  for  yourself  any  body  which  had  not  yet  been  removed  from 
the  grave? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  that  is  correct. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  What  did  Professor  Buhtz  say? 

Air.  RowiNSKi.  Professor  Buhtz  agreed,  and  he  let  us  go  down  to 
one  of  the  graves,  choose  one  of  the  bodies  which  we  found  there  and 
just  take  it  out. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  remember  what  layer  it  was? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  It  was  in  the  grave  where  all  the  bodies  were  lying 
with  their  hands  tied. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  What  layer  from  the  top? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  The  fourth,  because  the  fii-st  were  already  removed. 
We  had  to  go  down. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  Were  there  any  other  significant  matters  or  any 
other    significant   details   you  have   not   mentioned  yet  which  you 


found  with  regard  to  these  hodies  which  led  you  to  any  conclusions 
as  to  the  guilt  of  either  the  Russians  or  the  Germans? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes.  We  found  two  letters  amongst  the  documents 
which  were  addressed  to  Poland  by  officers  in  the  same  camp  in 
Kozielsk  camp.  We  found  them  amongst  the  documents.  We 
thought  perhaps  those  letters  were  given  to  the  officers  who  were  told 
by  the  Russians  that  they  are  going  back  to  Poland. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Was  there  any  attempt  made,  during  the  time 
you  were  at  Katyn,  by  any  German  to  either  compel  you  to  do  any- 
thing against  your  will  or  to  force  you  to  announce  any  conclusion 
which  was  not  based  upon  your  own  findings? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  No. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  have  a  free  hand  there? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  ^es;  a  completely  free  hand. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  I  have  some  questions  I  want  to  ask.  Was  there 
anybody  at  the  grave  when  you  got  there  besides  you  Polish  prisoners 
of  war;  I  mean  other  prisoners  of  other  nationalities? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  I  saw  there  Russians  who  were  helping  to  excavate 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  No  other  nationality? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  No. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Will  you  describe  to  the  committee  how  that  area 
looked  where  the  graves  were  found;  what  kind  of  country  is  what  I 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  It  was  in  a  wood,  but  it  was  rather  a  part  of  the 
wood  where  there  were  only  a  few  big  trees,  big  fir  trees,  so  far  as  I 
remember.  But  amongst  those  trees  there  were  small  fir  trees,  not 
very  high. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Were  there  any  trees  on  the  graves? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  No,  I  have  not  seen  any  on  the  graves. 

Mr.  DoNDERo.  What  did  the  ground  look  like — what  color? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  It  was  rather  sandy. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Kind  of  yellowish? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yellowish  like  sand.  There  was  only  one  grave 
where  we  found  already  some  ground  water.  Because  the  ground 
was  going  slowly  down,  in  one  place  was  rather  wet. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  How  many  layers  deep  were  these  men  buried? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  In  one  of  the  graves  I  saw  something  like  a  special 
pit.     The  Germans  make  a  pit  in  order  to  check  the  layers. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  How  many  bodies  did  you  see? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Already  excavated? 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Or  in  the  graves. 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  I  could  not  tell  you  because  I  saw  only  about  160 
which  were  already  excavated  and  they  were  lying  in  rows. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Could  you  see  how  long  or  deep  the  graves  were? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes,  I  could  see  the  one  grave.  There  were,  so  far 
as  I  remember,  about  13  layers  of  bodies. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Thirteen  deep  from  top  to  bottom? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  completely  pressed  together. 

Mr.  Donde'ro.  Have  you  any  judgment  or  any  estimate  you  want 
to  give  the  committee  as  to  the  number  of  Polish  officers  who  were 
buried  in  those  graves  that  vou  saw? 


Mr.  RowiNSKi.  I  remember  we  just  took  over  this  number  because, 
from  the  begiiuimg,  we  doubted  that  there  could  be  12,000.  We 
came  to  the  conclusion  there  could  not  be  more  than  about  8,000. 

Mr.  DoNnERO.  On  the  bodies  that  you  saw,  were  the  uniforms  those 
of  Polish  officers? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Did  they  have  their  overcoats  on? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Not  all  of  them. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Did  some  of  them? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Did  they  have  their  boots  on? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  nearly  all  of  them  had  their  boots  on. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Did  you  examine  the  boots? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Wliat  condition  were  they  in? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  In  a  very  good  condition  indeed.  Some  of  them 
had  even  something  like  a  wooden  sole  in  order  to  protect  the  leather. 
The  officers  probably  did  them  in  the  camps. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Were  they  worn  much  or  did  they  look  fairly  new? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  They  looked  very  good  indeed.  I  thought  it 
would  be  an  excellent  advertisement  for  the  fu"m  who  manufactured 
them  if  it  was  not  so  sad  a  moment. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  These  Russians  who  were  there  at  the  graves  with 
you,  were  they  soldiers  or  civilians? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Civilians. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  How  many? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  I  saw  about  12. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Did  you  talk  with  any  of  them? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  No.     I  do  not  speak  Russian. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Were  you  permitted  to  talk  to  them? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  I  do  not  think  so,  but  we  were  not  told  that  it  is 
forbidden  to  speak. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  When  you  went  to  the  graves  at  the  suggestion  of 
the  Germans,  you  were  naturally  prejudiced  and  bitter  towards  the 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Did  your  brother  officers  feel  the  same  way  you 
did  and  express  themselves? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Exactly.  They  even  despised  me  because  those 
officers  agreed  to  go — — - 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  After  you  had  been  to  the  graves,  what  conclusion 
or  opinion  did  you  arrive  at  with  your  brother  officers  who  went 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  In  my  private  opmion  I  was  completely  convinced 
it  was  done  by  the  Russians. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  What  did  your  other  officers  think? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  All  other  officers  as  well. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  They  came  to  the  same  conclusions? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  The  same  conclusions,  only  we  did  not  express  it 
properly  because  the  Germans  wanted  to  use  this  report  of  ours  for 
propaganda  purposes.  So  we  agreed  only  to  say  what  we  saw,  draw- 
ing no  conclusions— only  what  we  have  seen  there. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  And  you  expressed  no  opinion? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  No  opinion  at  all. 

93744— 52— pt.  4 13 


Mr.  DoNDERO.  But  3^ou  were  satisfied  then  that  the  Russians  did 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Did  you  examine  any  of  the  clothes  of  these  men? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes,  I  did. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Did  you  find  any  bullet  holes? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Where? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  We  always  found  here  [indicating]  a  smaller  bullet 
hole  and  a  bigger  one  here  [indicating]. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  For  the  record,  you  mean  at  the  base  of  the  skull? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes,  somewhere  here  [indicating] — always  nearly 
in  the  same  position. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  witness  is  now  indicating  entry  of  bullet  at  the 
base  of  the  skull  and  indicating  exit  of  the  bullet  on  the  far  side  of  the 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Were  they  all  shot  the  same  way? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  It  appeared  to  be  done  in  the  same  way. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Their  hands  were  tied  behind  them? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Not  all  of  them,  only  some  of  them. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Wliat  can  you  say  of  the  others  who  were  not  tied 
that  way? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  I  suppose  only  those  people  who  tried  to  defend 
themselves  were  bound,  because  I  saw  some  bodies  with  sawdust  in 
their  mouth  and  some  of  them  had  even  their  heads  covered  with  their 
overcoats,  then  a  string  round  the  neck  connected  with  string  at  the 
hands.  So  when  they  started  to  struggle  to  free  the  hands,  they  must 
have  choked  themselves. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  You  saw  several  that  way? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes,  I  saw  several  and  I  saw  also  bullets  tlu'ough 
the  overcoat  here  [indicating] — I  mean  the  hole. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  As  you  looked  at  the  bodies  in  the  grave,  were  they 
buried  face  up  or  face  down? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  They  were  in  dift'erent  positions.  They  looked  to 
me  like  they  were  tin-own  into  the  grave  in  dift"erent  positions. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  They  were  not  in  layers? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  No;  they  were  just  mixed. 

Mr.  DoNDERo.  Thrown  in? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  In  any  position? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  They  were  in  a  state  of  decomposition? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes.  Some  of  the  faces  of  the  bodies  were  like 
they  were  caught  in  the  last  moment  of  a  cry. 

Mr.  DoNDERo.  How  long,  how  wide  and  how  tleep  were  the 
graves  you  saw? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Would  you  allow  me  to  look  at  something? 

Mr.  DoNDKHO.   Refresh  your  memory. 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  I  see  the  graves,  but  I  could  not  tell  you  tiie  size 
of  the  graves.  1  know  that  there  were  two  big  graves  and  two  smaller 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Clin  yon  describe  to  the  connniltee  and  for  the 
record  about  how  big  they  were? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  1  think  it  is  in  the  report. 


^Ir.  DoNDERO.  If  ,you  cannot  find  it,  during  the  lunch  hour  refer  to 
yoiH"  notes  and  give  it  to  the  stenographer  afterwards. 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  I  will  find  it,  because  I  have  it  down  somewhere. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  How  old  a  man  are  yoii? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  I  am  now  46. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  How  long  were  you  a  prisoner  of  the  Germans? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Five  years. 

Mr.  DoNDERo.  That  is  all. 

Chan-man  Madden.  Mr.  Witness,  I  might  say  for  the  record  that 
in  our  former  hearings  in  Washington,  a  couple  of  different  witnesses 
testified  regarding  the  sawdust  that  was  placed  in  the  mouths  of  some 
of  these  bodies  previous;  that  is,  they  did  not  have  their  hands  tied 
behind  them,  but  some  of  them  had  sawdust  in  their  mouths,  which 
confirms  the  testimony  that  you  just  related. 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  would  like  to  amplify  that  by  sajdng  that  that  is 
particularh'  true  of  a-certain  Avitness  in  Washington  who  testified  with 
a  mask  over  his  head,  and  that  witness  testified  that  some  of  these 
bodies  found  with  sawdust  did  have  their  hands  tied  behind  their 
back  as  well. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  May  I  ask  you  whether  or  not  you  would  be 
willing  to  leave  those  notes  of  yours  as  an  exhibit  in  this  case? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes,  certainly.     They  are  in  Polish. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Those  are  in  Polish? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  But  they  Avere  made  immediately  after  you 
were  there? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Immediately  after.  It  is  rather  the  rough  sketch 
of  the  report  we  prepared  for  the  Germans. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  It  was  immediately  after  your  visit  to  Katyn. 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  Tho}'  are  joxiv  impressions  as  of  that  time 
immediately  after  you  were  in  the  graves? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes,  and  the  text  of  the  same  report  is  in  the  book. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Will  3'ou  let  me  have  those  notes,  please? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Did  you  find  any  bodies  with  wire? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  now  ask  the  stenographer  to  mark  for  identification 
a  series  of  documents  or  notes  of  this  witness  consisting  of  five  pages — 
to  mark  them  as  exhibits  23,  23 A,  24,  24 A,  and  24B,  being  a  sketch 
or  a  map.  I  now  show  the  AAatness  the  exhibits  as  I  have  just  indi- 
cated and  ask  him  whether  or  not  those  are  the  original  notes  in  his 
own  handAATiting  made  by  him  immediately  after  his  visit  to  Katyn 
for  the  purpose  of  being  the  basis  for  the  report  to  the  Germans? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  are  those  the  notes  with  which  he  has  been  re- 
freshing his  testimony  thus  far  before  the  committee  this  morning? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Those  are  offered  in  evidence  as  exhibits  23,  23A,  24, 
24A,  and  24B  and  follow. 



Exhibit  23 

i  i  *i' 



<o  k 



[Translation  from  Polish] 

April  14,  1943:  Movement  order  (Wednesday)  0G.43  houi-s  from  Waldenburg. 

April  1.5,  1943:  Szczecin,  10:30  hours.      19.00  hours  to  BerUn  21.25. 

April  16,  1943:  Start  to  Warsaw  [by  plane]  from  Staak  aerodrome  to  Warsaw. 
Officers  from  the  nearest  camps  were  selected  to  speed  up  the  departure.  General 
Chmurowicz,  8  officers:  2  2nd  lieutenants,  3  captains,  Lt.  Col.  (G.  S.)  all  from 
WK  II,  camps  IIC,  II D,  HE. 

General  Chmurowicz,  unable  to  fly  owing  to  his  heart  ailment,  was  left  in  Berlin. 

On  the  aerodrome  a  captain  informs  us  that  we  have  to  fly  to  Smolensk.  The 
colonel  requests  that  [either  he  or  the  group]  be  released  from  that  duty  and 
another  delegation  selected. 

April  16:  Arrival  in  Warsaw  at  10.40  hours,  Okecie.  Major  Nowosielski 
released;  left  in  Warsaw.  11.30  hours — start  for  Smolensk.  Arrival  15.30 
hours.  Military  police  interested.  In  the  evening,  detailed  explanation  of  the 
purpose  of  our  arrival.  Copies  of  the  depositions  of  witnesses  and  the  list  of 
casualties,  300  bodies.  The  Colonel  made  his  standpoint  clear.  We  are  detailed 
by  order,  and  were  not  niformed  of  the  purpose  of  the  journey.  We  do  not 
consider  ourselves  official  representatives,  and  still  less  a  delegation  of  prisoner-of- 
war  officers.  And  therefore  we  are  unaljle  to  make  any  declarations  or  statements. 
We  request  that  we  not  be  photographed,  filmed,  or  asked  to  hold  press  con- 
ferences. We  can,  however  (1)  observe  whatever  we  shall  see  on  the  spot; 
(2)  transmit  our  observations  exclusively  for  the  information  of  prisoner-of-war 
officers,  not  through  the  medium  of  the  public  press;  (3)  all  other  statements  of 
fact  belong  to  the  International  Red  Cross,  the  international  press,  etc.  After 
some  time,  the  Colonel  received  a  reply  that  no  conferences,  declarations,  or 
filming  or  radio  broadcasting  would  be  required,  and  that  photographs  taken  by 
the  noncommissioned  officers  would  be  kept  at  the  O.  K.  W.  for  documentation. 
They  will  be  satisfied  with  preparation  of  a  report  for  the  use  of  the  prisoners  of 
war,  as  bringing  delegations  from  all  POW  camps  is  not  technically  possible. 

April  17,  1943:  08.30  hours.  Departure  to  Katyn  Forest,  the  area  of  exhumation 
-in  the  vicinity  of  the  railway  station  Gniasdowa,  20  kilometers  West. 

Basic  points: 

(1)  Condition  of  bodies,  partly  mummified  in  the  dry. sand,  features  not 
recognizable,  documents,  badges  of  rank,  color  of  hair,  service  colors,  buttons,  the 
quality  of  cloth,  all  distinguishable.  Documents  and  photographs  in  a  good 
state  of  preservation.  It  is  difficult  to  determine  the  length  of  interment  by  the 
condition  of  the  bodies. 

(2)  Bodies  are  dressed  in  uniforms,  with  badges  of  rank,  other  marks;  officers' 
boots  undoubtedly  Polish.  Polish  paper  money  is  scattered  around.  (Colonel 
Dr.  Bulitz  present  on  the  spot  determined  the  period  of  interment  as  two  years.) 
The  state  of  decomposition  of  the  uniforms  corresponds  to  this  period  and  to  the 
condition  of  the  bodies.    A  small  nmnber  in  civilian  clothes. 

(3)  All  exhumed  bodies  (one  body  exhumed  personally)  show  pistol  shot  holes. 
Entry  of  the  bullets  was  in  the  back  of  the  head;  exit  in  the  occiput  or  temples. 
Some  of  the  bodies  have  the  hands  bound  at  the  back  (one  body  personally 
«xhumed).  Similarly  bound  bodies  were  exhumed  on  the  other  side  of  the  road, 
where,  according  to  the  depositions  of  the  witnesses  and  (illegible)  the  bodies  of 
Bolsheviks  were  buried  5  to  8  years  ago. 


Exhibit  23A 

i.'^'-'Jj^  >>■■<> 


I-  ■  •  ■ 


[Translation  from  Polish] 

(4)  At  the  presumed  area  of  the  burials  4  excavations  were  made,  in  which  a 
mass  01  many  layers  of  bodies  was  found,  some  1  to  2  metres  deep.  The  top  layer 
of  bodies  was  removed  and  arranged  on  the  surface  for  identification  (some  300). 
Of  these,  some  160  were  identified  on  the  basis  of  documents,  cigarette  cases,  (il- 
legible), correspondence,  identification  tags,  etc.  The  rest  impossible  to  identify, 
including  civilians,  because  badges  of  rank  and  documents  are  absent.  The  lower 
layers  are  still  not  removed.  There  are  presumably  some  12  layers  of  bodies  to 
the  ground  water  level.  In  the  corner  of  each  excavation  shafts  were  sunk.  The 
bottom  of  the  shaft  was  covered  with  loose  earth.  The  thickness  of  the  mass  from 
the  second  layer  is  \%  metres. 

(5)  The  total  number  according  to  the  German  estimate  is  10,000  to  12,000,  and 
they  quote  the  follovv'ing  bases  [for  their  estimation]: 

The  surface  of  the  general  mass  grave,  and  the  thickness  of  the  layer  of  bodies. 
Partly  ascertained  thickness  of  the  layer  visible  in  the  shaft:  1%  metres.  From 
all  sides  of  the  excavations  heads  or  limbs  are  sticking  out,  which  indicates  that 
between  four  opened  graves  bodies  are  also  present — it  is  not  known  how  many. 
Depositions  of  witnesses  regarding  the  number  of  railway  transports  to  Gniasdowa 
station  and  from  the  station  to  the  place  of  execution  in  GPU  trucks.  In  our 
presence  the  witnesses  confirmed  their  depositions  as  regards  the  number  of  trans- 
ports in  reply  to  our  direct  questions. 

It  is  beyond  doubt  that  this  is  a  mass  grave  and  that  the  number  of  bodies 
involves  thousands.  The  exact  number  can  be  ascertained  only  after  exhuma- 
tions are  completed.  According  to  the  witnesses,  during  April  and  (illegible) 
1940  they  saw  3  to  4  rail  transports  composed  of  3  to  4  prisoner  cars.  Truck  could 
carry  16  persons  each  (daily;  480  during  28  days)  (three  covered  trucks  plus  one 
light  truck  for  luggage). 

(6)  Exhumation  work  is  under  the  direction  of  an  officer  of  the  Germany  mili- 
tary police,  who  is  assisted  by  the  professor  of  medicine  of  Wroclaw  University 
^ith  the  rank  of  Hauptarzt  (?).  On  the  spot  there  are  three  delegates  of  the 
Polish  Red  Cross  from  Warsav/,  who  will  remain  until  the  work  is  finished.  They 
assist  with  the  identification  of  the  bodies  and  the  arrangement  of  a  common 
grave.  Each  body,  after  exhumation  and  eventual  identification,  receives  a 
metal  tag  about  the  neck  with  a  number  which  is  identical  with  that  on  the  list 
of  exhumed  bodies  and  with  that  on  the  envelope  with  the  documents. 

(7)  The  documents  found  are  kept,  after  being  dried,  in  a  neighboring  forester's 
house  in  improvised  showcases,  with  their  numbers  and  envelopes.  They  are 
deciphered,  translated,  partly  photographed,  etc.  Some  of  them  (diaries)  wiU 
be  subject  to  chemical  treatment  in  order  to  make  illegible  spots  readable.  The 
state  of  documents  satisfactory,  some  photographs  and  correspondence  in  a  good 
state  of  preservation,  easy  to  read  or  to  recognize. 

(8)  General  Smorawinski's  documents,  paticularly  army  identity  card  and  the 
Postal  Savings  Banks  of  Lublin  book,  well  preserved.  Trousers  on  the  body 
with  general's  stripes. 



Exhibit  24 

k<-«>Htj.  ^Xi^.^^j,    jVj.^^W-A.-.     ft^Af^r^-^yw;  A.vojj^    ,^^^   t^<^  ^ 

'^^K^it  ''^  '^^a1 


/ .- 

•JO--^*'  j-^--*'    M'V.-^f  ■£     <  fl-'sN'*'- 

^kl-Mr  M^   \iiA^t^'^^x^^^^J%(:^  .  '^'h/< 

>;>><     -.^.i  ♦•^-■•w^  «r 

,  *JCj<.  A/iw  "fT!*  -{-^'«^  ( 

•-wWV    d-f  *i  <*vv^ 




[Translation  from  Polish] 

badges  of  rank   of  major  general   distinct,   the  face  unrecognizable.     A  silver 
cigarette  case  with  illegible  gold  inscriptions  was  found  on  General  Smorawinski. 

(11)  Correspondence  addressed  from  Poland  found,  almost  exclusively  post- 
cards addressed  to  Camp  Kozielsk.  Latest  dates  of  dispatch — January  and  Feb- 
ruary 1940  (replies). 

(12)  On  two  bodies  short  diaries  were  found  in  calendars,  one  brought  to  Janu- 
ary 1,  1940,  the  other  to  March  15,  1940  (2nd  Lt.  Jan  Burkys,  Cracov). 

These  particulars  agreed  on  by  all  officers  present. 

13.40  hrs.,  flown  out  from  Smolensk,  17.45  in  Warsaw.     Medical  examination 
of  the  crew  (the  escort  and  ourselves).     Major  Nowosielski  rejoined  the  party. 
18.39  hrs.  departure,  arrival  in  Poznan  20.40,  night  in  Poznan.     April  18,  start 
for  Berlin  7.25  hrs.,  arrival  in  Berlin  9.00  hrs.  Staaken  airport. 
Lt.  Col.  Stefan  Mosor. 
Capt.  Stanislaw  Cylkowski. 
Cajjt.  KoNST.  Adamski. 
Capt.  Bentman. 
Pol.  [illegible]  Slawiczek. 
Maj.  Aleksander  Nowosielski. 
Capt.  Eugeniusz  Kleban. 
2nd  Lt.  Stanislaw  Gostkowski. 




Exhibit  24A 


[Translation  from  Polish] 

Deszczka,  Wladyslaw,  cartographer,  born  March  2,  1892  in  Ostrozeii,  address — ■ 
Warsaw,  Aleje  Ujazdowskie,  Major  of  the  27th  Railway  Battalion,  army  book  well 
preserved,  with  a  photograph. 

Zbroja,  Dr.  Franciszek. 

Szymankiewicz,  Captain,  born  May  26,  1896,  address — Warsaw. 

Freidenreich,  Ya.  Second  Lieutenant. 

I'Vyssberji,  dr.  Adam.  Captain. 

Halacinski  (Halasinski?),  Andrzej,  Lt.  Colonel. 

Smorawinski  lillegible],  address — Lublin,  Litewski  Sq.  3,  Postal  Savings  bank- 
book, certificate  of  the  Army  Cross,  born  December  25,  1892  [illegible]  identity- 
document  [illegible]. 

Bohatyrowicz,  Bronislaw  [illegible]  Rejtan  Str.  3-28.,  letter  written  by  him, 
two  photographs,  a  rather  large  sum  of  money. 

Lopusko,  Edward,  a  card  from  Witold  Lopusko,  Vilna,  Antokolska  4,  firm, 
Lopusko,  Vilna. 

Kuzmiski,  Arkady,  student,  January  29,  1907,  Warsaw,  Akademicka  5. 

Wirszillo,  Tadeusz. 

Wiasienko,  Wlodzimierz,  civilian,  Maria  Wlasienko,  Wilna,  Sosnowa  40. 






\    \ 


[Translation  from  PolisJi 

Kailway  Station 

[Arrow]  to  Minsk  and  Vitebsk. 

[Arrow]  to  Minsk. 

[Arrow]  to  Smolensk. 


[In  Russian:]  Katyn  Forest. 

[In  Polish:]   (Katyn  Forest). 

Legend:  1  centimeter  equals  10-15  meters  for  the  middle  of  the  drawing;  on  the 
outer  parts  of  the  drawing  marks  were  placed  for  the  purpose  of  orientation. 

Nos.  1,  2,  3,  and  4,  Polish  mass  graves;  excavations  with  Russian  bodies; 
5,  excavation  to  receive  exhumed  bodies;  6,  the  guardhouse;  7,  elevation  for  photo- 
graphing and  the  Red  Cross  flag. 

GPU  House  [In  Russian:]  katia  mountain. 

So-called  "Zofiowka"  [In  Polish:]  (Katia  Mountain). 

[Arrow]  Dnieper  River. 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  know  where  Colonel  Mosser  is  now? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes,  in  Poland  in  prison.  He  was  sentenced,  I 
think,  to  life  imprisonment.  He  became  a  general,  and  I  think  he 
became  a  director  of  a  military  school  in  Kharkov;  but  later  on  he 
was  tried  and  he  is  now  in  prison. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  is  the  colonel  who  was  in  charge  of  this 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  may  ask  you  just  one  cj[uestion  about  that  colonel. 
You  told  us  that  the  first  night  that  you  got  together  in  Smolensk, 
amongst  other  tilings  you  decided  to  do  was  to  have  the  colonel 
interview  certain  Russian  workers? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  Who  had  made  certain  statements  shown  to  you  by  the 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Right. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  know  if  the  colonel  did  interview  those 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  he  did. 

Mr.  Flood.  When — the  next  day? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  when  we  visited  the  gi*aves. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  see  him  talking  to  them? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  I  did. 

Mr.  Flood.  Can  you  give  us  the  gist  of  the  colonel's  converse  tions 
with  the  Russians? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  he  told  us  that  his  impression  is  that  they  are 
telling  the  truth,  only  they  are  slightly  exaggerating,  he  thought, 
regarding  the  amount  of  the  people  who  wore  brought  to  the  camp. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  colonel  reported  back  about  Polish  officers? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  he  had  the  conversation? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  know  that  he  did  in  fact  have  one? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  gist  of  his  conversation  with  the  Russians  was 
that  he  was  satisfied  that  the  statements  he  made  which  were  shown 
to  you  by  the  Germans  were  honest  statem.ents,  except  that  there  was 
an  error  here  and  there  about  the  numbers  of  bodies;  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  There  is  one  paragraph  in  Colonel  Mosser's 
report  which  I  would  like  to  read  to  you  and  ask  you  whether  you 
remember  that  paragraph.     [Reading:] 

In  May  1943  the  known  propaganda  was  started  with  regard  to  Katyn.  I 
found  myself  in  a  group  of  officers  who  were  taken  to  the  locale  for  the  purpose 
of  showing  the  empty  graves  and  the  bodies.  The  very  fact  that  these  thousands 
of  Polish  officers  were  killed  in  the  spring  of  1940  in  those  woods  is  not  subject  to 
any  doubt. 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz  (reading): 

They  tried  to  use  us  for  radio,  press,  and  fihn  propaganda,  to  which  I  categori- 
cally effectively  was  in  opposition.  I  did,  however,  atiree  only  for  the  statement 
of  our  actual  findings  given  for  the  infornialton  of  Polish  officer  prisoners. 


Do  you  remember  that  section  of  tliis  report? 

Air.  RowiNSKi.  Yes;  I  even  remember  that  he  was  com.pletely 
convinced,  and  when  I  heard  about  him  going  back  to  Poland,  I  w*as 
rather  shocked  to  hear  it. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  am  reading  now  from  the  book:  The  Katyn 
Murders  in  the  Light  of  Documents  in  which  that  paragraph  of  Colonel 
Mosser  is  included.  I  am.  reading  from  page  261  of  that  book.  So 
that  Colonel  Mosser,  who  was  major  and  subsequently  colonel,  did 
agree  with  you  that  there  was  no  question  in  his  mind  but  that  these 
people  were  killed  in  the  spring  of  1940? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  Yes,  there  was  no  question  about  it. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  This  group  of  yours  made  a  report.  Is  that 
report  available? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  It  is  in  the  same  book  you  are  reading. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  The  report  of  this  particular  witness  appears 
in  the  book  which  I  have  read,  but  it  appears  without  his  name. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Mr.  Flood,  I  believe  we  should  state  for  the  record 
that  while  the  book  Mr.  Machrowicz  is  referring  to  has  not  been  placed 
in  the  record  because  it  is  so  voluminous,  it  is  part  of  the  committee's 
file  and  is  always  available. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  committee  will  take  note  of  that.  Mr.  Rowinski, 
you  have  not  been  paid  or  promised  any  benefits  of  any  kind,  have  you, 
for  appearing  here  today,  by  anybody? 

Mr.  RowiNSKi.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  committee  wish  to  thank  3'ou  for  giving  your  time 
and  your  attention  to  the  matter  we  are  trying  to  investigate,  and  we 
appreciate  your  testimony  this  morning  very  much  indeed. 

Mr.  Rowinski.  Thank  you  very  much. 

(At  1:30  p.  m.  the  committee  recessed,  to  reconvene  at  2:30  p.  m.) 


(The  committee  reconvened  at  2:45  p.  m.) 

Chaii-man  Madden.  The  committee  will  come  to  order. 

You  may  proceed,  Mr.  Flood. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  just  give  your  name  and  your  British  address 
to  the  stenographer,  please? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Lt.  Gen.  Tadeusz  Bor  Komorowski,  3  Bowrons  Avenue,  Wembley, 

You  can  take  the  rest  of  it  from  this  statement. 

(A  document  containing  the  following  statement  was  handed  to 
the  reporter:) 

Born  in  l.VI.  1895  in  Chorobrow,  Southeaatern  Poland,  Galicja.  Took  part 
in  First  World  War  as  Cavalry  officer  in  the  Austrian  Army.  From  1918  joined 
the  newly  formed  Polish  Army.  From  1918  till  to  1920  took  part  in  the  Riisso- 
Polish  \\''ar.  In  1920  decorated  with  the  Virtuti  Militari  Cross,  the  highest 
Polish  military  decoration.  After  the  end  of  the  war  remained  in  the  regular 
army.     From  1927  till  1938  commanded  the  9  Lancers  Regiment. 

In  1938  in  the  rank  of  colonel,  appointed  commander  of  the  Cavalry  Training 
Center  in  Grudziadz. 

Took  part  in  the  German-Polish  War  in  1939.  After  the  defeat  in  1939  went 
underground  and  was  one  of  the  organizers  of  the  Polish  Home  Army. 

From  1939-41  commander  of  the  Cracow  and  Silesia  districts  of  the  Under- 

9.3744— 52— pt.  4 14 


In  1940  promoted  to  the  rank  of  general. 

From  1941-43  deputy  commander  of  the  Home  Army/HQ  in  Warsaw. 

In  1943  in  July  nominated  commander  in  chief  of  the  Home  Army  in  the  rank 
of  lieutenant  general.  Commanded  the  Home  Army  till  the  end  of  the  Warsaw- 
uprising,  October  1944.  After  the  capitulation  of  Warsaw,  taken  prisoner  of 
war  by  the  Germans.  In  May  1945  liberated  from  German  captivity  by  the 
U.  S.  A.  Army. 

From  May  28,  1945  commander  in  chief  of  Polish  forces  abroad.  In  1946, 
November  8,  resigned  from  the  post  as  C.  I.  C.  of  Polish  Forces. 

Mr.  Flood.  Before  you  make  a  statement,  it  is  our  wisii  that  you 
be  advised  that  you  woukl  run  the  risk  of  action  in  the  courts  by 
anyone  who  considered  he  had  suffered  an  injury  as  a  result  of  your 
testimony.  At  the  same  time,  I  wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  and  the  House  of  Representatives 
do  not  assume  any  responsibility  in  your  behalf  with  respect  to  libel 
or  slander  proceedings  which  may  arise  as  a  result  of  the  testimony. 

Do  you  understand  that? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes,  I  understand. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  raise  your  right  hand,  please,  to  be  sworn? 

Do  you  swear,  by  God  the  AlmJght}^  and  Om_niscient,  that  you  will, 
according  to  your  best  knowledge,  tell  the  pure  truth  and  you  will 
not  conceal  anything;  so  help  you  God? 

General  Komorowski.  I  do. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  be  seated,  please? 


Mr.  Flood.  What  is  your  full  nam.e? 

General  Komorowski.  Tadeusz  Bor-Komorowski. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  at  any  time  identified  with  the  Polish  armed 

General  Komorow^ski.  In  the  underground  army,  home  army. 
From.  1939  till  the  end  of  1944  I  was  in  Poland. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  your  title,  your  rank,  in  the  underground 

General  Komorowski.  In  the  beginning,  general,  and  in  1943, 
lieutenant  general. 

Mr.  Flood.  During  all  of  the  tim.e  that  you  were  in  com-inand  of 
the  so-called  Polish  home  army,  or  underground  arm.y,  your  head- 
quarters were  generally  in  Warsaw,  were  they? 

General  Komorowski,  Yes,  sir,  the  headquarters.  But  I  was  not 
all  the  time  commander;  I  was  till  1943  deputy  commander,  and  from 
1943  after  the  commander  in  chief,  General  Roweski,  was  arrested,  I 
became  commander, 

Mr.  Flood.  I  direct  your  attention  to  the  late  summer  of  1941,  at 
which  time  the  rapprochement  took  place  between  the  Soviet  and 
Poland.     You  are  aware  of  that  time? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  of  the  protocol? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  you  remember  that  the  protocol  between  the 
Soviet  and  the  Poles  called  for  the  Russians  to  release  all  Polish 
prisoners,  of  all  categories? 


General  Komorowski.  Yes.  And  at  this  time  we  received  an  order 
from  General  Sikorski  to  look  for  the  prisoners  of  war  in  camps  of 
prisoners  of  war  in  Germany  and  in  areas  occupied  by  the  Germans 
in  Russia,  as  he  saw  that  it  may  be  possible  that  the  Polish  prisoners 
of  war  were  taken  by  the  Germans. 

Mr.  Flood.  Because  of  the  confusion  and  because  of  the  uncertainty 
as  to  where  the  Polish  prisoners  may  have  been,  since  there  was  no 
trace  of  them  and  because  it  was  possible  that  they  may  have  been 
taken  prisoner  by  the  Germans  as  well  as  the  Russians,  General 
Sikorski,  then  head  of  the  Polish  state,  directed  you,  at  your  head- 
quarters in  the  underground  in  Poland,  to  do  everything  possible  to 
try  and  find  the  missing  Poles;  is  that  right? 

General  Komorowski.  That  is  right. 

IVlr.  O'KoNSKi.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  might  suggest  that  he  is  maybe 
going  to  cover  that  in  his  statement. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  is  what  we  are  going  to  do  now. 

I  have  been  advised,  General,  that  you  have  a  prepared  written 
statement  that  you  would  like  to  read  to  the  committee  at  tliis  time. 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Would  j^ou  so  do? 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Mr.  Chah*man. 

Chairman  Madden.  Mr.  Dondero. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Before  you  proceed  with  yom^  statement,  General, 
I  have  one  question.  You  said  on  the  record  that  you  made  an  effort 
to  search  for  the  Polish  officers  in  the  belief  that  they  might  have  been 
taken  by  the  Germans.  Did  you  not  get  word  from  these  officers  back 
to  their  families  that  they  had  been  taken  by  the  Russians  and  not 
by  the  Germans,  before  that  time? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes;  but  it  was  not  our  opinion.  General 
Sikorski  gave  an  order  and  in  his  order  he  believed  maybe  possibly 
that  they  were  taken  by  the  Germans,  ''so  you  must  look  all  over  to 
determine  if  some  of  the  prisoners  of  war  taken  by  the  Russians  are 
in  any  camp  in  Germany,"  the  General  wrote. 

Mr.  Flood.  As  a  matter  of  fact.  General,  there  had  been  a  munber 
of  Poles  who  had  been  taken  prisoner  by  the  Germans  in  the  earlier 
days;  is  not  that  right? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  they  were  then  in  prison  camps  in  Germany? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  present  here  this  morning,  were  you  not, 
when  the  last  witness  testified  that  he,  a  Polish  officer,  was  a  prisoner 
of  the  Germans  in  a  German  prison  camp? 

General  Komorowski.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  All  right,  go  ahead  now. 

General  Komorowski.  In  September  1939,  a  large  part  of  the 
Polish  Ai'my  retreating  before  the  German  onslaught  had  found  itself 
in  eastern  Poland,  where  the  men  were  taken  prisoner  by  the  Russians. 
After  some  time,  the  families  of  these  men,  mostly  officers,  began  to 
receive  censored  letters  from  them.  The  postmarks  revealed  that  the 
men  had  been  grouped  in  three  large  prisoner-of-war  camps  at  Kozielsk, 
Starobielsk,  and  Ostashkov.  The  last  letters  to  be  received  from  these 
camps  were  dated  April  1940.  All  letters  sent  to  them  after  that 
month  were  retm^ned  stamped  "Retour-parti" — "Return  to  sender; 
adchessee  gone  away." 


Grave  anxiety  reigned  among  the  numerous  families  who  had  their 
relatives  in  Russian  captivity.  Nobody  could  understand  why  the 
letters  written  after  April  1940  had  been  sent  back.  If  they  had  been 
transferred  to  other  camps,  why  had  the  letters  not  been  sent  on  in- 
stead of  being  returned? 

We  had  news  from  London,  from  General  Sikorski,  sent  us  by 
radio  and  by  clandestine  couriers,  that  more  than  8,000  Polish  Officers 
had  been  taken  prisoner  of  war  by  the  Russians.  Of  these,  only 
about  400  men  had  been  traced  and  found  after  the  Russo-Polish 

General  Sikorski  had  ordered  the  commander  in  chief  of  the  home 
army  to  conduct  a  thorough  search  in  the  prisoner-of-war  camps  in 
Germany  and  in  the  areas  under  German  occupation,  as  he  did  not 
exclude  the  eventuality  that  the  missing  officers  had  been  taken  over 
by  the  Germans  during  their  advance  in  1941.  The  intensive  search 
undertaken  by  the  home  army,  which  had  clandestine  liaison  with 
the  prisoner-of-war  camps  in  Germany  yielded  no  results.  Not  a 
single  Polish  officer  of  the  8,000  mentioned  was  in  a  German  prisoner- 
of-war  camp;  not  one  was  discovered  on  Soviet  territory  occupied 
by  the  Germans. 

There  were  in  this  last  area  a  few  civilians  who  during  the  years 
1939,  1940,  and  1941  had  been  deported  from  Poland  by  the  Russians. 
They  said  that  in  the  spring  of  1940,  Polish  prisoners  from  the  camps 
at  Kozielsk,  Starobielsk,  and  Ostashkov  had  been  removed  from  these 
camps  and  had  probably  been  sent  to  forced  labor  camps  in  northern 
Russia.  We  could  learn  nothing  more  through  the  channels  of  in- 
formation at  our  disposal.  All  news  which  we  had  we  sent  immedi- 
ately by  radio  to  London  to  General  Sikorski. 

At  the  beginning  of  April  1943,  the  chief  of  the  German  Propaganda 
Service  for  the  Warsaw  district  summoned  a  number  of  Poles  to  the 
Bruhl  Palace,  headquarters  of  the  Nazi  Governor  of  Warsaw.  They 
were  received  by  a  delegate  of  the  German  Ministry  of  Propaganda, 
from  Berlin.  He  announced  the  discovery  of  mass  graves  of  victims 
of  Soviet  terrorism  near  Smolensk.  Simultaneously,  similar  meetmgs 
were  summoned  in  Cracow  and  Lublin.  In  all  cases,  the  Poles  were 
told  they  were  to  be  prepared  for  a  journey,  they  were  to  be  taken  by 
plane  to  the  actual  scene  of  the  graves,  where  they  would  see  for 
themselves  the  truth  of  the  German  assertions. 

On  April  10,  1943,  a  delegation  left  Warsaw  by  plane  for  Smolensk. 
It  was  composed  of  the  Chairman  of  the  RGO,  Seyfried,  Ferdinand 
Goetel,  E.  Skiwski,  Dr.  K.  Orzochowski,  Dr.  Grodzki,  W.  Kawecki 
from  the  press;  a  photo  reporter,  Didur;  and  n  worker,  F.  Prochownik. 

After  their  return  to  Warsaw,  the  commander  in  ciiief  of  the  home 
army,  General  Rowecki,  received  precise  reports  about  all  they  had 
seen  and  heard.  He  sent,  on  the  22d  of  April  1943,  an  exact  report  to 
London,  radiocrrams  Nos.  025/1,  625/2,  625/3,  and  625/4;  689/FFB, 
690/KMS,  691 /STW,  692/ZZK,  from  the  22d  of  April  1943. 

I  have  all  the  telegrams  with  me,  but  they  are  in  Polish. 

Mr.  Flood.  We  will  take  that  up  later.  Just  finish  your  statement 

General  Komorowski.  A  second  delegation  was  sent  from  Cracow 
and  Warsaw:  Father  S.  Jasinski,  Dr.  A.  Schebesta,  Dr.  T.  Susz 
Praglowski,  S.  Klapert,  M.  Martens — all  from  Cracow — ^and  K. 
Skarzynski,  L.  Rojkiewicz,  J.  Wodzinowski,  Dr.  H.  Bartoszewski, 


S.  Kolodziekski,  Z.  Dmochowski,  arid  Boyan  Banach,  from  Warsaw. 
We  also  received  reports  from  some  members  of  the  second  delegation, 
sent  b}^  the  Germans  to  Katyn.  General  Rowecki,  commander  in 
chief  of  the  home  army,  sent,  on  May  7  and  13,  1943,  a  collective 
report  to  London:  692/i,  692/2,  755/1^  755/2,  and  755/3. 

I  had  the  opportimity  to  send  to  Katyn  my  own  observer,  a  trust- 
worthy man  of  the  underground.  Before  his  departure,  I  had  a  long 
talk  with  him  in  which  I  told  him  what  to  look  for.  Only  the  com- 
mander in  chief,  General  Rowecki,  knew  that  I  had  sent  this  man. 

After  2  weeks'  time  my  observer  from  Katyn  was  back.  His 
account  began  with  a  confirmation  that  the  German  figure  of  10,000 
corpses  was  exaggerated.  When  he  reached  Katyn,  seven  of  the 
graves  had  been  opened,  and  he  estimated  that  the  graves  did  not 
contain  very  many  more  than  4,000  bodies  at  all.  He  worked  among 
the  exhumers  for  some  days.  He  personally  took  out  from  the  pockets 
of  the  exhumed  men,  notebooks,  diaries,  letters,  and  prewar  zloty 
bank  notes,  which  were  in  a  good  state  of  preservation. 

Chairman  Madden.  What  kind  of  bank  notes? 

General  Komorowski.  Zloty;  which  is  Polish  money. 

His  account  of  all  he  had  seen  is  too  well  known  from  reports  of 
other  witnesses  and  therefore  I  do  not  cite  it.  He  put  on  the  table 
before  me  a  parcel  containing  copies  of  notebooks,  diaries,  and  memoirs 
taken  mostly  in  his  presence  from  the  pockets  of  the  murdered  men. 
There  were  15  diaries,  which  I  read  immediately.  The  most  important, 
in  my  opinion,  was  the  diary  of  Maj.  Adam  Solski,  written  up  to  the 
last  time,  and  indicating  the  place  where  they  had  been  brought. 

I  am  quoting  the  last  words  of  this  diary : 

April  8,  3:30:  Departure  from  Kozielsk  depot  westwards;  at  Jelnia  station 
since  9:45. 

April  8:  We  have  been  at  a  siding  at  Smolensk  since  12  o'clock. 

April  9:  Morning,  some  minutes  before  5,  reveille  in  the  cars  and  preparation 
to  leave.    We  are  going  somewhere  by  automobile,     What  next? 

April  9:  Ever  since  dawn  it  has  been  a  peculiar  daJ^  Departure  in  lorries 
fitted  with  cells;  terrible.  Taken  to  forest  somewhere,  something  like  a  summer 
resort.  Very  thorough  search  of  our  belongings.  They  took  my  watch,  which 
showed  time  as  6:30,  8:30;  asked  about  my  ring,  which  was  taken;  ruble  belt, 

These  were  the  last  words  written  by  Major  Solski. 

The  outstanding  point  of  all  these  diaries  was  in  their  all  breaking 
off  short  at  the  same  point,  either  on  leaving  the  camp  at  Kozielsk 
or  on  arrival  at  Katyn  in  April  1940. 

One  of  the  diaries  had  belonged  to  an  officer  who  had  been  a  close 
friend  of  a  colonel  of  the  staff  of  the  home  army,  Janusz  Bokszczanin. 
He  was  in  possession  of  his  friend's' notes,  which  he  had  made  when 
they  had  been  at  the  higher  military  academy  together.  Both  the 
diary  and  the  notes  were  handed  to  a  hand^\Titing  expert,  who  con- 
firmed beyond  all  doubt  that  both  had  been  written  by  the  same  per- 

The  15  copies  of  the  diaries  handed  me  personally  by  my  observer 
had  been  sent  to  London  in  July  1944  by  a  courier.  Colonel  Rutkowski, 
"Rudy."  Other  copies  were  hidden  and  buried  in  different  places  in 
Poland,  which  had  been  known  to  my  observer. 

Russia's  refusal  for  the  examination  of  the  Katyn  graves  by  the 
International  Red  Cross  caused  consternation  and  embarrassment  in 
Communist  circles  in  Poland.     In  PPR  circles,  at  secret  meetings 


and  conferences,  the  Communists  openly  admitted  that  "Polish 
reactionaries"  had  been  liquidated.  They  also  initiated  a  whispering 
campaign  in  Warsaw  to  the  effect  that  a  mutiny  had  broken  out  in 
one  of  the  camps  and  that  some  of  the  officers  had  been  executed. 

That  is  all  I  know,  being  in  Poland  in  this  time  as  deputy  com- 
mander, about  the  Katyn  matter. 

I  would  like  to  tell  one  thing  more,  as  a  further  point.  My  observer 
brought  a  cord  with  which  the  hands  were  bound,  and  we  gave  this 
cord  to  an  expert  in  Warsaw.  The  expert  concluded  that  the  cord  was 
made  from  material  not  known  in  Poland  and  m  Western  Europe. 
It  was  the  opinion  of  the  expert  in  Warsaw. 

Chairman  Madden.  General,  I  want  to  express  my  appreciation  for 
jour  statement,  but  on  account  of  having  a  severe  cold,  I  am  gohig 
to  excuse  myself  for  this  afternoon.  Congressman  Flood  will  carry 
on  in  my  place. 

Mr.  Flood.  General,  you  mentioned  that  you  have  some  telegrams 
with  you,  to  which  you  referred  in  your  prepared  statement  as  being 
telegrams  sent  from  your  underground  home  command  to  the  Polish 
Government  in  London  in  connection  with  this  matter. 

General  Komorowski.  Yes;  but  they  are  all  in  Polish. 

Mr.  Flood.  It  does  not  matter.     Can  you  just  let  me  have  them? 

(The  witness  produced  documents.) 

Mr.  Flood.  Wc  want  these  marked  for  identification.  General,, 
you  have  presented  to  the  committee  those  telegrams  to  which  you 
and  I  have  referred.  I  understand  that  these  are  the  original  records 
taken  by  you  from  the  files  of  the  home  army  and  that,  under  the 
circumstances,  you  cannot  leave  these  original  documents  with  the 
committee,  but  you  have  no  objection  to  letting  us  have  photostatic 
copies  of  these  telegi'ams  for  our  files. 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  We  will  insert  them  in  the  record  as  part  of  the  per- 
manent record  nnd  return  to  you  these  originals  which  I  now  hold. 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  mark  for  identification  these  tlu"ee  separate 
folders  as  exhibits  25,  26,  and  27?  Only  the  English  translations  of 
these  exhibits  will  be  published  in  the  official  record  and  the  photo- 
stats of  the  originals  shall  be  placed  in  the  committee's  permanent  file. 

(The  documents  referred  to  were  marked  "i^xhibit  25,"  "Exhibit 
26,"  and  "Exhibit  27"  for  identification  and  are  as  follows:) 

Exhibit  25 

[Translation  from  Polish] 

Special  Detaehnicnt  of  the 
Commaiulor  in  Chief's  Staff. 
File  No.  1833. 
Date:  April  17,  1943. 

Radiogram  No.  650/WH 

From  Wanda  I  Accei)ted     April  IG,  1943     Hr.  2100 

Read  April  17,  1953  1645 

Commander  in  Chief 

Near  Smolensk  the  Germans  have  discovered  a  mass  grave  containing  a  few 
thousand  officers  of  ours  from  the  Kozielsk  Camp  who  were  Tnurdered  in  March 
and  April  1940.  A  few  Poles  from  Warsaw  and  Cracow,  who  were  specially 
brought  to  the  grave,  Imve  taken  part  in  its  examination.     Their  reports  allow 


no  doubts  as  to  the  truth  of  this  mass  murder.     Public  opinion  is  aroused.     I 
shall  report  details  in  the  next  few  days. 

Kalina  575 — April  14. 
[Illegible  handwritten  notations  in  several  places  on  the  page.] 

Exhibit  25 
[Translation  from  Polish] 


Special  Detachment  of  the 

Commander  in  Chief's  Staff 

File  No.  1942 

Date:  April  23,  1943 


Radiogram  Xo.  689/FFB 

From  Wanda  I.  Accepted     April  22,  1943     Hr.  1635 

Read  April  22,  1943  2100 

I  report  in  connection  with  Cabel  575: 

On  April  10  at  9  a.  m.  the  committee  which  was  organized  by  the  Germans  was 
flown  to  Smolensk.  Under  their  instigation  the  following  persons  took  part  in  the 
examination  as  witnesses:  Seyfried,  the  Chief  Director  of  the  RGO,  Ferd.  Goetel 
and  E.  Skiwski,  Dr.  K.  Orzechowski,  Director  of  the  Municipal  Hospital  Services, 
Dr.  Grodzki  from  RGO,  the  gutter  snipe  journalist  Wl.  Kawecki,  a  photoreporter 
(f.),  Didur,  and  the  laborer  Fr.  Prochownik. 

After  the  arrival  of  the  committee  at  1  p.  m.  in  Smolensk  the  German  officer 
Slowentschik  explained  that  in  the  Spring  of  1942  a  group  of  Polish  laborers  who 
were  staying  in  that  area  at  that  time  found  a  grave  of  Polish  soldiers  in  the  forest, 
near  Gniazdowo.  At  the  place  of  its  discovery  the  laborers  set  two  crosses  made 
from  birchwood.  In  the  first  months  of  1943  the  German  Intelligence  Service 
received  some  information  about  this  grave ;  it  reported  the  case  to  the  OK  [German 
High  Command],  and  interrogated  the  local  population.  This  interrogation 
showed  that  many  executions  were  performed  during  March  and  April  of  1940  in 
the  forest  close  to  the  Resting  House  Wd,  near  Gniazdowo.  The  Polish  prisoners 
were  transported  in  trucks  [from  the  trains].  One  person  testified  that,  while 
working  as  a  railway  employee,  he  had  seen  bills  of  lading  issued  in  Kozielsk.  The 
trains  were  made  up  of  carriages.  The  prisoners  were  taken  to  the  forest  in  motor 
cars.  It  has  been  established  on  the  spot  that  there  are  three  huge  mass  graves 
in  sandy  soil,  under  pines  of  a  few  years  growth,  about  15  kilometers  from  the 
locality  of  Gniazdowo  or  Katyn,  on  the  highway  from  Smolensk  to  Witebsk,  in  the 
forest  known  as  Kozice  Gory. 

It  is  estimated  that  in  one  of  the  mass  graves  lie  about  three  thousand  bodies 
and  in  the  other  about  five  thousand.  The  third  mass  grave  has  not  yet  been 
touched.  The  estimate  is  based  upon  excavations  made  so  far.  Besides  there  is 
still  another,  somewhat  older,  mass  grave  which  probably  contains  bodies  of 
Russians.     A  number  of  the  exhumed  bodies  have  been  identified. 

To  be  continued.     Kalina  625/1. 
April  22,  1943. 

Exhibit  25 
[Translation  from  Polish] 

File  No. ■ 


From  Wandy  1  Accepted     April  22,  1943     Hr.  1703 

Read  April  23,  1943  1300 

Continuation  625 

On  April  1 1  at  9  a.  m.  the  Polish  delegates  reached  Kozie  Gory  where  they  were 
received  by  a  few  German  officers.  An  explanation  was  given  by  Colonel  Dr. 
Gehrard  Buhtz,  professor  at  the  University  of  Breslau  and  director  of  the  Uni- 
versity Institute  for  Forensic  Medicine  and  Criminology,  who  was  directing  the 
exhumation  and  autopsy.  A  few  excavations  were  inspected.  The  first  moat 
was  several  meters  long  and  a  few  meters  wide.  About  a  meter  beneath  the  ground 
it  contained  layers  of  bodies  found  by  the  staff  instructed  to  make  the  excavations. 
The  corpses  were  stuck  into  the  soil,  lying  one  beside  the  other  with  their  faces 


down.  The  greater  part  of  the  bodies  were  wearing  Polish  boots.  The  officers' 
uniforms  were  in  fairly  good  condition.  The  autopsy  of  bodies  showed  shots  in 
the  backs  of  their  heads.  Some  of  the  bodies  had  hoods  on  their  heads  made  of 
sacks  and  coats.  Some  of  the  bodies  had  oakum  in  their  mouths.  Other  excava- 
tions were  on  a  smaller  scale.  The  Polish  delegates  paid  homage  to  their  murdered 

In  an  adjoining  building  the  commission  had  an  opportunity  to  look  at  docu- 
ments, identifying  marks  and  letters  which  had  been  found  on  those  corpses 
already  exhumed.  There  were  memoirs  which  broke  off  in  March  or  April  of  1940. 
One  of  the  letters  was  sent  from  Warsaw  on  January  17,  1940.  The  established 
list  of  names  of  the  soldiers  killed  corresponds  almost  exactly  to  the  number  of  the 
exhumed  bodies. 

The  German  experts  were  not  familiar  with  the  Polish  language  nor  with  Polish 
organization.  This  fact  suggests  that  quite  a  lot  of  identifying  data  may  have 
been  overlooked.  They  did  not  know,  for  instance,  that  an  oflBcers'  camp  had 
been  run  in  Kozielsk.  Not  ontil  the  Polish  delegates  arrived,  were  invoiced 
addresses  of  consignments  linked  with  this  camp. 

The  present  list  reads: 

To  be  continued.     Kalina  625/2. 

[Illegible  notation.] 

Exhibit  25 

[Translation  from  Polish] 

File  No. 

RADIOGRAm  No.  691/STW 

From  Wandy  1.  Accepted     April  22,  1943     Hr.  1740 

Read  April  23,  1943  1440 

Continuation  625: 

1/  Adamek,  Jozef,  without  address  and  rank; 

2/  Bohatyrewicz,  Bronislaw,  Brig.  Gen.; 

3/  Dr.  Chomicki,  Ludwik; 

4/  Chrystolin,  Bernard,  Chorzow; 

5/  Czajkowski,  Bohdan,  (Kutno  ?); 

6/  Florkiewicz,  Zbigniew,  Lublin; 

7/  Gestping,  Jerzy; 

8/  Jakubowicz,  Stanislaw,  Lt.; 

9/  Halacinski,  Andrzej,  Col.: 
10/  Kalinowski,  Michal,  Lt.  Sieradz; 
11/  Kaplanski,  Henryk  Leopold — Grodno; 
12/  Kiczka,  Jozef,  Major; 
13/  Kozlinski,  Stefan,  Captain,  Warsaw; 
14/  Kraczkicwicz,  Kazimierz,  Legionowo; 
15/  Dr.  Kukulski,  Eugeniusz,  Col.,  physician,  Cracow; 
16/  Lukas,  Romuald  of 
17/  Lutomski  or  Lutowski,  Andrzej 
18/  Maczynski,  A.,  Warsaw; 
19/  Maykowski,  Janusz,  Lt.; 
20/  Nelken,  Jan,  Col.,  physician,  Warsaw; 
21/  Niemiec,  Henryk,  Major,  Warsaw; 
22/  Nowicki,  Tadeusz; 
23/  Nobis,  Wincenty,  Tyszkowiec; 

24/  Ochasso,  Zygmunt,  Lt.  of  the  Reserves,  Field  hospital  362; 
25/  Ochenkowski,  Andrzej,  Lt.,  near  Rymanowo 
26/  Ostrowski,  Jcrzy,  Warsaw; 
27/  Paczulski,  Romuald; 
28/  Radzenowski,  Bronislaw,  Warsaw; 
29/  Smorawinski,  Mieczvslaw,  Brig.  Gen.; 
30/  Rliwinski,  Michal,  Plock; 
31/  Spytkowski,  Stanislaw,  Cracow; 
32/  Ta'tarka,  Alfred,  Bochnia; 

33/  Tobiasz,  Michal,  Major,  physician,  Choszczow  near  Warsaw; 
34/  Wisniewski,  Artur,  Col.,  Warsaw; 
35/  Zajaczkowski,  Roman,  engineer,  Warsaw; 
36/  Zbroja,  Franciszek,  physician; 
37/  Zelisiawski,  Kazimierz,  Col.,  Cracow. 

To  be  continued.     Kalina  625/3. 
April  22,  1943. 


Exhibit  26 

[Translation  from  Polish] 
RADIOGRAm  No.  692/ZZK 

File  No. 

From  Wanda  I  Accepted         April  22,  194.3        Hr.  1800 

Read  April  23,  1943  1400 

Continuation  No.  625 

The  authenticity  of  what  was  discovered  and  identified  in  several  cases  has 
been  settled.  It  is  difficult  to  estimate  the  number  of  bodies  because  all  the 
shafts  shown  do  not  reach  the  bottom  of  the  grave.  It  seems  that  the  number 
10  thousand  is  an  exaggeration.  The  Polish  members  of  the  expedition  estimate 
that  the  number  is  at  least  from  6-8  thousand.  The  place  discovered  is  now 
being  excavated  intensively  and  the  local  military  authorities  expressed  the 
conviction  that  the  Polish  institutions  would  take  it  over.  The  Poles  present 
[on  the  spot]  expressed  their  views  that  it  is  a  task  for  the  Polish  Red  Cross.  Nu- 
merous expeditions  of  German  and  neutral  correspondents  are  arriving  now  at 
the  place  of  execution.  The  Polish  delegation  returned  to  Warsaw  on  the  eve- 
ning of  April  11.     The  first  press  announcement  was  issued  on  April  14. 

The  second  Polish  delegation  is  en  route,  [and]  among  it  the  man  in  our  con- 
fidence is  hidden. 

Kalina  625/4— April  21,  1943. 

[Illegible  handwritten  notation  probably  made  in  the  London  office.] 

Exhibit  26 

[Translation  from  Polish] 

Special  Detachment  of 
the  Staff  of  the  Com- 
mander in  Chief 
May  13,  1943 
RADIOGRAM  No.  778 

From  Wanda  6  Accepted  May  12,  1943  ^     0845 

J^rom\,andab  ^^^^         May  13,  1943  ^^-  1430 

A  very  sensible  and  close  participant  in  the  inspection  of  the  graves  near 
Smolensk  on  behalf  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross,  [who  is  a]  Lieutenant  Colonel  [and] 
a  military  doctor,  has  submitted  to  me  the  following  report: 

1.  At  the  foot  of  the  hill  there  is  a  mass  grave  in  the  shape  of  the  letter  "L," 
the  whole  grave  is  open,  the  dimensions  of  the  grave  are  16  meters  wide  by  26 
meters  long  by  6  meters  deep.  The  bodies  of  the  murdered  are  carefully  laid 
down  in  9-12  layers  one  on  top  of  the  other,  each  layer  with  the  heads  in  ojJiiosite 
directions.  The  uniforms,  notes  in  the  pockets,  identity  cards,  militarv  distinc- 
tions [are]  well  preserved,  the  skin  on  the  bodies,  hair,  and  tendons  [are]  well  pre- 
served, the  skin  and  tendons  have  to  be  cut  when  a  skull  is  trepanned;  however, 
it  is  impossible  to  identify  the  face. 

2.  The  second  mass  grave  is  placed  at  riglit  angles  to  the  first  grave,  [is]  partially 
opened,  its  dimensions  [are]  14  meters  by  26  meters,  the  hands  of  all  the  bodies 
in  this  grave  are  bound  with  a  string  at  the  back,  the  mouths  of  some  of  them  are 
gagged  with  handkerchiefs,  rags,  the  heads  of  some  are  wrapped  in  coat  tails. 

3.  906  bodies  have  been  exhumed  up  to  now,  76  jaercent  of  which  have  been 
identified  by  means  of  identitj^  cards,  letters,  and  the  like  found  on  the  bodies. 

4.  According  to  the  foregoing,  presumably  2,500-4,000  bodies  are  lying  in  both 
mass  graves,  mainly  officers'  [bodies,  and  some  bodies,  although]  not  a  great 
number,    [are]  in  mufti,    [who  were]  reserve  officers. 

5.  On  behalf  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross  there  are  12  i^ersons  employed  in  exca- 
vating the  graves,  in  [doing]  identification  work,  and  in  collecting  the  documents 
that  are  found  /a  doctor  and  3  medical  noncommissioned  officers/. 

6.  It  is  characteristic  that  there  was  nothing  taken  away  from  the  murdered 
but  watches,  in  the  pocket  i^ortfolios  there  is  money  and  documents  and  some- 
times rings  [are]  on  fingers. 

Kalina  692/1. 

[Illegible  handwritten  notation  probably  made  in  the  London  office.] 


Exhibit  26 

[Translation  from  Polish] 

File  No.  2290/secret/1943 
May  14,  1943 
RADIOGRAM  No.  779 

From  Wanda  6  Accepted  :\rav  13,  1943     Hr.  0925 

Read  May  14,  1943  1030 

Continuation  of  692. 

7.  All  of  the  skulls  of  the  bodies  are  wounded  by  bullets  fired  from  the  back. 
Participants  in  the  e.xhumation  on  Ijehalf  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross  put  emphasis  on 
the  collection  of  bullets  removed  from  the  skulls  of  the  murdered,  on  the  revolver 
shells  [and]  ammunition  lying  about  in  the  mass  grave,  and  on  the  strings  witii 
which  the  hands  of  the  murdered  were  bound.  All  the  material  discovered  is 
being  shipped  as  occasion  permits  to  Warsaw  to  the  Polish  Red  Cross,  in  care  of 
Doctor  Gorczycki.  All  the  bullets  are  7.65  caliber.  The  shells  are  inscribed 
"Ceco,"  the  strings  [are]  twisted. 

8.  In  the  presence  of  the  reporter,  a  diary  written  up  to  April  21  was  taken  out 
of  the  suit  of  Major  Solski.  He  stresses  that  they  were  transported  from  Kozielsk 
in  prison  carriages  to  their  destination  (on  5  [the  ne.\t  seven  letters  have  no  mean- 
ing for  translation]  6  axes),  [and]  were  brought  to  Smolensk,  where  after  passing  a 
night,  reveille  was  sounded  at  4  o'clock  in  the  morning  on  April  21,  and  they  were 
put  into  prison  automobiles,  the}'  were  unloaded  from  the  automobiles  in  a  glade 
in  the  forest  and  at  6.30  led  to  buildings  placed  on  the  spot,  where  they  were 
ordered  to  give  up  their  jewelry  and  watches,  and  the  diary  finishes  on  this. 

9.  The  Polish  Red  Cross  delegates  are  carrying  on  the  exhumation,  the  dis- 
.section  of  the  bodies,  and  the  collection  of  documents  under  the  supervision  of  the 
German  authorities,  and  in  addition  private  connections  with  the  local  population 
have  been  entered  into.  All  the  identified  bodies  are  given  tags  with  a  number  of 
the  Polish  Red  Cross,  on  a  steel  wire  and  bound  to  a  bone,  afterwards  the  bodies 
are  laid  in  a  freshly  dug  common  grave.  Among  the  victims  identified  up  to  now 
all  but  one  come  from  the  camp  of  Kozielsk,  one  comes  from  .Starobielsk. 

10.  The  forest  glade  near  Katyn  comprises  a  large  area  of  several  square  kilo- 
meters on  which  the  rest  houses  of  the  NKVD  were  standing.  The  local  civilian 
population  says  that  in  March  and  April  of  the  year  1940  every  day  1  transport  of 
Polish  officers,  amounting  to  200-300  persons,  was  brought  in. 

Kalina  692/2— 5.V 

flllegible  handwritten  notation  i)robably  made  in  the  London  office] 

Exhibit  27 

['rratislation  from] 

File  No.  2575/secrot/43 
26  I\Iay 
Radiogram  No.  851  Accepted  May  23,  43 

From  Wanda  VI  hour  1S05 

Read  Mav  26,  43 

hour  1680 
At  18.33  of  April  19.  Composition  of  the  first  delegation  api)ointed  by  the 
Germans  and  conveyed  [to  Katyn]  April  10:  Edmund  Seyfried,  RGO  [Central 
Council  of  Welfare]  Krakow,  Doctor  of  Medicine  Konrad  Orzechowski  municipal 
hospitals  Warsaw,  Doctor  of  Medicine  Edward  Grodzki  of  Polish  Welfare  C^om- 
mittee  in  Warsaw,  Ferdynand  Goctel  and  Jan  Emil  Skiwski,  Kazimierz  Prochow- 
nik  factory  foreman  of  the  factory  Zieleniewski  Krakow,  Wladyslaw  Kaw(>cki 
director  of  German-sponsored  agency  Pol])ress  Krakow,  Kaziniierz  Didur, 
photo  reporter  Krakauer  Ztg.  and  Widera,  photographic  correspondent  of  Glos 

The  second  delegation,  which  visited  Katyn  compo.sed  of:  from  Krakow — 
Rev.  Dean  Stanislaw  Jasinski,  Doctor  of  Medicine  Adam  Schebosla,  Doctor  of 
Medicine  Tadeusz  Susz,  Praglowski,  8tanisla\v  Klapert — all  thre(>  frt)m  the  Polish 
Red  Cross,  .Fournalist  Marian  Martens.  From  Warsaw — Kaziiniorz  .lerzy 
Skarzynski,  Ludwik  Rojkiewicz,  J<!rzy  Wodzinowski,  Doctor  of  M(>dicine  Hiero- 
nim  Partoszewski,  lioyan  Banacli — all  from  the  Polish  Red  Cross.  The  delegation 
was  of  a  technical  character,  jjart  of  it  remained  on  the  spot  as  personnel  [and  was] 
later  supplemented  to  the  number  of  12  persons. 


The  Ksummary  of  Seyfried's  report:  The  delegation  was  housed  in  the  Wehr- 
macht  quarters,  where  the  story  of  the  discovery  was  told:  In  October  1942  a 
group  of  Polish  workers  located  at  the  settlement  of  Gniezdowo  Kozie  Gory  was 
told  b}^  the  local  population  about  the  graves  of  the  executed  Polish  officers.  The 
German  authorities  only  learned  of  this  fact  in  February  this  year,  against  the 
Soviet  partisans  [sic],  and  a  test  digging  was  ordered  about  the  forest  area  near 
the  NKVD  rest  house  in  Porparka. 

Kalina  755/1 
May  13,  43 

Exhibit  27 

[Translation  from  Polish] 


Special  Detachment  of  the 

Commander  in  Chief's  Staff 

May  25,  1943 


Radiogram  No.  852  Accepted  May  23,  43,  19.40  hrs. 

Read  :\Iay  25,  43,  15.15  hrs. 

From  Wanda 

Continuation  of  /755/2.  One  mass  grave  28  by  14  meters  and  6  meters  deep 
was  dug  up,  and  the  entire  area  of  the  cemetery  was  fixed.  At  a  distance  of  300 
and  500  meters  from  the  officers'  graves,  graves  of  civilians  at  least  10  years  old 
were  discovered.  The  rest  of  the  explanations  as  in  telegram  625.  The  assist- 
ance of  the  German  Army  was  officially  offered,  subject,  however,  to  conditions 
of  security  and  housing.  The  technical  problem,  it  is  hoped,  will  be  taken  over 
by  the  Polish  people  *  *  *  an  adequate  annoimcement  that  it  is  within  the 
competence  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross.  The  delegates  have  found  two  dug-up  pits 
on  the  spot;  about  250  bodies  have  already  been  exhumed,  among  other  the  bodies 
of  Generals  Smorawinski  and  Bohatyrowicz.  The  documents  have  already  been 
removed  to  a  separate  showcase.  The  bodies  in  uniforms  [with]  officer's  boots, 
stripes,  decorations,  and  two  bodies  in  generals'  uniforms  with  decorations  and  a 
general's  stripes  [on  the  trousers].  Seyfried,  after  inspecting  the  graves,  with  the 
permission  of  the  Germans,  made  the  following  speech,  whose  contents  were 
affirmed  by  another  delegate:  "I  call  upon  you  gentlemen  to  take  off  your  hats, 
bow  your  heads,  and  pay  tribute  to  these  heroes  who  gave  their  lives  that  Poland 
might  live."  The  Germans  saluted.  The  entire  proceedings  were  filmed,  photo- 
graphed, and  sound-recorded.  The  participants  have  expressed  *  *  *  a, 
sound  recording  was  also  made.  One  kilometer  from  the  place  of  execution  at 
the  dissection  building  [were  displayed]  the  documents,  letters  dated  with  the 
last  dates,  September  1,  and  diaries.  General  Smorawinski's  silver  cigarette  case 
with  an  engraving  of  General  Zielinski,  scapulars,  medals,  identity  cards,  visiting 
cards,  on  the  basis  of  which  47  names  were  then  identified. 

Kalina  755/2 
May  13,  43 

Exhibit  27 

[Translation  from  Polish] 

Radiogram  No.  853  File  Number  2575/secret/43 

May  26,  1953 
From  Wanda  Accepted  May  23,  43,  2000  hrs. 

Read  May  26,  43,  1330  hrs. 

Continuation  of  755/2.  Skarzynski's  report  for  the  Polish  Red  Cross  and  the 
action  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross.  Skarzynski  submitted  on  April  16  the  following 

1.  At  the  locality  of  Katyn  near  Smolensk  there  are  pai'tially  uncovered  graves  of 
Polish  officers. 

2.  On  the  basis  of  an  inspection  of  bodies  exhumed  up  to  now,  one  may  state 
that  these  officers  were  murdered  by  means  of  bullets  fired  at  the  back  of  the  heads 
[15  meaningless  letters].  There  is  no  doubt,  however,  that  the  execution  was 
skillfully  performed. 

3.  The  murder  did  not  have  robbery  as  a  motive  because  the  bodies  are  in 
uniforms,  with  decorations,  in  boots,  and  on  the  bodies  were  found  a  great  number 
of  Polish  coins  and  bank  notes. 


4.  Judging  from  papers  found  on  the  bodies,  the  ntmrder  was  committed  in  March 
or  April  of  1940. 

5.  Up  to  now  there  have  only  been  a  small  number  of  bodies  identified  by  name 
(about  150).  This  report  with  the  motion  for  raising  the  number  of  the  technical 
group  by  6  persons  was  forwarded  on  April  17  to  the  district  authorities  and  on 
April  19  a  memo  [was  forwarded]  in  connection  with  the  suggestion  of  sending 
Polish  Red  Cross  delegates  to  the  officers'  prison  camps  in  Germany.  The  Polish 
Red  Cross  answered  pointing  out  that  the  Polish  Red  Cross  was  ready  to  co- 
operate with  the  German  authorities  within  the  limits  of  international  conven- 
tions on  condition  that  its  sphere  of  activities,  restricted  now  to  the  operation  of 
an  information  bureau,  be  restored,  in  particular: 

1.  The  activity  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross  would  have  to  be  permitted  over  the 
entire  areas  from  which  the  Polish  army  had  been  recruited. 

2.  Prisoners  of  war  in  case  of  release  would  be  permitted  to  come  back  also  to  the 
GG  [Government  General]  (Prohibition  1941). 

3.  Prisoners  of  war  would  not  be  handed  over  from  camps  to  the  police  authori- 
ties for  alleged  prewar  offenses. 

Kalina  755/3 
May  13.  43 

Mr.  Flood.  General,  I  show  you  marked  for  identification  exhibits 
25,  26,  and  27  and  ask  you  whether  or  not  these  are  copies  of  the 
original  files  taken  by  you  and  kept  in  your  custody  from  the  records  of 
the  Polish  Home  Array  in  Warsaw,  dealing  with  the  matters  you  re- 
ferred to  in  your  prepared  statement,  and  that  within  these  exhibits 
are  contained  the  particular  telegrams  and  other  matters  dealing  with 
the  Katyn  incident?     Is  that  correct? 

Ganoral  Komorowski.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  In  your  prepared  statement,  General,  you  mentioned 
the  name  of  Maj.  Adam  Solski, 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  now  show  you  a  list  of  names  of  the  officers  whose 
bodies  were  found  at  Katyn,  wMch  list  has  been  made  a  part  of  this 
record,  and  ask  you  to  look  at  page  158  thereof  and  see  if  3'"0u  can 
identify  the  name  of  Adam  Solski,  to  winch  you  referred? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes;  it  is  the  same;  Solski,  Adam. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wo  have  been  showing  in  the  record,  tln-ough  various 
witnesses,  the  widespread  effort  that  was  made  by  General  Sikorski 
and  General  Anders  and  the  Polish  Government  generally  to  find  some 
trace  of  the  missing  Polish  officers  and  Polish  prisoners.  That  cft'ort 
was  further  carried  out  by  your  home  command  ;ind  the  underground 
working  under  your  command  in  Warsaw;  is  that  correct? 

General  Komorowski.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  carried  on  extensive  elTorls  in  executing  General 
Sikorski's  order,  did  you  not? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  had  your  underground  agents  operating  in  the 
German  prison  camps,  is  that  correct? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes.  We  had  liaison  with  nearly  all  the 

Mr.  Flood.  And  any  place  where  the  Germans  were  in  occupied 

General  Komorowski.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  any  time,  did  you  issue  any  specific  orders  or  instruc- 
tions in  this  general  search,  for  the  search  of  officers  from  the  camps 
of  Koziclsk,  Starobelsk,  and  Ostashkov? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes;  that  is  right. 


Mr.  Flood.  During  the  entire  investigation  conducted  by  your  con- 
tacts of  the  underground,  did  you  ever  receive  any  information  with 
reference  to  the  PoHsh  prisoner  officers,  the  missing  ones,  from  the 
camps  Kozielsk,  Starobielsk,  or  Ostashkov? 

General  Komorowski.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you,  tlirough  your  underground,  or  you  yourself, 
m  person,  or  any  of  your  command,  have  any  contacts  or  liaison  with 
any  of  the  Russian  authorities,  civil,  military,  or  political? 

General  Komorowski.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  all  of  your  efforts  made  in  Polish  and  German- 
occupied  territory? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes;  which  the  Russians  didn't  have. 
But  there  were  Poles  that  were  taken  by  the  Russians  in  1939  or  1940, 
and  that  we  found  in  the  areas  taken  by  the  Germans,  of  the  Russian 

Mr.  Flood.  After  the  rapprochement  of  the  summer  of  1941, 
between  the  Soviet  and  the  Poles,  you  still  continued  in  command  of 
the  home  army  in  Warsaw,  did  you? 

General  Komorowski.  In  1941  I  was  deputy  commander. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  Germans  were  then  in  occupation  but  you  were 
deputy  commander? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Where  were  you  in  1943  when  you  first  heard  of  the 
Katyn  massacre  as  announced  by  the  Germans? 

General  Komorowski.  Wo  heard  immediately  when  a  delegate 
from  the  German  propaganda  came  to  Warsaw.  The  next  day  we 
knew  what  he  told.  And  some  days  after,  in  all  the  press — it  was 
only  in  the  German  propaganda  issue — were  these  findings  of  the 
graves  in  Katyn  disclosed.  And  by  radio,  the  Germans  gave  news 
every  day  about  the  discovery  at  Katyn. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  the  reaction  of  yourself  and  your  command 
at  home  headquarters  in  Warsaw  when  the  Russians,  on  April  17, 
1943,  2  days  after  the  Germans  made  their  announcement  on  April 
16,  1943,  when  the  Russians  announced  that  this  was  a  German  crime 
and  not  a  Russian  crime? 

General  Komorowski.  In  the  beginning  we  all,  nearly  all  Poles 
in  Poland,  thought  that  the  crime  had  been  committed  by  the  Ger- 
mans. It  was  the  general  opinion  in  Poland  that  the  crime  was 
committed  by  the  Germans  as  we  knew  how  many  crimes  the  Germans 
had  committed.  Only  when  I  received  the  diaries  of  my  observer 
sent  to  Katyn  and  when  he  told  me  of  what  he  had  seen,  in  this  moment 
I  was  convinced  that  this  crime  had  been  committed  by  the  Russians 
and  not  by  the  Germans. 

Mr.  Flood.  Where  are  the  diaries  now  and  the  documents  that 
yoiu"  observer  brought  back  from  Katyn  and  left  with  you  in  Warsaw; 
do  you  have  any  idea?     What  did  you  do  with  them? 

General  Komorowski.  He  brought  copies  of  these  documents  and 
they  were  sent  here  to  London,  and  they  are  in  London.  I  also  have 
copies  of  these  diaries. 

Mr.  Flood.  Let  me  see  some  of  those,  please. 

(The  witness  produced  some  documents.) 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  have  this  marked  as  exhibit  No.  28?  (So 
marked  by  the  stenographer.)     General,  I  show  you  exhibit  28  and 


ask  yoii  whether  or  not  this  exhibit  contains  the  oriijiniil  copies  made 
by  your  underground  agent? 

General  Komorowski.  No,  these  are  copies. 

Mr.  Flood.  These  are  copies  of  tlie  originals  made  by  your  people? 

General  Komorowski.  By  the  staff  here  in  London. 

Mr.  Flood.  Your  agent  brought  back  from  Katyn  copies  of  diaries? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Those  copies  were  shown  to  you? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  had  copies  made  of  those  copies,  and  the  original 
copies  you  sent  to  London.  So  exhibit  28  is  the  copies  which  you 
had  made  of  your  agent's  copies  of  the  original  documents  found  on 
the  bodies  at  Katyn  in  his  presence;  is  that  correct? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  you  tell  us  that  this  exhibit  28  contains  the  copies 
of  15? 

General  Komorowski.  Here  are  10. 

Mr.  Flood.  Here  are  10  of  the  15? 

General  Komoroavski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  originals  were  15  that  you  saw? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  I  have  in  this  exhibit  co])ies  of  10  of  those  diaries? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  General,  would  you  remove  from  this  group  of  diarie?^ 
your  copy  of  Major  Solski's  diary?  I  believe  you  mentioned  him.  Ami 
also  select  the  copy  of  at  least  one  other  diary  and  we  will  make  those 
exhibit  28.  I  believe  it  won't  be  necessary  at  this  time  to  include  all 
10  diaries  in  the  record. 

General  Komorowski.  Yes,  I  will. 

(The  two  excerpts  and  their  English  translations  were  handed  to  the 
reporter  and  marked  "Exhibits  28,  and  28A,"  photostatic  copy  of  which 

Exhibit  28 






93744— 52— pt.  4 15 








[Translation  from  Polish] 

Envelope  No.  0490/SOLSKI,  Adam,  major. 

[Page   15]     September  2S,    1939.     Thereafter  from  Jozefow  12  to  Osuchow, 
5  kilometers  to  Lukow,  where  we   (billeted  until  7  a.  m.).     From  Lukow  14 
kilometers   to   Tarnogrod,    Anielek,    Szarajowka,    Korchow-Tarnogrod. 

Taken  prisoner  11:55  A.  M. 

11:50  A.  M.:  the  spearhead  (advance  unit)  stopped  by  Soviet  forces  in  Tarnogrod. 

Dzikow — billeted  in  a  barn  after  an  S-kilometer  march  to  Rozaniec,  then 
by  cart  to  Dzikow.  At  Dzikow,  after  a  longer  stop  in  front  of  the  post  office, 
transfer  to  the  barn  on  barley  straw.  After  2  hours  of  sleep,  organized  into 
groups   of  prisoners   of  war  and   marched   off  to   Cieszanow. 

[Page  67]     September  29.     On  leaving  the  barn,  divided  into  groups  1-10. 

II.  group 

1.  Lieut.  Sypniewski  Marian  58. 

2.  Second  Lieut.  Andrzejewski  Bogdan  58. 

3.  Second  Lieut.  Wielebinski  Wladyslaw  55. 

4.  Second  Lieut.  Buczkowski  Waclaw  55. 

5.  Second  Lieut.  Szmagiel  Jan  58. 

6.  Second  Lieut.  Olzewski  Alfons  55. 

7.  Second  Lieut.  Bondke  Edmund. 

8.  Second  Lieut.  Gliszczynski  Jerzy. 

9.  Second  Lieut.  Wiedanek  Ferdynand. 
10.  Second  Lieut.  Mogietko  Tadeusz. 

Reporter's  note;  names  under  7  and  8  crossed  out  but  legible;  position  under  10 
crossed  out  and  illegible. 

Dzikow  29th.  On  the  way  to  Cieszanow  via  Dzikow  we  are  exeorted  by  a 
corporal  who  (allows)  no  stops — ^churl  (?).  Marched  on  foot  16  kilometers; 
arrived  in  Cieszanow  and  halted  in  a  garden  at  13.30  hours.     Page  68. 

5  P.  M.  Departure  from  Cieszanow  to  Lwow  by  trucks  (without  benches,  on 
straw — uncomfortable).  Arrival  in  Lwow  after  midnight.  .  The  Janowski  rail- 
way station  destroyed,  the  theater  destroyed.     The  city  decorated  with  red  flags. 

30th.  After  a  rest  in  room  No.  46  at  the  Main  City  Command  Building  (chief 
of  equipment) .  At  noon  left  by  car  to  the  barracks  of  p.  a.  c.  (defenders  of  Lwow) , 
wherefrom  after  being  given  some  bread  and  bacon,  departure  to  Tarnopol  via 

Slowita — from  2  P.  M.  to  2:45  rest,  thereafter  to  Tarnopol  via  Zloczow-Zborow 
at  7  P.  M. 

(Comrade  Gryszenko)  the  driver  of  the  car;  from  there,  48  kilometers  to 
Woloczyska  by  car,  to  a  stables  at  the  sugar  refinery.  Billeted  here  at  midnight 
in  the  stables,  the  straw  in  shreds.  Cold.  I  sleep  between  Lieut,  of  the  reserves 
Bukowski  and  Lieut.  Olszewski. 

[Page  69]  October  1.  6  A.  M.  reveille.  The  weather  sunny  but  cool.  Taking 
of  our  personal  data  rather  detailed.  About  noon  we  received  peeled  barley  and 
black  coffee  (too  sweet  because  of  the  sugar  refinery).  In  the  evening  into  the 
railway  car.  76  kilometers  *  *  *  with  a  transport  heading  east  towards 
Komarowka.     Have  fainted  twice  during  the  night. 

October  2.  We  wakened  at  6  A.  M.  on  the  station  of  Hredczany  between 
Podwoloczyska  and  Plaskirow.  At  the  station  we  received  bread,  1  (loaf) 
between  4  men,  two  herrings  each,  and  sugar.  11:50  A.  M.,  Doraznia  station. 
3:40  P.  M. — arrival  at  Komarowka. 

October  3.  6  A.  M.  Passed  Winnica;  before  Koziatyn  toilet.  At  Koziatyn 
breakfast^ — water  with  sugar- — herrings  and  Ys  loaf  of  bread. 

[Page  70]  A  short  stop  at  Czarnorudka.  11:55  A.  M. — have  reached  a  larger 
(new)  station,  Frastow  Bojarka  near  Kiev.  1:50  P.  M.  (their  time  3:55  P.  M.) 
arrived  in  Kiev.  We  have  our  supper.  Halted  since  October  1  outside  depots 
and  workshops.     Keiv  is  a  large  city — has  it  been  rebuilt  since  1920? 

4.  Awakening  at  the  station  of  Niezyn,  Czernichow  province.  *  *  *  At 
8:30  A.  M.  on  October  4,  Bachmacz  station  (reporter's  note:  name  of  the  station 
also  written  in  Russian).  Short  stop.  10:00  A.  M. — shortstop  at  the  junction 
station,  Konotop.  Weather  suimy — wind  northeasterly,  cold.  Have  not  shaved 
since  September  27.  Last  shaved  in  the  apothecary  of  Mr.  Gajewski  at  Lukowa 
near  Bilgoraj.  This  short  stop  at  Konotop  lasted  luitil  12:25  P.  M.  We 
have  no  idea  where  they  are  sending  us  now,  whether  towards  Moscow  or 
Charkow.     *     *     *     Since  yesterday's  supper  at  Kiev  until  now,  without  food. 


[Page  71]     At  the  town  Worozb  supper — sauerkraut  soup,  groats,  tea. 

Oct.  5.  Morning.  At  the  station  of  the  village  Ciotkinia  (reporter's  note: 
name  of  the  station  also  written  in  Russian),  until  8:30  A.  M.  Thereafter  we 
disembarked  about  12  kilometers  from  the  camp.  "Peat — separation — mud" 
Boloto  (sic). 

At  the  monastery.  (Reporter's  note:  The  word  monastery  has  been  crossed 
out  but  is  legible.)  Here  we  were  divided  for  billeting  at  a  school  or  some  such 
place.  Crowded  and  dirty.  In  the  evening,  bread  and  fish  conserves — one  for 
4  people — also  dirty  hot  water.  Prayers  are  not  allowed;  singing.  Have  slept 
through  the  night;  in  the  morning,  snow,  as  in  Poland  in  December.  After 
breakfast  a  glass  of  water  and  lots  of  promises.  Our  money  has  no  value  here 
whatsoever.  We  remain  idle.  Quarrels,  criticism,  brawling — up  to  midnight 
we  have  received  nothing  to  eat,  apart  from  the  boiled  water. 

Oct.  8.  We  were  awakened  during  the  night  and  given  }4  loaf  of  bread  each, 
and  soup  (a  bit  salty).     Winter  is  here  in  full;  snow. 

[Page  72]  Oct.  8.  It  is  supposedly  Sunday — holiday.  Here  work  is  bustling, 
with  wires  being  put  up  and  nailing  up  (sic)  *  *  *  ^^d  nails.  It  is  a  cloudy 
day  but  fairly  warm.     A  lean  breakfast  at  9  A.  M.  (7  A.-M.). 

Oct.  9.  Monday.  I  woke  up  during  the  night.  I  dreamed  about  Danka 
After  the  morning  wash,  carried  wooden  planks.  At  9:30  A.  M.  (11:30  A.  M.) 
waiting  for  breakfast.  Received  extra  ration  of  boiled  water.  Playing  of  bridge 
is  being  suggested.     Yesterday  played  2  rut)bers — lost  1.60. 

October  10.  Tuesday.  A  cool  night.  We  sleep  lying  one  next  to  the  other; 
it  is  crowded  and  stuffy.  7:00  A.  M. — getting  up.  no  change  in  the  food 
*  *  *  soup  twice  a  day  and  water  once.  I  went  to  see  the  doctor;  the  sciatic 
pains  are  worse.     I  am  released  from  work. 

October  11.  Have  met  Captain  Radzikowski.  A  clear  day.  The  group  is  on 
duty  from  noon.  Yesterday  they  conducted  a  new  registration.  Where  are 
Danka,  Ewa,  Mother?  General  Trojanowski  is  supposed  to  be  in  the  Gorodok 
monastery  nearby. 

[Page  73]  October  12.  Nice  frosty  weather.  I  dreamt  at  night  about  my 
darling  Ewuska.  I  dreamt  that  I  carried  her  and  took  her  away  from  a  Hungarian 
raft,  and  after  that,  through  all  sorts  of  dangers,  obstacles,  transferred  her  and 
put  her  down  on  a  sunny  hill,  from  which  she  was  to  go  to  Aunt  Wiiolda. 

October  13.  A  fairly  warm  day.  In  the  afternoon,  a  bath  and  doing  laundry— 
that  is,  my  one  and  only  shirt  and  a  towel  given  to  me  by  Capt.  of  the  34th  in- 
fantry division  Braniewski.  I  also  washed  some  handkerchiefs  which  I  kept; 
they  were  left  behind  by  my  adjutant.  Supper  was  late  because  of  the  commis- 
sion which  conducts  the  examination  and  in  reality  confiscates  identification  pa- 
pers, notebooks,  gold  and  silver  watches,  etc.  This  notebook  was  saved  because 
was  together  with  a  picture  of  Saint  Teresa. 

October  14.  A  clear  day,  the  change  of  wind  will  not  bring  anything  good  from 
the  west. 

[Page  74]  October  14,  1939.  We  have  started  work  on  our  bunks,  which 
means  that  our  miserable  existence  will  be  prolonged.  The  food  is  very  poor. 
The  bread  (dynamite)  keeps  us  alive. 

15.  [Oct.].  Sundav.  Working  at  putting  up  the  bunks.  Breakfast  will  be 
around  11  A.  M.  (Mass  at  9:00  A.  M.). 

15th.     Building  of  bunks  and  getting  settled. 

October  16.  After  spending  the  night  on  the  hard  boards,  continued  our 
preparations  for  settling  down .  They  have  taken  away  from  among  us  policemen , 
noncommissioned  ofTicers,  and  other  nonoflicers.  They  are  supposedly  to  be  sent 
back  to  their  homes.  I  have  not  seen  anyone  that  I  know.  I  cannot  find  out 
anything  about  Kazik.  There  is  nobody  from  the  18th  armored  division  from 
Lona  [sic;  maybe  Lomza].  I  have  a  premonition  that  he  has  been  critically 
wounded  or  killed  and  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Germans.  I  have  spoken  today 
with  Major  Lesniak,  who  is  also  here.  He  fell  into  the  bands  of  the  Bolsheviks 
near  Uscilug.  He  has  no  news  of  his  wife  or  his  children.  We  are  not  as  yet 
allowed  to  write  any  correspondence.  I  do  not  know  whether  Tadzik  has  been 
notified  in  Lwow,  or  whether  he  notified  W^arsaw  that  I  am  in  Russian  captivity. 

[Page  75]  October  17.  Nothing  worth  noting  happened.  I  was  acting  as 
orderly  and  carried  breakfasts,  limches,  and  suppers  from  the  kitchen.  Towards 
the  evening  some  infantrymen  from  the  Kielce  province  arrived  from  the  Star- 
obielsk  region,  but  they  do  not  know  what  to  do  with  them,  whether  to  send 
them  back  to  the  border  and  hand  them  over  to  the  Germans  or  whether  to  keep 
them  here.  They  have  found  no  volunteers  among  us  to  remain.  Even  one 
who  had  already  been  punished  in  Poland  for  Communism,  does  not  wish  to 


remain.  The  things  he  does  not  hke  here  in  tlie  U.  S.  8.  R.  are  the  monotony 
of  life,  the  continuous  deception  of  each  other,  and  the  paying  of  homage  to  the 
new  idols,  Lenin-Stalin-Molotov.     The  Red  Army  liberator  of  nations. 

[Page  76]  Some  higher  official  (GPU)  was  supposedly  here  and  made  a  great 
many  promises  to  improve  out  lot  here  and  to  satisfy  our  needs,  but  one  cannot 
count  on  that  here  in  Russia,  especially  under  the  present  system.  They  consider 
us  prisoners  of  war  although  they  were  not  at  war  with  us.  However,  their 
friendship  with  the  Germans,  no  doubt  on  orders  from  Ribbentrop,  had  brought 
this  about.     How  long  we  will  remain  here  God  only  knows. 

18th.  I  was  learning  German  vocabulary.  I  am  homesick  when  I  think  of 
Danka,  Ewa,  and  the  family.  Mother.  What  has  happened  with  Kazio? 
Janek — he  is  a  settler. 

19th.  News  from  the  French  front  is  very  good.  The  French  are  supposed 
to  have  advanced.  Nothing  interesting  to  report  for  the  20th  and  21st.  We 
received  sets  of  games:  chess,  dominoes,  and  checkers. 

[Page  77]  We  play  with  great  zeal  in  order  to  pass  time  in  this  captivity 
during  this  cloudy  and  unpleasant  weather.  The  food  is  somewhat  more  sub- 
stantial (more  fat  content) .     It  seems  there  is  less  pilfering  among  the  Bolsheviks. 

21st  Oct.     Transports  of  police  and  priests.  *  *  * 

22nd  Oct.  The  weather  is  sunny  and  cold.  In  the  morning,  as  usual,  reveille 
["powierka"]  [Reporter's  note:  the  word  "powierka"  is  written  also  in  Russian 
characters.]  Morning  exercises  and  awaiting  breakfast  (soup,  peeled  barley, 
lentil,  or  gruel).     Today  is  Holy  Sunday,  but  in  the  Soviet  land  there  is  no  God. 

23rd  Oct.     A  slight  frost.     I  have  caught  2  fleas,  the  messengers  of  our  misery. 

2-ith  Oct.  Freezing  cold.  My  second  bath;  in  the  tub  I  found  a  third  flea. 
Washed  my  one  and  only  shirt  the  second  time  (they  don't  give  us  any  linen). 

[Page  78]  Yesterday  they  gave  us  soap,  200  grams  each.  "Prisoner  of  war." 
Today  they  gave  us  one  package  of  shag-tobacco  per  five  men.  Barter  trade  is 
flourishing.  Bread  in  exchange  for  sugar,  tobacco  for  sugar,  etc.  The  soldiers 
from  the  province  of  Kielce  are  to  leave  today,  therefore  barter  trading  is  brisk. 
They  wanted  50  zl.  for  a  pair  of  gloves  [value — 1  zL]  Through  one  of  the  soldiers  I 
gave  my  address  to  my  father-in-law  *  *  *  and  to  Witolda.  The  other  day  I 
had  a  shave  and  haircut,  so  I  look  quite  human  again. 

28th  Oct.  Today  at  11:35  A.  M.  a  month  has  passed  since  I  became  a  captive 
of  the  Russians.  The  month  went  quickly,  but  the  two  months  of  war  are  terrible. 
I  last  saw  Danka  on  the  4th  of  September  at  the  Muchnow  estate  (Kutno  prov- 
ince). I  bid  goodbye  to  mother  and  to  my  darling  Ewusia  a  few  days  before  [P. 
79]     my  departure  from  Poznan. 

It  was  stupid  of  me  not  to  send  part  of  my  things  with  them  to  the  in-laws  in 
Warsaw.  I  have  left  my  wife  and  child  (8  years)  destitute.  How  will  they 
manage,  and  mother  too? 

Today  is  the  nameday  of  Tadeusz  Lesniak.  I  went  to  see  him,  and  I  learned 
that  he  saw  Rysiek  Solski  (son  of  Felix,  from  Warsaw),  also  Wasowicz's  mother, 
15  kilometers  east  of  Siedlce.  They  were  going  to  Lwow,  and  were  in  good  spirits. 
There  is  a  lot  of  persistent  talk  going  around  that  we  are  to  leave  these  barracks, 
and  that  by  the  10th  of  November,  all  camps  are  to  be  liquidat'xl  in  Russia. 
I  don't  know,  but  I  think  that  we  shall  remain  in  captivity  until  Maj-.  If  one 
could  only  notify  the  family.  For  two  days,  we  haven't  received  any  sugar  (per 
30.35  grams)  so  we  live  on  tea  without  sugar.  For  breakfast, thick  grits  and  manna, 
cooled  with  oil.  Altogether,  for  the  last  few  days,  all  meals  are  cooked  with  oil 
without  onions  and  flour.  Yesterday  evening  there  was  no  electric  light,  so  today 
they  are  burning  lights  all  day,  although  it  is  nice  and  sunny.     Yesterday  was  wet. 

31  Oct.  The  last  days  of  October  go  by  with  continuous  and  insistent  rumors 
that  they  are  to  send  us  from  the  local  barracks  back  to  the  G.->rmans  via  Szepie- 
tewka  or  Lwow,  and  perhaps  even  further  to  the  east  or  to  Starobielsk.  So  many 
different  rumors,  yet  no  news  as  to  whether  Mother,  Danka,  and  Ewuska  know 
what  has  happened  to  me — that  I  am  alive,  in  good  health,  and  with  a  good  ap- 
petite for  tills  food  here  (lentils,  manna  grits  cooked  with  oil,  and  sauerkraut  soup 
or  beet  soup  with  meat.  They  also  give  us  black  bread  and  sugar,  and  [page  81] 
from  time  to  time  this  shag  tobacco  (I  have  already  half  a  package  for  sale,  in 
exchange  for  roubles) .  Wonder  whetlier  Ewuska  has  as  much  sugar  as  Daddy  has? 
During  the  afternoon  and  evening  rumors  have  spread  that  we  are  leaving  these 
barracks  in  Boloto. 

Nov.  1,  1939.  Reveille  at  4  A.  M.  (our  time,  2:00  A.  M.  at  night).  I'm  sure 
we  are  leaving.  I  am  given  as  a  senior  of  the  grouj),  tea  for  the  whole  group. 
Early  breakfast  and  assembly;  we  march  off  to  the  railway  tracks  and  get  into 
freight  cars  used  previously  for  carrying  peat. 


9-10  A.  M.  we  start,  and  at  10  we  are  at  the  sugar  refinery  Ciotkino,  where- 
from  we  march  through  the  village  to  the  tracks  of  the  wide-gauge  railwa}^ 

2nd  Nov.  We  rode  on  the  train  till  7  P.  M.  to  the  town  of  Kozielsk  [reporter's 
note:  the  name  Kozielsk  is  also  written  in  Russian],  where  we  were  awakened  at 
midnight  and  marched  till  6  A.  M.  November  3  to  the  former  monastery  a  few 
kilometers  from  the  station.  The  former  monastery  buildings  overlooked  the 
woods.  The  treatment  we  received  during  the  journey  was  terrible.  On  No- 
vember 3rd  we  marched  from  the  station  of  Kozielsk  to  (a  summer  resort)  camp 
4  to  7  kilometers  from  Kozielsk  on  a  muddy  road.  In  the  early  morning  we  were 
received  by  the  new  administration  of  the  camp  Kozielsk.  The  treatment  was 
better  from  Lt.  Col.  to  General,  a  separate  bath,  new  registration,  and  roll  call. 
Food  twice  a  day,  a  piece  of  bread  (white  once  a  day)  and  soup. 

Nov.  4.     Further  registration.     Up  till  12  noon  they  gave  us  nothing  to  eat. 

Nov.  5.  Morning.  12  noon.  Walked  to  the  bathhouse.  The  bath  in  a  basin 
of  water,  then  naked  through  the  anteroom  into  the  room  for  dressing.  Looking 
for  billets.  An  extraordinary  thing.  On  Nov.  4  I  met  [page  82]  Professor 
Kawa  Wladyslaw,  my  wife's  (Danka's)  uncle.  Married  to  Szenora  Trojanowska, 
mother  of  Zbyszek  Trojanowski,  captain  in  the  communications  corps  of  General 
Anders.  On  Nov.  11  Kazik  (brother)  waited  for  me  at  the  entrance  to  the  bath- 
house. He  is  a  prisoner  of  the  Bolsheviks,  and  has  been  since  the  18th  of  Septem- 
ber. He  was  taken  captive  on  leaving  home  in  Baranowicze.  There  are  about 
2,400  mouths  to  feed  in  the  Kozielszczyna  camp.  Among  them  a  large  number 
of  officers,  older  men,  retired  or  drafted,  doctors,  etc.,  who  had  very  little  to  do 
otherwise    with    the    army. 

22  Nov.  1939.  Wednesday.  For  some  time  nothing  of  importance  to  report 
in  my  notebook.  Today  snow  started  to  fall.  A  lot  of  talk  here  about  the  de- 
parture of  cadet  officers  and  noncommissioned  officers  and  privates  to  German- 
occupied  territory.  Who  is  to  know?  Only  God.  They  don't  know  anything 
and  won't  tell.  Gontinuous  secrecy  *  *  *  and  uncertainty  of  the  hour  and 
dav.  Alreadv  the  registration  [page  83]  has  been  conducted.  The  other  day 
they  woke  me  up  at  11  P.  M.  at  night  (our  time  9  P.  M.)  *  *  *  to  lead 
ten"  men  for  registration.  In  the  night  from  Sunday  to  Monday,  I  believe,  I 
had  an  ugly  dream.  I  saw  Danka  in  my  dream  in  a  black  dress.  She  was 
distant  and  unapproachable.  Later  the  dream  changed  into  a  sunny  one.  Two 
days  ago,  a  notice  was  issued  that  we  are  permitted  to  write  and  receive  letters 
once  a  month  [one  letter  a  month].  There  is  great  joy  because  of  that,  but  even 
in  this  respect  there  are  difficulties,  as  in  everything.  Lack  of  leather  for  shoe 
repairs;  I  took  the  oldest  pair  of  shoes,  and  altogether  the  worst  suit.  I  left 
everything  in  the  car  with  Capt.  Madalinski. 

[P'.  81]  Today,  21/22  Nov.  1939,  I  had  a  ghastly  dream.  I  dreamt  that  Fefix's 
wife  (Maryna)  came  to  my  billet  and  said  that  the  "deceased,"  that  is,  Danka,  died 
under  some  operation  or  abortion.  I  dreamt  that  I  fainted,  shouting  "Oh,  Oh" 
and  that  because  of  trjing  to  save  money  on  the  operation,  specialist  (sic)  Maryna 
Solska  (Felix's  wife)  said.  In  the  morning  I  told  my  dream  to  Kazik,  and  I  shall 
speak  (to  Professor  Kawa)  Wladyslaw.  No  news  about  our  dearest  ones — -Danka, 
Ewa,  Mother,  or  about  Janek  and  Stefa.  There  is  no  news  as  to  our  departure, 
nor  is  there  any  hope  of  an  end  to  this  "sightseeing"  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  Whether 
they  will  hand  us  over  to  the  Germans  or  whether  and  where  we  shall  be  kept, 
either  here  or  in  Germany.  *  *  *  a  severe  winter  is  approaching,  and  we  are 
without  shoes  or  warm  clothing.  Here  they  promise  us  everything.  If  only  my 
dream  doesn't  come  true.     "Heaven  forbid!" 

27  Nov.  Today  five  men  out  of  our  group  of  ten  from  Poznan  left  to  (sic)  work 
on  a  collective  farm.  They  returned  and  told  us  of  unexpected  surprises  and 
about  the  prospects  of  communal  farming  (machines,  farm  buildings,  equipment, 
food,  etc.). 

28  Nov.  In  the  morning  we  decided  to  buy  stamps  and  send  a  letter  for  Capt. 
Dr.  Kosinski  Jerzy  Dyonizowicz,  who  sent  a  letter  to  Pniewy  addressed  to  Miss 
Dorota  Pyzelek — Pniewy  Germany,  Province  Poznan,  Poznan  Street  7.  Today 
at  11:55,  two  months  of  captivity  were  completed,  under  circumstances  unknown 
so  far,  and  without  anv  news  from  mv  dear  ones. 

[P.  8B]  Dec.  12,  1939.  Vigil  of  St.  Nicholas:  we  wonder  how  the  children 
will  celebrate  this  liappy  feast  in  Poland.  Darling  Ewusia,  have  you  received 
anything  from  your  beloved  Mama  for  St.  Nicholas'  Day?  They  say  that  sup- 
po.sedly  letters  from  Poland  have  arrived.  Kazik  has  not  been  to  see  me  today — 
probably  doing  laundry  and  mending  socks  or  other  things.  I  struggle  as  com- 
mandant of  Corps  No.  15  (a  barracks  with  950  occupants)  *  *  *  "office — prisoner 
of  war."  I  am  kept  occupied,  therefore  the  end  of  this  terrible  adventure  as  a 
prisoner  of  war  in  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  is  nearing  quickly.     *  *  *  w  ZSSR  /CCCR/. 


Dec.  15,  1939.  Yesterday  after  duties  T  went  to  Major  Czerniakowski  to  a, 
"prisoner-of-war"  concert  of  songs  in  Polish,  Russian,  and  Ukranian.  A  better 
spirit,  and  hope  that  the  treatment  may  perhaps  improve  entered  into  us 
"prisoners  of  war."  Colleagues  from  the  "Skid"  came — about  1,800.  We  are 
about  3,300  altogether,  including  four  generals,  that  is,  the  old  general 
Bohatvrewicz,  Minkiewicz,  Wolkowicki,  and  Smorawinski,  the  last  commander 
of  O.  iv.  VII. 

Dec.  16.  Today  freezing  cold  (14-20°).  In  the  morning,  pleasant  news  that 
a  list  has  been  put  up  and  that  Kazio  received  a  postcard.  When  he  got  it,  it 
was  a  postcard  instead  of  a  letter  from  Jagusia,  and  he  learned  that  at  the  end  of 
November  Hala  went  to  Torun  and  on  the  way  stopped  on  the  new  German- 
Russian  border  of  occupation  at  Zareby  *  *  *  near  Malkinia.  I  on  the  other 
hand  learned  with  surprise  that  Danka,  Ewusia,  and  mother-in-law  (Tojanowscy) 
are  in  Lw-ow  with  Tadzik,  and  that  mother  is  with  Stefa,  and  that  Stefa  is  married 
and  her  husband  Swistelnicki  is  in  Hungary. 

I  regret  now  that  on  October  1,  when  I  was  escorted  through  Lwow  (having 
been  taken  captive  by  the  Bolsheviks  in  Tarnogrod  near  Bilgoraj)  I  did  not 
know  that  they  are  [sic]  all  in  Lwow.  So  many  months  have  passed  already 
since  I  saw  mother  and  Ewusia,  to  whom  I  bid  my  farewell  in  Poznan,  hoping 
that  we  shall  see  each  other  soon,  and  since  my  goodby  on  September  13  to  Danka 
at  Muchnow  on  an  estate  (so  strange).  I  did  not  expect  that  Danka  would 
stop  at  Lwow.  What  Is  their  fate?  Will  they  now  send  them  to  Warsaw  for 
the  winter? 

[Page  88]  Here  in  my  barracks  (block/corps/bldg.  No.  15)  I  met  a  close 
neighbor  of  Kazik  from  Filipowka/Lt.  of  the  Reserves  Marczak,  Stanislaw  from 
B.  G.  K.  Today  he  received  a  cable  with  a  prepaid  reply  that  all  at  his  home 
are  well  and  together  (including  the  maid).  I  am  awaiting  with  impatience 
news  from  mother  and  Danka.  Since  I  addressed  my  letter  to  Warsaw  I'm 
sure  I  won't  get  any  reply  from  there  [sic].  Perhaps  Andrzej  or  Edek  or  Zbyszek 
Trojanowski's  father  will  write. 

Dec.  20,  1939.  Today  Tuesday.  I  have  submitted  Kazek's  application  for 
a  transfer,  that  is,  from  Bolshevik  captivity  to  German  captivity.  Four  months 
have  passed  since  I  bid  farewell  to  mother  and  Ewusia.  I  forgot  to  enter  in 
my  diary  that  on  December  16  Kazik  received  a  postcard  from  Jadzia  Sol.  from 

Jan.  3,  1940.  Wednesday.  Four  months  passed  today  since  I  last  saw  Danka 
on  October  4,  1939,  on  the  estate  in  Muchnow  near  Kutno.  On  September  9 
I  did  not  find  my  wife  in  Warsaw  at  Marszalkowska  Street  No.  81  at  Apt.  22.  I 
know  nothing  certain  as  to  where  she  has  gone.  From  the  post  card  which  I 
received  from  Jagusia  dated  Nov.  6  we  know  that  she  was  with  Tadzik  in  Lwow. 
Whether  she  is  still  there  and  what  they  are  doing  now — ^how  Ewusia  is — whether 
Danka  is  well,  and  what  the  results  are     *     *     *_ 

[Page  90]  [Reporter's  note:  bit  of  page  torn  off]  Julv  21,  1939  (!)  in 
Promieniek  *  *  *  Jan.  10,  1940.  Frost  30°  Reaumur  (47°  Centigrade).  The 
food  is  miserable.  Pea  soup  with  peas  half  cooked.  Yesterday  for  breakfast 
sauerkraut  and  fish  (kilki).  Lack  of  water.  Everywhere,  water  for  boiling, 
"lawoczki,"  long  queues.     Legs  freeze  at  work. 

Jan.  24,  1940.  Five  months  have  passed  since  I  last  saw  and  said  goodbye  to 
mother  and  Ewusia  in  a  train  compartment  at  Poznan.  Ewusia  cried  then,  but 
whether  because  the  "negress"  was  to  remain,  or  whether  she  sensed  that  it 
would  be  such  a  long  separation  from  her  daddy.  *  *  *  Mother  bidding 
goodbye  sensed  that  the  separation  would  be  for  a  longer  time,  perhaps  even 
forever.     Terrible  is  the  fate  of  man — -a  Pole. 

[Page  91]  Jan.  28,  1940.  Today  at  6  A.  M.  five  months  have  passed  since  the 
departure  [Reporter's  note:  the  page  is  torn  off  here]  from  Poznan  to  Kutno/ 
Strzelce  Kujawskie  [Reporter's  note:    torn  off]. 

Today  at  1 1 :55  A.  M.  four  months  have  passed  since  I  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Bolshevik  army  in  Tarnogrod  on  the  Tanwia.  There  is  no  change  in  our  stay. 
Yesterday  on  the  27th  Major  Rogozinski,  after  being  interrogated  by  a  Bolshevik 
major,  told  us  that  the  latter  assured  him  that  before  the  Spring  they  should  hand 
us  over  to  the  Germans.  We  shall  then  have  to  experience  captivity  and  cruelty 
from  the  Germans.     There  is  nothing  new  with  us,  and  nothing  has  changed. 

The  days  are  longer.  The  food  for  a  change,  after  sauerkraut  and  kilki  (a 
fish) — little  herrings  for  breakfast,  and  peeled  barley  for  lunch.  For  the  last  ten 
days  we  have  not  received  any  sugar  or  tea.  Bugs  showed  up  in  our  room.  They 
took  the  dogs  away  from  the  cam{).  A  list  of  mail  which  was  not  delivered  from 
the  previous  mail  delivery  (letters  from  families)  has  been  displayed.     Except  for 


a  few  lines  on  a  postcard  from  Bialystok  I  haven't  received  anything  from  Danka. 
How  does  she  manage  with  Ewusia  and  her  parents  during  this  severe  winter? 
Are  there  any  people  who  are  helping  her?  In  a  few  days,  February  3-4,  I  shall 
write  the  third  letter;  since  August  4th  we  haven't  written  anything  and  we  have 
no  news  of  each  other;  after  so  many  years  we  were  left  on  ice  without  even  the 
most  essential  things.  Who  could  have  thought  that  it  would  end  like  that?  I 
hope,  however,  that  this  is  not  for  long,  and  that  everything  will  soon  end  well  for 
my  family.  What  will  the  next  few  weeks  bring  us?  The  weather  today,  Sun- 
days, Jan.  28,  1940,  is  beautifully  sunny,  although  frosty  (15-29°).  Our  quarters 
are  in  a  small  room  in  which  ten  of  us  live  (Captain  of  the  Artillery  Hoffman, 
older  than  I,  officer  of  the  reserves,  employee  of  the  sugar  refinery  in  Opalew. 
The  rest  are  3  Lts.  and  five  Sub-Lts.,  all  from  the  55th,  57th,  and  58th  infantry 
division.     What  is  going  to  happen  to  us  and  when  shall  it  end? 

[P.  93]  Sunday,  February  1,  1940.  Evening.  The  weather  is  beautiful  but 
cold.  From  the  bunk  I  sunned  myself  through  the  window  panes,  especially 
my  sciatic  i^ains,  which  trouble  me.  There  is  news  in  the  night  that  Romania 
confiscates  arms  and  *  *  *_  Poland.  Is  this  good  news?  I  believe  it  is. 
*  *  *  Maybe  *  *  *  ^  will  shorten  our  stay.  Yesterday  I  sent  a 
postcard  to  Kama,  and  today  I  am  writing  to  Danka.  What  is  new  at  home? 
How  are  Danka  and  Ewusia  living?  And  mother  with  Stefa  in  Lwow?  During 
the  night  of  March  11-15,  from  Monday  to  Tuesday,  I  had  an  extraordinary 
dream.  I  saw,  in  my  dream,  mother,  somewhere  in  the  second  room  of  our 
apartment.  I  was  tuning  the  radio  to  music,  and  was  fighting  with  myself — 
with  my  double.  I  cried  and  hissed  terribly.  When  I  wakened,  as  did  my  fellow 
comrades,  I  was  lying  on  my  back  and  my  heart  was  beating  terribly.  Perhaps 
because  I  was  running  last  evening  at  11  P.  M.  to  the  mailbox  to  post  a  card 
from  Wielich  to  Danka.  How  weak  I  am  from  this  "prison" — I  beg  your  pardon — 
on  this  "prisoner  of  war"  diet.     This  dream  augurs  something  bad. 

Today,  13th  of  March,  nothing  of  importance. 

Today,  4th  of  April.  Only  today,  in  thB  second  day  of  the  excitement  because 
of  our  departure,  I  am  looking  into  these  notes.  The  holidays  have  passed. 
Have  received  cards  and  messages  from  Danka,  with  news  that  apart  from  my 
first  letter  of  November  24,  1939,  which  she  received  January  6,  nothing  arrives 
from  this  "land  of  paradise." 

[Page  95]  Sunday,  April  7,  1940.  Morning.  After  yesterday,  alloca- 
tion *  *  *  Skitowcy— pack  our  things  *  *  *  till  11:40  A.  M.  for  the 
departure  to  the  club  for  inspection.  Lunch  in  the  club  *  *  *_  After 
inspection,  at  2:55  P.  M.,  we  left  the  walls  and  barbed  wires  of  the  Kozielsk 
camp.  The  house  *  *'  *  named  after  Gorski.  At  4:55  P.^M.  (2:45  P.  M. 
Polish  time)  we  were  put  into  prison  cars  on  the  railway  siding  Kozielsk.  I  have 
never  seen  such  cars  in  all  my  life.  They  say  that  of  all  passenger  railway  cars  in 
the  USSR,  50%  are  prison  cars.  Together  with  me  is  Jozef  Kutyba,  Kpt.  Szyfter 
Pawel,  and  also  majors.  It.  cols.,  and  captains;  altogether  twelve,  while  there  is 
room  for  seven  at  the  most. 

April  8,  3:30  A.  M.  Departure  from  Kozielsk  station  to  the  west.  9:45  A.  M. 
at  Jelnia  station. 

April  8,  1940.     From  12  noon  we  are  standing  at  Smolensk  on  a  railway  siding. 

April  9,  1940.  A  few  minutes  before  5  in  the  morning  reveille  in  the  prison 
cars  and  preparation  for  departure  *  *  *_  Wg  are  to  go  somewhere  by  car, 
and  what  then? 

April  9,  5  A.  M. 

April  9.  From  the  very  dawn,  the  day  started  somewhat  peculiarly.  Depar- 
ture by  prison  van  in  little  cells  (terrible) ;  they  brought  us  somewhere  into  the 
woods — some  kind  of  summer  resort.  Here  a  detailed  search.  They  took  the 
•watch,  on  which  time  was  6:30  a.  m.  (8:30),  asked  me  for  my  wedding  ring,  which 
thej-  took,  roubles,  my  main  belt,  and  pocket  knife. 



Exhibit  28A 
Excerpts  from  diary  of  a  Polish  soldier  found  dead  in  Katyn 


[Translation  from  Polish] 

The  copy  of  notes  from  the  notebook. 

Envelope  No.  0424  (Kruk)   Waclaw. 

Note  in  the  Polish  Red  Cross  list:  0424,  military,  N.N.  (unknown),  pencil  drawing 

with  inscription  "Kozielsk  1940,  diary,  holy  medallion." 

The  notebook  (larger)  was  probably  made  by  the  owner  himself  by  bending 
and  binding,  together  with  sheets  of  white  unlined  paper,  with  no  watermarks. 
The  notebook  has  no  covers  and  consists  of  54  leaves.  Of  these  only  the  first  two 
were  written  upon;  the  rest  is  blank  and  bears  only  the«marks  of  a  chemical  pencil 
which,  put  inside,  dissolved  and  perm^eated  a  number  of  pages  with  violet  color. 
Also,  traces  of  lines  of  a  poem  are  visible;  it  was  written  on  a  separate  sheet  and 
put  inside  the  notebook.  Similarly,  traces  of  an  impression  of  figures  drawn  on 
a  separate  sheet  of  paper  are  noticeable,  it  would  appear  from  the  contents  of 
the  notebook  that  they  represent  checker  pieces,  which  are  mentioned  by  the 
author  in  his  notebook. 

There  was  also  in  the  notebook  a  pencil  drawing  representing  a  bearded  man 
signed  "Kruk  Waclaw",  Kozielsk,  1940.  On  the  other  smaller  sheet  was  a  carica- 
ture of  the  same  man,  signed  "Kruk."  In  this  notebook  a  sheet  with  the  address 
"Herrn  Sigmund  Brodaty  Sto/ck/holm  Birger  Sweden  (the  word  Sweden  is  written 
in  Russian  characters). 

The  first  leaf  of  the  notebook,  that  is,  the  first  two  pages,  is  covered  with  Russian 
words,  which  may  indicate  that  the  owner  of  the  notebook  was  learning  Russian. 
The  proper  notes  start  on  page  three,  and  end  on  page  four.  The  copy  of  these 
notes   follows: 

April  8,  1940.  I  have  written  nothing  until  now,  because  it  seemed  to  me  that 
nothing  noteworthy  had  happened.  Recently,  that  is  by  the  end  of  ]March  and 
the  beginning  of  April,  departure  rumors  were  current.  We  thought  them  to  be 
the  usual  gossip.  But  it  turned  out  that  they  were  true.  In  the  first  days  of 
April,  transports,  initially  small,  started  leaving  from  "Skit,"  taki  ig  se^orat 
persons  each  time.  Finally  it  [Skit]  was  liquidated  on  Saturday  the  7ih,  and  we 
M'ere  transferred  to  the  main  camp.  Temporarily  we  were  located  in  the  major's 
block.  Yesterday  a  transport  of  senior  officers  left — 3  generals,  20  to  25  colonels, 
and  a  similar  number  of  majors.  Judging  by  the  method  of  discharge,  our  chances 
were  of  the  best.  Todaj^  my  turn  came.  I  took  a  bath  in  the  morning,  and 
washed  my  socks  and  handkerchiefs  *  *  *  generally  "to  *  *  *  with 
things."  After  accounting  for  camp  equipment,  a  search  was  carried  out  in  hut 
No.  19,  and  from  there  *  *  *  we  were  led  out  through  the  gate  to  trucks 
which  took  us  out  to  the  station,  and  not  to  Kozielsk  (communications  with 
Kozielsk  were  cut  by  the  flood).  There  we  were  put  into  prison  cars  under  a 
strong  guard.  In  the  prison  cell  (which  I  saw  for  the  first  time)  we  were  thirteen. 
I  have  not  as  yet  acquainted  myself  with  my  comrades  in  distress.  Now  we  are 
waiting  for  the  departure     *     *     *.     As  before  I  was  optimistic,  I  now  expect 


*  *  *  this  journey  bodes  ill  for  us.  The  worst  is  that  *  *  *  it  is  doubt- 
ful whether  we  shall  be  able  to  discover  the  direction  of  our  journej\  But  patience. 
We  move  in  the  direction  of  Smolensk.  The  weather  *  *  *  it  is  sunny, 
there  is  plenty  of  snow  on  the  fields. 

April  9,  1940.  Tuesday.  We  had  a  more  comfortable  night  than  in  the  old 
cattle  cars.  There  was  more  room  and  we  did  not  shake  so  badly.  The  weather 
today  *  *  *  as  in  winter.  It  snows  and  it  is  cloud}'.  It  is  impossible  to 
ascertain  what  our  direction  is.  During  the  night  we  passed  Spass-Demenskoje 
[name  written  in  Russian  but  incorrectly].  I  have  seen  no  such  station  on  the 
map  in  the  direction  of  Smolensk.  I  am  afraid  that  we  are  being  moved  either 
North  or  Northeast,  which  seems  to  be  confirmed  by  the  weather.  During  the 
day  it  is  as  it  was  in  former  times.  Yesterday  in  the  morning  they  gave  us  a 
ration  of  bread  and  some  sugar,  and  in  the  train  some  cold  boiled  water.  Now 
noon  is  nearing  and  we  have  received  no  food.  The  treatment  *  *  *  jg  also 
rough.  We  are  allowed  nothing.  We  are  even  allowed  access  to  the  privies  only 
as  it  pleases  the  guards.     Requests  or  shouts  help  us  not  at  all. 

To  get  back  to  "Skit,"  my  best  comrades  were  Sucharski,  a  teacher  from  the 
Bialystok  area,  and  Szafranski,  bookeeper  from  the  co-op  "Spolem."  We 
formed  a  kind  of  triumvirate  in  the  Major's  Bloc.  Upon  departure  I  gave  Sza- 
franski my  army  pullover.  He  wanted  to  bu}'  it,  and  give  me  his  watch  and  50 
roubles,  but  I  refused  to  accept.  Maybe  I  shall  regret  it.  I  gave  it  to  him 
although  it  was  difficult  to  part  with  it,  but  I  felt  sorry  for  him.  He  suffered 
badly  from  cold.  Before  leaving  "Skit"  we  had  an  unofficial  choir  concert. 
My  sculptures  made  me  quite  popular.  I  had  to  make  two  reliefs  for  Major 
Goleb  (a  highlander  and  the  Holy  IMother),  a  cross  for  captain  Deszert,  tobacco 
case,  and  *  *  *  but  most  admired  were  my  checkers.  I  was  afraid  I 
would' lose  them,  because  the  gossip  was  that  during  the  search  all  wooden  objects 
would  be  confiscated.  Fortunately  it  was  only  a  rumor.  But  they  took  my 
knife.  At  14.30  hours  we  arrived  in  Smolensk.  We  waited  on  the  marshalling 
yards.  It  is  an  enormous  station,  like  most  of  the  newer  Russian  railway  stations; 
marshalling  yards  spread  for  several  kilometres.  We  are  in  Smolensk,  however. 
The  evening  came,  and  we  passed  Smolensk.  We  arrived  at  Gniezdowo  station. 
It  looks  as  though  we  may  be  unloaded  here,  because  a  number  of  military  are 
present.  In  any  case  we  have  received  nothing  to  eat  as  yet.  Since  yesterday 
we  have  subsisted  on  a  piece  of  bread  and  some  water. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  General,  you  have  said  that  the  origmal  diaries 
were  somewhere  here  in  London? 

Mr.  Flood.  No. 

General  Komorowski.  No — the  copies. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Where  are  the  original  diaries? 

General  Komorowski.  My  observer  brought  me  copies  of  the 
original  and  these  copies  I  sent  to  London  that  my  observer  handed 
me.  The  original  diaries  were  taken  in  his  presence  mostl}^  from  the 
pockets,  though  he  could  see  the  original.  He  saw  the  original 
diaries  and  he  made  a  copy  and  this  copy  he  brought  to  me. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  x\nd  the  originals  were  left  there  at  the  grave? 

General  Komorowski.  No. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Well,  where  are  they  now? 

General  Komorowski.  No,  they  were  taken  by  the  Polish  Red 
Cross  to  Warsaw.  What  happened  to  them  I  do  not  know.  They 
were  brought  to  the  Polish  Red  Cross  in  Warsaw. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  General,  I  was  looking  over  some  documents; 
your  testimony  ended  rather  abruptly  and  there  were  quite  a  number 
of  pertinent  questions  I  wanted  to  ask  you  which  I  think  will  help 
this  committee.  As  commander  of  the  home  army  in  Warsaw,  you 
were  the  leader  in  the  Warsaw  uprising  in  July  and  August  1944; 
were  you  not? 

General  Komorowski.  In  August  and  September. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  In  August  and  September  of  1944? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 


Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  About  how  many  people  of  Warsaw  were  killed  by 
the  Germans  in  that  uprising? 

General  Komorowski.  I  know  exactly  how  many  soldiers  were  lost, 
but  it  is  very  difficult  to  tell  exactly  how  many  from  the  civilian  popu- 
lation were  killed,  as  a  lot  of  houses  and  blocks  were  bombed  and 
the  bodies  of  the  people  were  buried;  but  in  my  personal  opinion  I 
think  that  nearly  100,000  of  the  civilian  population  were  killed.  The 
German  propaganda  immediately  on  the  second  day  after  the  uprising 
was  finished  announced  that  200,000  people  were  killed.  From  where 
could  they  have  got  this  news?  It  was  only  their  propaganda.  They 
could  not  in  2  days  discover.  And  the  Russian  propaganda  repeated 
250,000  and  300,000. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  The  Russian  propaganda  was  that  between  250,000 
and  300,000  were  killed  in  the  uprising? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Now,  General,  when  you  led  that  uprising,  you 
already  knew  in  your  own  mind,  and  so  did  the  leaders  who  were 
helping  you,  that  it  was  the  Russians  that  committed  the  murder 
at  Katyn? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  You  were  pretty  convinced  of  that  fact,  were 
you  not? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Yet  3^our  underground  army  supported  the  Allied 
cause,  including  the  Russians,  in  the  uprising;  so  there  was  not  any 
prejudice  or  personal  animosity  against  the  Russians  after  j^ou  knew 
the3^  had  committed  the  murders;  is  that  correct? 

General  Komorowski.  Right. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Now  here  is  what  I  want  to  ask  you:  In  the  War- 
saw uprising  the  Russian  Army  was  how  far  away  from  Warsaw? 

General  Komorowski.  Fifteen  miles  in  the  beginning,  but  after 
6  weeks  they  were  just  across  the  Vistula. 

]\lr.  O'KoNSKi.  Now,  in  the  Warsaw  uprising,  that  lasted  for  some 
2  months,  it  would  have  been  very  easy  for  the  Russians  to  come  to 
the  aid  of  the  home  army  in  Warsaw;  could  they  not  have? 

General  Komorowski.  There  was  only  the  river  dividing  us,  and 
there  was  no  difficulty  at  all  in  the  summer  to  cross  the  river — no 
difficulty  at  all. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  In  other  words,  General,  there  is  no  question  in 
your  mind  whatever  that  the  Russians  deliberately  stood  by,  hoping 
that  there  would  be  more  of  the  home  army  and  the  so-called  resistance 
groups  in  Poland  massacred  and  liquidated.  Would  you  agree  with 
that  opinion? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes,  it  is  my  opinion. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  General,  the  reason  why  I  ask  that  question  is 
this:  Do  you  see  any  analogy  between  the  Katyn  murders  by  the 
Russians  and  the  refusal  of  the  Russians  to  come  to  the  aid  of  the 
Warsaw  Home  Army;  do  you  see  any  analogy  in  the  two? 

General  Komoroski.  In  my  opinion  it  is  the  same  policy  of  the 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Wliat  would  you  say  that  that  policy  was? 

General  Komorowski.  This  policy  was  to  destroy  aU  the  national 
elements  of  Poles. 


Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  In  other  words,  any  reasonable  person  then  would 
have  a  right  to  conclude  that,  since  the  Kussians,  who  were  able  to 
come  to  the  rescue,  saw  the  massacre,  according  to  their  o^v^l  propa- 
ganda, of  250,000  to  300,000  Poles  in  Warsaw  in  the  uprising,  if  they 
stood  by  and  saw  that  because  they  had  a  very  definite  reason,  hoping 
that  that  would  be  done,  it  would  not  be  beyond  them  to  slaughter  or 
massacre  15,000;  is  that  your  conclusion? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes, 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Who  did  the  bombing  of  their  city? 

General  Komorowski.  The  Germans. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Did  they  do  the  bombing? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes;  but  the  Germans  could  not  have  made 
it  except  they  know  the  Russians  were  not  helping  us;  they  did  not 
give  us  cover  by  plane.  If  one  Russian  plane  had  come  over  Warsaw 
in  the  sky,  the  German  pianos  would  have  disappeared;  but  not  one 
plane  from  the  Russians  came  to  help. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.     And  they  were  15  miles  away? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes;  in  the  beginning;  and  after  they  were 
only  on  the  other  side  of  the  Vistula;  we  saw  them. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Now,  General,  lot  me  ask  you  another  question: 
Is  it  trud  that  your  gallant  home  army  was  m.ade  up  of  the  most 
intelligent,  most  able,  and  the  most  capable  people  in  Warsaw  and 
Poland  at  that  time? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  It  was  made  up  of  the  best  type,  the  most  trusted 
patriots  that  you  could  find  in  all  Poland  gathered  in  Warsaw;  they 
were  the  heart  and  the  cere  of  the  home  army;  is  not  that  correct? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes;  and  the  headquarters  was  in  Warsaw 
not  only  of  the  home  army  but  also  the  underground  government 
of  Poland. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Now  let  me  ask  you  another  question:  In  other 
words,  these  people  that  were  found  in  the  graves  at  Katyn  were  just 
as  important  for  the  heart  of  Poland  as  the  composition  of  the  home 
army  at  Warsaw:  they  were  the  best  that  the  Polish  people  had  to 
offer,  were  they  not? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  They  were  the  most  likeh''  to  form  resistance  to 
Communism  or  Nazism  or  any  form  of  dictatorship,  if  they  had 
survived.  They  would  have  been  the  most  potent  leaders  in  Poland 
to  resist  any  kind  of  dictatorsliip,  if  the}^  had  survived;  is  not  that 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  O'Konski.  In  other  words,  there  is  no  doubt  in  your  mind  at 
all  that  Katyn  and  the  refusal  of  the  Russians  to  come  to  your  help 
during  the  Warsaw  uprising  were  clearly  and  unequivocall}''  a  Russian 
program  of  genocide,  to  liquidate  the  potent  patriotism  which  might 
survive  in  Poland? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes,  no  question;  and  in  eastern  Poland  in 
the  area  of  Nowogrodek  on  the  body  of  a  killed  Russian  officer  was 
found  an  order  to  kill  all  the  officers  from  the  Polish  underground. 

Mr.  O'Konski.  In  other  words,  General,  the  refusal  of  the  Russians 
to  aid  Warsaw  uprising  was  merely  a  continuation  of  the  Russian 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 


Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Of  which  Katyn  is  an  example;  to  wipe  out  any 
possible  opposition  and  not  to  leave  in  Poland  any  kind  of  group  of 
patriots  that  might  form  a  resistance  in  Poland  after  the  war? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes,  that  is  my  opinion. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  That  is  your  definite  opinion? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

^Ir.  O'KoNSKi.  I  think  that  is  very  important,  gentlemen,  and 
those  are  the  questions  I  want  to  ask,  because  when  I  study  this 
Katyn  situation  and  also  study  the  million  or  more  civilians  of  Poland 
that  were  transported  to  Siberia,  and  then  this  Warsaw  uprising,  they 
all  seem  to  tie  up,  and  the  picture  must  be  considered  as  a  whole  if 
one  wants  really  to  get  at  the  basic  facts  at  Katyn.  Those  are  the 
only  questions  I  have  and  you  have  answered  them  very  well. 

General  Komorowski.  It  did  not  finish  with  the  Warsaw  uprising. 
After  the  Warsaw  uprising,  50,000  of  the  home  army  w^ere  arrested 
by  the  Russians  and  deported  to  Russia. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  I  am  glad  you  mention  that.  In  other  words,  you 
say  there  is  a  parallel  even  after,  as  the  Russians  themselves  say, 
between  250,000  and  300,000  of  the  people  of  Poland  perished  in  the 
Warsaw  uprising.  Wlien  the  Russians  came  in,  the  job  was  not  yet 
complete  enough.  They  themselves  arrested  50,000  members  of  the 
home  army? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  To  make  a  complete  job  of  the  liquidation? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Air.  O'KoNSKi.  That  is  very  significant;  that  is  all  I  have  to  ask. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Just  one  question  along  the  lines  opened  up 
by  Mr.  O'Konski.  In  September  1939  Marshal  Timoshenko  was  in 
command  of  the  army  in  eastern  Poland? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  at  that  time,  before  the  cessation  of 
hostilities,  are  3"ou  familiar  with  the  fact  that  Alarshal  Timoshenko 
issued  certain  pamplilets  circulated  amongst  Polish  soldiers  inducing 
them  to  revolt  against  the  officers? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  have  before  me  a  photostatic  copy  of  one  of 
his  pamphlets  which  I  would  like  to  translate  and  ask  you  if  you 
have  knowledge  of  the  fact  that  such  a  pamphlet  was  circulated. 
The  pamplilet  is  as  follows: 

Soldiers:  In  the  course  of  the  last  few  days  the  Polish  Army  has  been  com- 
pletely demolished.  The  soldiers  of  the  cities  of  Tarnopol,  Halicz,  Rowno,  Dubno, 
in  number  over  60,000  have  voluntarily  passed  over  to  our  side.  Soldiers,  what 
is  there  left  for  you?  What  are  you  fighting  for  and  with  whom?  Why  do  you 
risk  your  lives?  Your  defense  is  impossible.  Your  officers  are  forcing  you  to 
a  murder  without  any  sense.  They  hate  you  and  they  hate  your  families.  They 
are  the  ones  wlio  shot  your  delegates  whom  you  sent  with  the  proposition  to  give 
up.  Do  not  believe  your  officers.  Your  officers  and  your  generals  are  your 
enemies;  they  want  your  death.  Soldiers,  beat  up  your  officers  and  generals. 
Do|not  listen  to  the  orders  of  your  officers.  Chase  them  from  your  land.  Come 
over  to  your  brothers  in  the  Red  Army.  Here  you  will  find  care  and  tenderness. 
Remember,  only  the  Red  Army  can  save  the  Polish  Nation  from  the  unfortunate 
war  and  there  will  you  find  a  possibility  of  starting  a  peaceful  life.  Believe  us, 
the^Red  Soviet  Army  is  your  only  friend.     Signed,  S.  Timoshenko. 

Do  you  remember  such  pamplilets  being  circulated? 
General  Komorowski.  Yes.     I  have  the  original  pamphlets — not 
in  my  hands,  but  I  know  the  text. 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  also  was  part  of  tlieii'  plan  to  disorganize 
the  Polish  Nation? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  to  start  a  revolt  against  the  so-called  intelli- 
gentsia, was  it  not? 

General  Komorowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  was  chculated  in  September  1939. 

General  Komorowski.  Yes,  I  know  very  well.  I  not  only  have 
the  original  pamplilets  in  my  hand,  but  people  coming  from  Eastern 
Poland  told  me  this  when  I  was  m  Poland. 

Mr.  Flood.  General,  have  you  received  any  promises  of  emolu- 
ments of  any  kind  from  anybody  for  appearing  here  today  and 

General  Komorowski.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Then  the  committee  wish  to  say  to  3"ou  that  we  are  very 
pleased  that  a  distinguished  witness  of  your  caliber  would  be  interested 
in  these  proceedings.  We  laiow  you  are.  We  thank  you  for  giving 
your  time  and  effort  to  come  here  to  help  us  to  solve  this  matter.  The 
committee  appreciate  your  appearance  very  much  indeed. 

General  Komorowski.  Thank  you. 

Mr.  Flood.  General,  will  you  please  give  your  name  and  your 
present  address? 

General  Kukiel.  Lieutenant  General  Marian  Kukiel,  55  Arthur 
Road,  London,  S.  W.  19. 

Mr.  Flood.  Before  you  make  your  statement,  it  is  our  wish  that 
you  be  advised  that  you  would  run  the  risk  of  actions  in  any  court  by 
anyone  who  considered  he  had  suffered  injury.  At  the  same  time,  I 
wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the  Government  of  the  L^nited  States 
and  the  House  of  Representatives  do  not  assume  any  responsibility 
in  your  behalf  with  respect  to  libel  or  slander  proceedings  which  may 
arise  as  a  result  of  your  testimony.     Do  you  understand  that,  General? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  stand  and  be  sworn  then.  You  swear  by 
God  the  Almighty  and  Omniscient,  that  you  will,  according  to  your 
best  knowledge,  tell  the  pure  truth  and  you  will  not  conceal  anything. 
so  help  you  God. 

General  Kukiel.  Yes. 


Mr.  Flood.  What  is  your  full  name? 

General  Kukiel.  Marian  Kukiel. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  at  any  time  identified  with  the  Polish  armed 

General  Kukiel.  I  have  served  in  the  Polish  armed  forces  smce 
they  were  reconstituted  in  Poland  in  1918  and  before  in  the  Polisli 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  your  rank? 

General  Kukiel.   Lieutenant  colonel. 

Mr.  Flood.  Where  were  3^ou  serving  at  the  time  you  first  heard  of 
the  Katyn  matter? 

General  Kukiel.  I  was  at  that  time  Minister  of  National  Defense 
in  our  Government  in  London — in  General  Sikoi-ski's  Government. 


Mr.  Flood.  T^liere  were  you  serving  and  in  what  capacity  in  the 
late  summer  of  1941  after  the  rapprochement  between  the  Soviet  and 
the  PoHsh  Governments? 

General  Kukiel.  At  that  time  I  was  still  in  command  of  the  First 
Army  Corps  in  Scotland  and  I  was  not  in  London;  but  I  had  been  since 
many  decades  a  close  friend  of  General  Sikorski.  I  can  say  I  enjoyed 
his  confidence  and  friendship.  I  was  informed  about  all  his  important 
troubles,  his  ordeals,  his  difficulties;  and  I  knew  very  well  his  approach 
to  the  problem  of  Polish  war  prisoners  in  Russia  already  since  1939, 
because  when  our  Goverim:ient  and  our  high  command  were  reconsti- 
tuted in  France,  in  Paris,  we  already  knew  what  happened:  that  the 
Russians,  the  Soviets,  have  rounded  up  big  masses  of  Polish  officers, 
that  they  have  violated  the  convention  of  IjWOw,  because  Lwow  has 
surrendered  to  the  Soviets  on  September  22,  and  there  was  a  conven- 
tion in  which  the  Soviets  insured  to  the  officers  the  right  of  free  move- 
ment and  the  right  of  leaving  Poland  for  another  country  to  fight  on. 
It  was  in  the  capitulation,  and  it  was  violated;  they  had  been  marched 

In  the  month  of  January  1940  I  think  we  already  had  news  about 
the  situation  of  the  big  masses  of  Polish  officers.  They  were  brought 
by  thi'ee  of  them,  who  m.anaged  to  escape  and  to  reach  General  Sikor- 
ski and  other  headquarters  in  Paris.  They  were,  I  thinlv,  Colonel 
Lewicki,  Major  Kosuczki,  and  Captain  Kiedacz.  They  escaped  from 
a  great  transit  camp  at  Szepietowka  in  the  Russian  part  of  Wolynia. 
They  reported  that  the  prisoners  are  starving,  are  freezing,  they  are 
deprivecl  of  any  m_edical  help  and  entirely  cut  off  from,  any  contact 
with  the  homeland.  It  was  perhaps  the  first  stage  before  they  were 
transported  later  to  the  three  camps,  Kozielsk,  Ostashkov,  and 
Starobielsk,  but  General  Silvorski  was  extrem.ely  depressed  by  the 
news,  and  he  decided  to  do  all  he  could  to  help  them_,  to  try  to  get 
an  intervention  from  the  Western  Powers,  and  especiall}^  from,  the 
United  States.  We  had  approached  the  United  States  Am.bassador, 
whose  Government  was  our  great  and  generous  friend,  Mr.  Biddle; 
and  I  arranged  a  conference  in  our  Em.bassy  in  Paris  of  our  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  M.  Zallski.  I  had  the  opportunity  to  inform.  Am.- 
bassador  Biddle  of  the  situation  of  our  war  prisoners  of  the  many 
thousands — we  did  not  know  exactly  the  number — and  he  promised 
to  appeal  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  for  an  intervention. 
After,  during  the  years  1940  and  1941,  that  idea,  that  1  m.illion  or  so 
Poles  are  deported  to  Russia  and  that  our  v/ar  prisoners  are  in  Russian 
hands  probably  in  appalling  conditions,  haunted  General  Sikorski. 
It  greatly  influenced  his  attitude  during  negotiations  with  the  Rus- 
sians and  with  the  British  Foreign  Office  for  concluding  a  pact  with 
Soviet  Russia.  Later  on,  when  he  already  knew  that  m.asses  of 
Poles  are  released  from,  prisons  and  from  concentration  camps  from 
"Lagry"  and  that  they  joined  the  arm.y,  he  told  m.e  with  great  emo- 
tion: "You  know  that  in  those  difficult  days  of  July  1941,  I  was  not 
so  sure  if  it  is  right  that  I  am  concluding  the  pact,  that  perhaps  by 
waiting  we  could  m.ake  it  better  than  it  was;  but  I  had  the  im.pres- 
sion  of  hearing  the  voices  of  masses  of  people  who  are  begging  m.e: 
'Hurry;  do  not  wait;  we  are  perishing.'  "  Certainly  it  was  one  of 
the  most  important  factors  of  his  decisions. 

I  v/as  here  in  London  at  the  end  of  the  year  1941,  appointed  hj 
General  Sikorski  for  the  time  of  his  journey  to  Moscow  as  his  deputy, 

93744—52 — pt.  4 16 


deputizing  for  him  as  Minister  of  Defense,  of  Military  Affairs,  and 
commander  in  ciiief;  and,  of  course,  I  was  informed  of  exactly  what 
happened  at  that  time  in  Russia.  I  already  knew  that  there  is  a  great 
problem  of  many  thousands  of  Polish  officers  who  simply  disappeared ; 
that  the  list  is  already  being  established  by  General  Anders  and  his 
officers,  and  that  it  is  a  very  great  problem.  Then  in  the  account  of 
the  conversation  of  General  Silorski  with  Stalin  and  Anders  and  Kot, 
we  were  together  with  him,  with  Stalin  at  the  Kremlin,  and  I  noticed 
Stalin's  words  that  probably  they  escaped  to  Manchuria.  I  got  a 
very  disagreeable  impression;  it  sounded  like  mockery,  Uko  a  quite 
sinister  joke.  At  that  time — it  was  still  before  Tehran — we  did  not 
realize  that  that  Idnd  of  humor  was  peculiar  to  Mr.  Stalin.  At 
Tehran  there  was  a  memorable  scene  when  Stalin  at  dinner  with 
President  Roosevelt  and  Mr.  Churchill  proposed  a  toast  to  the  40,000 
or  50,000  German  officers  who  must  be  shot. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Was  it  at  Yalta? 

General  Kukiel.  It  is  spoken  of  in  Mr.  Churcliill's  memoirs. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Where;  was  it  at  Tehran  where  that  proposal  was 
made  by  Stalin? 

General  Kukiel.  No;  but  I  have  got  it  confirmed  before  by  our 
Prime  Minister  of  the  year  1944,  Mr.  Mikolajczyk,  who  was  heard  the 
same  story  almost  exactly  as  it  is  presented  by  Mr,  Churcliill  from 
President  Roosevelt  himself  and  told  me  long  before  I  have  road  it  in 
Mr.  Churcliill's  memoirs.  So  it  seems  for  me  quite  sure  that  Stalin 
really  spoke  about  shooting  40,000  German  officers.  It  is  true  that 
when  Mr.  Churchill  left  the  room  upset  at  that  land  of  joke,  he  was 
joined  by  Stalin,  who  embraced  liim  and  assured  liim  that  it  is  a  mere 

Mr.  Flood.  General,  that  is  very  interesting,  but  I  would  like  to 
get  you  back  to  your  official  connection  with  any  conversations  or 
any  communications  that  you  had  in  any  official  capacity  at  any 
time  and  any  place  in  connection  with  Katyn. 

General  Kukiel.  Yes,  I  shall  do  so.  I  can  only  tell  you  that  our 
anxiety  about  the  fate  of  those  missing  Polish  officers  was  increasing 
during  the  year  1942,  and  at  that  time  we  stiU  had  some  hope  that 
they  were  somewhere  in  the  most  distant  parts  of  Siberia,  in  the 
Arctic  regions,  and  that  they  could  not  be  ever  liberated  from  those 
parts  of  Siberia  during  the  wintertime,  that  possibly  they  can  reappear 
in  the  summertime;  but  those  hopes  were  deceived.  If  I  recollect, 
now  the  Russian  replies  to  our  questions  and  notes,  I  have  the  im- 
pression that  they  already  have  told  us:  "Do  not  insist  more.  Their 
fate  is  closed."  I  get  the  impression  now  that  it  was  the  sense  of  all 
those  replies;  for  instance,  if  Mr.  Bogomolow  insists  that  they  have 
released  all  the  prisoners  they  have,  it  is  genuine.  He  thinks  prob- 
al^ly  he  was  directed  to  tell  that  there  are  no  more  Polish  officers  war 
prisoners  to  be  released,  that  they  do  not  exist;  but  at  that  time  we 
could  not  yet  follow  that  course  of  thinking. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  have  any  direct  communications  with  Bogo- 
molow yourself? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Where? 

General  Kukiel.  Here  in  London  when  he  was  appointed. 


Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  talk  to  Bogomolow;  about  the  missing  Polish 

General  Kukiel.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  In  London? 

General  Kukiel.  In  London. 

Mr.  Flood.  About  how  many  times? 

General  Kukiel.  I  was  appointed  at  the  end  of  the  month  of 
September,  Minister  of  Military  Affairs. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wliat  year? 

General  Kukiel.  1942.  I  came  to  London.  By  October  12  I 
had  already  taken  over.  Immediately  I  got  an  invitation  from 
Mr.  Bogomolow  and  we  had  a  long  talk  on  October  19.  It  lasted 
for  3  hours,  and  an  account  of  this  talk  was  written  immediately  after, 
the  same  afternoon,  and  given  to  General  Sikorsld. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  mentioned  that  at  this  conversation  the  first 
conversation  you  had  with  Bogomolow  in  London,  as  soon  as  the 
conversation  was  ovej,  you  had  transcribed  into  writing  the  minutes 
of  that  conversation? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes;  and  I  sent  it  to  General  Sikorsld. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  have  a  copy  of  those  minutes  with  you? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  now  ask  the  stenographer  to  mark  for  identification 
exhibits  29  and  30.  Exhibit  29  purports  to  be  a  copy  of  the  minutes 
of  the  conversation  just  described,  and  exhibit  30  is  a  photostatic  copy 
of  that  instrument. 

(Copy  of  minutes  and  photostatic  copy  of  minutes  referred  to  were 
marked  "Exhibit  29"  and  ''Exhibit  30."  After  proper  identification, 
exhibit  29,  the  original  copy  of  the  report,  was  returned  to  the  witness, 
;and  the  photostatic  copy,  exhibit  30,  is  shown  beloM^:) 



Exhibit  30 

Mwa«sf»  *^  tss«.l«S«^  gay  -»i&3nxj^  aaJy  f«*wK^»a  if<»y>ki  «'ti^  aa  S^r!>«r41, 

»tJi5r  tA  sa*ft'ii»»4^  ^sfjife  j^ww&stift  V?**  pad  ii»!ss>5»  krA  aJwsw,  Jtt6«*y 
i^sJawjfaeao  Sift  Xk>s&yJ»ii  *tS«®«>wl8  al?  »a«snet  all?.   ?«iJ}Er«aiaea  a«m»»  S» 

3ry«<M>4tn  TOisfKiiM  iotntetwe  1  to«a4  jj««(*»r<i«4  n»»»2y  n*.  tSfogif  w»Ji^  »»««>- 
?0^s»»a  l«feten    -ftloiiwle  -volrj^jii  asa^e  KU«a»c'ti.    Tray 

j»^8«J§2«a  ;S!*<>t>i«a«  n«»B5Vsi  >«««ers  iwfllckloii,  ««  twssxv  ^w«*  «aoiil*o.i5l  n« 

Kftaaytth  je' cacti  t  pO£  orowy <^   r^^-iialosf  Oiistyl*  <3iEi  not  ay^SwRionjeii 
^anaos!>-cS».   "  «yr««nyai  ss»aai»ol«snJ«3  axt^wt  lat  o  ii«oXfstenl<i  (usiwyoti  f«nk- 

5Hjlwlok  elccjo  polaic  ja-^eei*-  nii  «»«!V<<«»k».    'rz«-j^i«!a  tan  «s<w«r6«di  i 
t«ieii  eosiiCMsfdl^V. 

j>r««d  tya,  «  upor«8a  »yposi!in«i  nps,;^  j»*w>>?.    '*t*M  tyio  wyr>rsfr':'  stj  .««»- 





t»  »ap6ifi«:J*l«Rtu  «»  v«sc3ia»4  'Wi<».  0%ien«4»ii!iis,  &»  oo  ^  ^^-wsazSoAei 

jjsjws^*.   ^^  »p  $sr5^I,«!!9»ty  -tfirtiijii^f^so^l.  *j9  si^i  ri«J«s&5i  s^raisy  iwaRjpeli 
iwiiC^w,  i^SBai'iOds,  isoSwrojgfi^i.  SegoQOfcwf  teti*tti  «ij  jis-»b«>1w  jxwirftowiitt 
^  tjsetfi  ajir«»  -  ^i^y  swig;  »t^   St«l«i*aE«%  s«  jii»  lyl^irj-  tegs  ««J»go 

aya  wSrVft^lfe®  w  5«ieJ»»fc.  ''oe Jt  jeat  <t<^.i&»3a9nlf  t»Ksre«f»i«  elf  n«  trre- 
jiosiwarJmw  «»  &s1ibSo  jc*K;a8  powji^  ttmiltimia&i    'g»a,-y«t>i»»'Jtis»K/,  fcts.'?*^ 

stiardirai  tsiJoftnji  i  &<?  ai*  si*  lofe  w  ■■X^saBS/et^i  eni  w  Pelacft,  isvrjt^ea  jsk- 

Se  }i£ruj»K«;<y  fee  sjawj^j'  «ic  ^  ta,  1?y  drs&nltS,  -©iST^aBsr  tji«er«jU*,  jsla  po 

.Aj»b«a«agr  «5'osssr-i3f'}ij'  supeinis,  J<«^w«  si?  /p»  3  1/2 
^'^*»s!K*o«»  «r  cstoi^  s>o»y  toe^'l«  si?  po-  JV«»«'.>aic«t,  prEy 
a<xra  aafacB©  rosuatalatV** 




»c»«j«b  mlffiyr  u»»S«i  «a  ■U»««a«l8;^  I  4*  ro^jjJcw  »4«,  i«  ?»3Fgi»ijli. 
7Ma»s)tsstf  &•  oai*  jaT-sl«  roa^sots*  ttyir:it>  ■>d'j  «  t!>- 

L-wiajTO,  *»4«k  at  nmMtAarti,  1845!  r«_ 


[Trans'ation  copy] 

Conversation  of  Lieutenant  General  Kukiel,  Polish  Minister  of  AA'ar 
With   Soviet  Ambassador  Bogomolov  on  the   19th   of   October   1942 

The  conversation  followed  a  lunch  to  which  Ambassador  Bogomolov  had 
invited  me. 

I  was  shown  into  a  very  modest  dining  room.  The  table  was  laid  for  two. 
A  few  seconds  later  the  Ambassador  entered.  An  exchange  of  courtesies.  We 
immediately  sat  down  to  table.  A  modest  dinner — "homely,"  similar  to  what 
one  would  expect  to  get  in  a  middle-class  Polish  home.  Wine — without  forcing 
you  to  drink  it.  Russian  servants.  Conversation  initially  indifferent — "social", 
graduall}^  turns  to  military — historical  and  historically-political  subjects.  Strong 
focus  on  the  problem  of  how  to  end  the  war  in  the  quickest  way. 

In  a  mood  of  exceptional  frankness  Amb.  Bogomolov  speaks  to  me  about  the 
threat  to  the  world  which  would  arise  if  the  Germans  were  let  to  run  Russia  down. 
What  will  happen  if  they  lay  hands  on  the  entire  Russian  industry  including 
Siberia  which  taken  together  were  even  greater  than  the  German  industry? 
They  would  become  invincible.  It  seems  that  such  a  possibility  is  seriously  taken 
into  account.  No  word  about  any  hope  of  beating  off  the  onslought  by  their  own 
means.  I  strongly  stress  that  a  swift  ending  of  the  war  by  means  of  an  attack 
coming  from  the  West  is  just  as  much  a  matter  of  existance  to  Poland,  that  in  that 
respect  our  aims  are  absolutely  concurrent.     He  strongly  confirms. 

Talk  about  the  possibilities  of  an  offensive  in  the  West.  He  does  not  count 
much  on  the  African  offensive  having  a  decisive  influence  on  the  progress  of  war. 

Talk  about  the  future  of  Germany.  I  avoid  the  answer  to  the  problem  of 
what  is  to  be  done  with  their  industry  without  which  they  cannot  exist.  I  refer 
this  worry  to  more  competent  authorities. 

It  strikes  me  that  when  I  pay  a  compliment  to  the  Soviet  Union  for  having 
applied  the  theory  of  modern  warfare  long  before  the  Germans  did  in  respect  of 
motorisation,  development  of  air-force  and  of  armour — Bogomolov  tries  to  evade 
this  issue  and  to  imply  that  it  was  only  because  they  had  information  of  what  the 
Germans  were  preparing.  He  pretends  not  to  understand  when  I  point  out  the 
chronological  order  of  events. 

The  conversation  barely  touches  upon  our  own  problems.  During  coffee  [which 
is  served  without  our  moving  from  the  table],  Col.  Sizov  joins  us.  He  has  been 
invited  to  do  so.  Brisk  conversation  about  the  Polish  Corps,  about  tanks,  etc., 
about  our  Arm}'  in  the  Near  East.  I  underline  with  emphasis  that  it  was  the  will 
of  our  Government  to  let  it  remain  in  Russia  and  fight  arm  to  arm.  That  we 
regret  that  in  view  of  the  food  and  armament  situation  the  Soviet  Government 
had  been  induced  to  suggest  its  evacuation. 

In  spite  of  my  adverse  situation  [I  have  no  witness — he  has],  I  turn  the  conversa- 
tion to  topical  problems.  I  frankly  tell  him  about  the  seriousness  of  the  problem 
I  have  taken  over:  the  question  of  our  men-power  reserves.  That  we  have  great 
possibilities  on  the  Continent,  but  that  at  that  very  moment  the  only  accessible 
reserves  on  which  we  have  the  right  to  count  are  those  in  their  hands.  I  speak 
about  our  8,000  missing  officers,  about  our  prisoners  and  recruits.  Bogomolov 
refers  me  to  the  notes  exchanged  on  this  subject.  I  stress  the  importance  of  this 
matter  for  future  development  of  our  friendly  relations.  He  tells  me  with  visible 
pleasure  about  the  release  of  our  officials  and  delegates.  I  claim  the  remaining  16. 
He  mutters  something  about  their  being  very  suspect.  I  firmly  assure  him  that 
there  is  absolutely  no  question  of  anything  being  undertaken  over  there  which 
would  be  in  any  way  hostile  towards  them.  I  assume  a  tone  of  sincere  frankness. 
I  stress  that  I  am  speaking  now  as  a  Polish  citizen  to  Soviet  citizens. 

Bogomolov  embarks  on  a  number  of  counter-attacks.  Already  before  he 
obstinately  reproved  our  press.  It  was  easy  for  me  to  disown  Mackiewicz  and 
Nowakowski,  although  as  to  the  latter  he  comes  back  with  the  charge  that  his 
stuff  is  printed  on  paper  supplied  by  Minister  Strodski.  He  does  not  like  the 
"Polska  Walcz^ca"  ["Fighting  Poland"]. — [He  does  not  specify  what  he  has 
actually  in  mind  and  I  do  not  wish  to  press  him  about  it.]  Then  he  turns  his  guns 
against  Chairman  Grabski  and  the  latter's  statement  about  the  role  of  Poland  as 
a  barrier  aga,inst  both  the  Nazi  and  Soviet  totalisms.  He  quotes  the  entire 
passage  from  memory.  He  stresses  the  importance  of  this  statement  as  coming 
from  the  Chairman  of  the  National  Council.  In  the  matter  of  Strofiski  and 
Grabski  I  retort  by  quoting  facts  which  prove  their  constant  policy  of  recon- 
ciliation with  Russia. 

A  long  and  lively  conversation  follows  which  covers  the  whole  period  of  our 
relations  from  the  Treaty  of  Riga  which  I  claim  to  have  been  an  act  of  conciliation 


and  moderation  on  our  part:  we  asked  for  less  than  what  the  Council  of  People's 
Commissars  had  offered  to  us  previously.  A  lively  impetuous  duel  of  facts. 
Bogomolov  attacks  Pilsudski  and  Beck.  I  retort  as  their  former  adversary 
[Bogomolov  confirms:  he  knows  I  had  left  the  Army  in  1927]  that,  after  all,  they 
refused  to  enter  into  collaboration  with  the  Germans  against  Russia.  Bogomolov 
acknowledges  this  and  gives  a  most  pertinent  description  of  the  policy  of  the 
'"balance  of  powers."  After  which  he  suggests  to  leave  history  aside:  we  dis- 
membered you,  you  raided  Moscow  twice,  you  assaulted  us  during  the  civil  war — 
if  we  constantly  accuse  one  another  of  these  deeds  it  will  not  do  us  any  good  in 
furthering  our  present  common  fight.  I  answer  that  in  respect  of  the  past  we 
should  adopt  the  maxim  of  their  Tsar  Alexander  the  I,  who  said:  "Passons 
I'eponge  sur  le  passe."  But  there  exist  present  day  problems.  I  count  as  such 
the  question  of  our  prisoners,  deportees  and  recruits.  Bogomolov  resists  to  be 
drawn  back  into  discussing  these  matters  once  again — he  refers  me  to  the  notes 
etc.  I  insist  and  declare  that  all  this  problem  would  have  never  arisen  if  they 
had  not  deported  all  these  masses  of  Poles  to  Russia.  Now  they  have  in  fact 
become  a  problem  which  must  be  solved  for  the  sake  of  future  relations  between 
the  two  nations. 

Bogomolov  is  obviously  tired  and  has  become  nervous.  He  tells  about  how 
much  Russia  had  done  for  us.  That  for  the  first  time  in  history  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R. 
institutions  of  a  foreign  State  had  been  allowed  to  operate  and  take  care  of  groups 
of  people  on  Soviet  territory;  that  it  was  the  only  instance  in  the  history  of  Russia 
that  a  foreign  independent  army  was  being  allowed  to  organise  itself  on  Russian 
territory.  That  instead  of  appreciation  they  hear  nothing  but  reproaches  and 
recriminations.  He  includes  among  these  the  terms  of  co-operation  recently 
placed  before  him  by  a  very  well  known  personage  whose  name  he  vrould  rather 
not  mention  [Gen.  Januszajtis].  Stubbornly,  I  drive  the  conversation  back  to  the 
problem  of  the  missing  prisoners  from  Starobielsk,  Kozielsk  and  Ostaszkow.  A 
lively  exchange  of  words.  I  am  told  that  they  had  probably  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  Germans.  I  declare  that  we  know  that  they  had  been  transferred  from 
their  camps  in  the  spring  and  that  they  are  neither  in  Germany  nor  Poland. 
I  express  the  hope  that  I  will  be  shortly  in  a  position  to  give  the  Ambassador  some 
indication  which  might  be  helpful  in  the  search.  He  does  not  answer — depressed 
and — I  should  even  say — alarmingly  helpless. 

I  develop  the  question  of  recruitment.  Bogomolov  thought  that  these  matters 
were  going  to  be  dealt  with  b.y  Amb.  Romer  in  Moscow.  I  strongly  stress  that 
we  are  raising  these  questions  not  in  order  to  irritate,  "pour  chercher  querelle" 
but  in  order  to  remove  the  obstacles,  to  deepen  our  friendship  and  co-operation, 
which  the  Government  of  Sikorski  is  anxious  to  consolidate.  Do  help  us  in  this 
aim — aidez  nous. 

The  Ambassador  is  completely  exhausted  /  after  two  and  a  half  hours  of  con- 
versation /.     A  few  warm  sentences  and  assurances  of  mutual  friendship. 

/  The  conversation  while  we  were  alone  was  carried  in  French,  in  the  presence 
of  Sizov  the  Ambassador  spoke  in  Russian,  I  spoke  in  English  to  Sizov,  in  French 
to  the  Ambassador  who  next  translated  whole  passages  to  Sizov;  I  understood 
well  everything  the  Ambassador  said  /. 

My  general  impression  is  that  by  "turning  the  light"  on  a  new  member  of  our 
Government  they  wanted  to  sound  out  the  future  course  of  our  attitude  towards 
them,  because  of  their  playing  with  the  idea  of  changing  their  own  attitude  to- 
wards us  to — I  think — a  more  conciliatory  one. 

I  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  in  the  case  of  our  8,000  officers,  luifortunately , 
all  hope  should  be  abandoned,  and  that  Bogomolov  knows  that  they  have  perished. 

I  should  add  that  the  whole  conversation  was  carried  out  in  a  very  fri'Midlv  tone. 
The  Ambassador  gives  the  impression  of  a  very  intelligent  man,  well  disposed 
towards  us  and  ratlier  embarrassed  by  his  difficult  position.  Col.  Sizov,  except 
for  a  moment  when  the  conversation  turned  to  technical  problems,  spoke  little 
and  only  by  nodding  from  time  to  time  showed  his  approval  to  what  Bogonioov 
was  saying. 

As  to  myself,  I  tried  to  give  the  impression  of  the  sincerity  and  streightfor- 
wardness  of  our  attitude  towards  Russia,  stressing  at  the  same  time  our  stub- 
bornness in  claiming  our  rights  and  insisting  on  the  f\ilfilment  of  our  requests. 

/     M.  Kukiel,  Fieut.  Gen.     / 

London,  the  20-th  of  October,  1942. 


Mr.  Flood.  I  show  the  witness  exhibits  29  and  30  and  ask  him 
whether  or  not  exhibit  29  is  an  authentic  and  exact  copy  of  the  minutes 
of  the  conversation  he  has  just  described  and  whether  or  not  exhibit  30 
is  a  photostatic  and  exact  reproduction  of  exhibit  29. 

General  Kukiel.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  describe  for  us  the  general  thought,  without 
too  much  detail  but  the  general  substance,  of  the  conversation  of 
which  these  exhibits  are  minutes? 

General  Kukiel.  Before  the  conversation,  I  was  instructed  by 
General  Sikorski  to  raise  the  problem  of  ths  missing  officers,  and  also 
the  problem  of  continuing  our  recruiting  of  other  country-men  who 
still  remained  in  Russia  for  our  Polish  Forces,  although  our  army  of 
General  Anders  had  already  left  Russia.  So,  the  two  items  came  into 
the  foreground  of  our  very  long  discussion. 

Mr.  Flood.  General,  what  is  the  gist  of  the  subject  matter  in  these 
papers  that  you  handed  me  with  reference  to  the  missing  Polish 
officers?    That  is  w^hat  we  want  to  know  about  today. 

General  Kukiel.  Upon  the  myster}^  of  the  disappearance  of  big- 
masses  of  our  officers,  I  was  told  once  more  that  all  had  been  released. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  is  by  Bogomolow? 

General  Kukiel.  By  Bogomolow.  I  tried  to  convince  him  that 
it  was  not  true,  because  we  have  the  lists.  He  raised  the  suggestion 
that  probably  they  were  dispersed  somewhere.  I  assured  him  that 
it  is  quite  not  possible;  they  would  be  found  b}'  the  authorities;  they 
must  be  somewhere  in  Russia  in  their  hands.  He  had  another  sug- 
gestion: that  possibly  they  fell  in  German  hands.  I  told  him  that 
is  not  possible  because  they  were  liberated  long  before  in  the  spring 
of  the  year  1940  from  their  camps  and  evacuated,  surely,  somewhere 
to  the  east;  not  to  the  west.  He  had  nothing  to  answer,  but  two  or 
three  times  he  repeated  a  suggestion  that  it  is  enough  to  speak  about 
the  past;  we  must  think  about  the  common  future.  I  replied  that 
it  is  not  a  past  affair  for  us;  it  is  our  present  and  our  future  of  our 
officers  who  are  still  there.  We  were  tired  by  the  long  discussion, 
and  I  made  a  suggestion  that  perhaps  we  shall  be  able  to  supply 
him  with  some  indications  about  the  place  where  they  last  had  been 
contacted  or  seen,  and  I  observed  a  change  in  his  attitude;  he  was 
greatly  upset.  The  conversation,  which  was  a  very  friendly  one, 
broke  somewhat  abruptly,  but  we  parted  on  the  best  terms.  But, 
when  I  analyzed  what  I  had  heard,  I  got  the  impression  I  have  put 
down  in  my  account:  that  Bogomolow  behaved  as  if  our  officers  were 
no  more  alive. 

Mr.  Flood.  General,  in  1943,  did  you  attend  a  meeting  of  the 
Councils  of  the  Ministers  of  the  Polish  Government  in  London 
between  April  15  and  April  17? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  which  time  it  was  decided,  for  many  reasons,  to 
bring  the  matter  of  Katyn  to  the  attention  of  the  International  Reil 

General  Kukiel.  Yes.  The  news  about  the  discovery  of  the  Katyji 
graves  we  got  during  the  day  of  April  14th,  and,  of  course,  w^e  were 
under  a  very  strong  impression  from  what  we  heard,  but  we  did  not 
suspect  a  mass  murder;  we  had  several  other  suspicions  as  to  the 
fate  of  our  soldiers,  but  we  could  not  understand  what  could  be  the 


Mr.  Flood.  After  the  Germans  made  their  announcement  on  April 
15th  and  after  the  Russians  made  their  counterannouncement  on 
April  17th,  did  you  participate  i]i  the  action  of  the  Polish  Government 
in  requesting  the  International  Red  Cross  to  make  an  investigation? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes.  I  shall  tell  exactly  the  dates  of  our  decisions. 
During  the  day  of  14th  we  had  only  the  German  news  about  the 
discovery  of  the  graves.  I  think  that  on  the  14th  or  early  15th  there 
already  was  the  first  Soviet  communique  about  the  German  lies,  and 
they  thought  that  the  Germans  were  liars.  The  Russians  maintained 
that  there  were  at  this  place  archeological  discoveries,  a  prehistoric 
cemetery  at  Gniezdovo.  Of  course,  when  compared  with  the  German 
text,  it  was  evident  that  the  Soviets  has  nothing  to  answer  but  to  speak 
archeologically,  and  from  the  German  information  it  was  already  clear 
that  the  corpses  were  not  archeology  but  bodies  of  our  comrades  in 

Mr.  Flood.  I  want  to  know  if  you  are  aware  of  any  conmiunications 
addressed  by  the  Polish  Government  in  London  in  April  to  the  Inter- 
national Red  Cross  in  Geneva.     Do  you  know  about  that? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Was  there  one? 

General  Kukiel.  It  was  decided  on  April  15th  in  the  morning  at  a 
session  of  the  Political  Committee  of  our  Cabinet.  General  Sikorski 
presiding,  and  we  all  who  attended  had  the  conviction  that  we  must 
react  and  immediately  react  to  the  German  communique,  but  only 
because  we  cannot  rely  upon  all  what  the  Germans  say  to  take  further 
action;  we  must  appeal  to  the  only  international  authority  or  institu- 
tion which  still  is  able  to  intervene — it  is  the  International  Red 
Cross.  General  Sikorsld  decided  that  approach  must  be  made  hj  the 
Minister  of  National  Defense,  by  myself  as  the  Minister  responsible 
for  the  problems  of  the  war  prisoners;  and  so  I  was  directed  to  sign  a 
communique  which  would  be  published  that  our  Government  had 
approached  the  International  Red  Cross,  asking  for  investigation  of  the 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  have  a  copy  of  that  communique? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes;  it  was  published.  It  is  the  communique 
dated  17th.  Three  Ministers  had  to  cooperate  on  the  text  of  the  com- 
munique— the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  the  Minister  of  Information, 
and  myself — and  we  have  together  established  the  final  text  on  April 
16th  before  noon;  we  have  signed  the  draft  and  I  brought  it  to  General 
Sikoreki,  who  had  to  change  the  words  and  signed  it,  too.  So,  it  was 
his  decision,  but  it  was  published  as  my  communique  of  the  Minister 
of  National  Defense.     I  have  the  document  here. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  document  will  be  marked  "Exhibit  30-A"  and 
submitted  into  the  record  at  this  point. 

Exhibit  30A 

Communique  Issued  on  April  17,  1943,  by  the  Polish  Minister  of  National 
Defense  Concerning  the  P'ate  of  Polish  Prisoners  of  War  in  the  Camps 
OF  Kozielsk,  Starobielsk,  and  Ostashkov 

London,  April  17,  194S. 
On  September  17,   1940,  the  official  organ  of  the  Red  army,  the  Red  Star, 

stated  that  during  the  figliting  which  took  place  after  September  17,  1939,  181,000 

Polish  prisoners  of  war  were  taken  by  the  Soviets.     Of  this  number  about  10,000 

were  officers  of  the  regular  army  and  reserve. 


According  to  information  in  possession  of  the  Polish  Government,  three  large 
camps  of  Polish  prisoners  of  war  were  set  up  in  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  in  November  1939: 
(1)  in  Kozielsk,  east  of  Smolensk;  (2)  in  Starobielsk,  near  Kharkov;  and  (3)  in 
Ostashkov,  near  Kalinin,  where  police  and  military  police  were  concentrated. 

At  the  beginning  of  1940  the  camp  authorities  informed  the  prisoners  in  all 
three  camps  that  all  camps  were  about  to  be  broken  up;  that  prisoners  of  war  would 
be  allowed  to  return  to  their  families  and,  allegedly  for  this  purpose,  lists  of  places 
to  which  individual  prisoners  wished  to  go  after  their  release  were  made. 

At  that  time  there  were — ■ 

(1)  In  Kozielsk,  about  5,000  men,  including  some  4,500  officers. 

(2)  In  Starobielsk,  about  3,920  men,  including  100  civilians;  the  rest  were 
officers  of  whom  up  to  400  were  medical  officers. 

(3)  In  Ostashkov,  about  6,570  men,  including  some  380  officers. 

On  April  5,  1940,  the  breaking  up  of  these  camps  was  begun,  and  groups  of  60 
to  300  men  were  removed  from  them  every  few  days  until  the  middle  of  May. 
From  Kozielsk  they  were  sent  in  the  direction  of  Smolensk.  About  400  people 
only  were  moved  from  all  the  three  camps  in  June  1940  to  Griazovetz  in  the 
Vologda  district. 

When  after  the  conclusion  of  the  Polish-Soviet  Treaty  of  July  30,  1941,  and  the 
signing  of  the  military  agreement  of  August  14,  1941,  the  Polish  Government 
proceeded  to  form  the  Polish  Army  in  the  U.  S.  S.  R.,  it  was  expected  that  the 
officers  from  the  above-mentioned  camps  would  form  the  cadres  of  senior  and  junior 
officers  of  the  army  information.  At  the  end  of  August  1941,  a  group  of  Polish 
officers  from  Griazovetz  amved  to  join  the  Polish  units  in  Buzuluk.  Not  one 
officer,  hoM'ever,  among  those  deported  in  other  directions  from  Kozielsk,  Staro- 
bielsk, and  Ostashkov  appeared.  In  all,  therefore,  about  8,300  officers  were  miss- 
ing, not  counting  another  7,000  n.  c.  o.'s,  soldiers,  and  civilians  who  were  in  those 
camps  when  they  were  broken  up. 

Ambassador  Kot  and  General  Anders,  perturbed  by  this  state  of  affairs,  ad- 
dressed to  the  competent  Soviet  authorities  inquiries  and  representations  about 
the  fate  of  the  Polish  officers  from  the  above-mentioned  camps. 

In  a  conversation  with  Mr.  Vishinsky,  People's  Commissar  for  Foreign  Affairs, 
On  October  6,  1941,  Ambassador  Kot  asked  what  had  happened  to  the  missing 
officers.  Mr.  Vishinsky  answered  that  all  prisoners  of  war  had  been  freed  from  the 
camps  and,  therefore,  they  must  be  at  liberty. 

In  October  and  November,  in  his  conversations  with  Premier  Stalin,  Mr. 
Molotov,  and  Mr.  Vishinsky,  the  Ambassador  on  various  occasions  returned  to 
the  question  of  the  prisoners  of  war  and  insisted  upon  being  supplied  with  lists  of 
them,  such  lists  having  been  compiled  carefully  and  in  detail  by  the  Soviet  Gov- 

During  his  visit  to  Moscow,  Prime  Minister  Sikorski,  in  a  conversation  on 
December  3,  1941,  with  Premier  Stalin,  also  intervened  for  the  liberation  of  all 
Polish  prisoners  of  war;  and,  not  having  been  supplied  by  the  Soviet  authorities 
with  their  lists,  he  handed  to  Premier  Stalin  on  this  occasion  an  incomplete  list  of 
3,845  Polish  officers  which  their  former  fellow  prisoners  had  succeeded  in  compiling. 
Premier  Stalin  assured  General  Sikorski  that  the  amnesty  was  of  a  general  and 
universal  character  and  affected  both  militarj^  and  civilians,  and  that  the  Soviet 
Government  had  freed  all  Polish  officers.  On  March  18,  1942,  General  Anders 
handed  Premier  Stalin  a  supplementary  list  of  800  officers.  Nevertheless,  not  one 
of  the  officers  mentioned  in  either  of  these  lists  has  been  returned  to  the  Polish 

Besides  the  interventions  in  Moscow  and  Kuybyshev,  the  fate  of  Polish  prisoners 
of  war  was  the  subject  of  several  interviews  between  Minister  Raczydski  and 
Ambassador  Bogomolov.  On  January  28,  1942,  Minister  Raczynski,  in  the  name 
of  the  Polish  Government,  handed  a  note  to  Soviet  Ambassador  Bogomolov, 
drawing  his  attention  once  again  to  the  painful  fact  that  many  thousand  Polish 
officers  had  still  not  been  found. 

Ambassador  Bogomolov  informed  Minister  Racz3'l5ski  on  March  13,  1943,  that 
in  accordance  with  the  decree  of  the  Presidium  of  the  Supreme  Council  of  U.  S.  S.  R 
of  August  12,  1941,  and  in  accordance  with  the  statements  of  the  People's  Com- 
missariat for  Foreign  Affairs  of  November  8  and  19,  1941,  the  amnesty  had  been 
put  into  full  effect,  and  that  it  related  both  to  civilians  and  military. 

On  May  19,  1942,  Ambassador  Kot  sent  the  People's  Commissariat  for  Foreign 
Affairs  a  memorandum  in  which  he  expressed  his  regret  at  the  refusal  to  supply 
him  with  a  list  of  prisoners,  and  his  concern  as  to  their  fate,  emphasizing  the  high 
value  these  officers  would  have  in  military  operations  against  Germany. 


Neither  the  Polish  Government  nor  the  Polish  Embassy  in  Kuybyshev  has 
ever  received  an  answer  as  to  the  whereabouts  of  the  missing  officers  and  other 
prisoners  who  had  been  deported  from  the  three  camps  mentioned  above. 

We  have  become  accustomed  to  the  lies  of  German  propaganda  and  we  under- 
stand the  purpose  behind  its  latest  revelations.  In  view,  however,  of  abundant 
and  detailed  German  information  concerning  the  discovery  of  the  bodies  of  many 
thousands  of  Polish  officers  near  Smolensk,  and  the  categorical  statement  that 
they  were  murdered  by  the  Soviet  authorities  in  the  spring  of  1940,  the  necessity 
has  arisen  that  the  mass  graves  discovered  should  be  investigated  and  the  facts 
alleged  verified  by  a  competent  international  body,  such  as  the  International 
Red  Cross.  The  Polish  Government  has  therefore  approached  this  institution 
with  a  view  to  their  sending  a  delegation  to  the  place  where  the  massacre  of  the 
Polish  prisoners  of  war  is  said  to  have  taken  place. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  the  Red  Cross  reph'  to  that  communique? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  signed  it  as  Minister  of  Defense? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  the  Red  Cross  from  Geneva  reply  to  you?  Did 
they  answer  it  in  writing? 

General  Kukiel.  We  got  a  reply  of  the  Red  Cross  in  Geneva  on 
April  23.     It  was  already  after  the  violent  attacks. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  have  a  copy  of  that  reply? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes,  I  would  like  to  give  j^ou  the  four  documents 
which  describe  our  efforts  to  get  an  International  Red  Cross  investiga- 
tion and  their  reply. 

Mr.  Flood.  They  will  be  marked  "Exhibit  30  B,  C,  D,  and  E." 

Exhibit  30  B 

[Top  right  corner  stamped  with  a  rectangular  red  stamp  with  the  word    'IN- 
TELLIGENCE" within  the  rectangle.] 
Staff  of  C.-in-C. 
Intelligence  De-partment. 
Ref.  No.  1847/Int./43. 
In  the  field  21. IV.  1943. 

The  Ministry  of  National  Defense, 

Chief  of  Political  Department. 

delivery  of  diplomatic  note 

I  inform  about  a  cable  dated  19th  April  1943  received  from  the  Polish  Legation 
in  Berne  of  which  I  cjuote  below  excerpts  in  their  exact  wording: 

"On  April  the  17th  1943  at  4.30  p.  m.  Radziwill  delivered  a  Note  to  the  Inter- 
national Red  Cross  which  he  handed  to  Rueger  [former  Swiss  envoy  in  Rome] 
with  a  request  to  send  a  delegation  to  Smolefjsk. 

Thirty  minutes  earlier  a  similar  Note  had  been  delivered  b}'  the  German 

Rueger  told  Radziwill  that  the  the  request  will  be  taken  into  consideration 
only  because  it  had  been  received  from  both  sides.  [Memorandum  of  13  Septem- 
ber 1939.] 

Probably  on  the  20th  of  April  a  Commission  will  assemble  which  will  appoint 
the  delegation. 

I  shall  inform  of  its  composition  the  mon  ont  its  meml  ers  will  be  chosen. 

Further  details  via  the  I.  R.  C.  will  be  disclosed  after  the  return  of  the  Com- 
mission from  Smolensk. 

Within  the  I.  R.  C.  prevails  the  opinion  that  the  German  informations  are 

I  shall  watch  closely  the  whole  case  and  send  on  any  information  I  receive. 
Burcha^rd  at  present  in  Lisbon". 

Chief  of  Int._Service 

ZychoI^  mjr. 
Dossier  "S". 


Exhibit  30C 

[Translation  copy] 

[Printed  heading] 

Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs 

London,  20th  April  1943. 
For  the  President  of  the  P.  R., 
For  the  Prime  Minister  /2  copies/, 
For  the  Minister  of  National  Defence, 
Bern  No.  151. 

Acting  upon  my  instruction  Radzwill  delivered  to  the  Internationa]  Red  Cross 
the  Note  suggesting  the  sending  of  a  deleg.nte  to  Kozie  Gor}-.  The  Note  coincided 
with  an  identical  move  on  the  part  of  the  v.iermans. 

Minister  Rueger  who  received  the  Note  in  the  name  of  the  International  Red 
Cross  told  Radiwill  that  if  our  proposal  had  been  onesided  the  International 
Red  Cross  would  have  been  obliged  to  refuse  ic  on  the  strength  of  the  Memorandum 
of  the  12th  Sept.  1939.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  request  had  been  sent  in  from 
both  sides,  the  International  Red  Cross  would  examine  the  case  and  will  give  an 
an-swer  in  the  next  few  days  after  the  meeting  of  the  Committee. 


Truly  certified: 

[illegible  signature]. 

[Bottom  left  corner  stamj^ed  with  a  rectangular  stamp  bearing  the  following 
legend  and  figures,  the  latter  in  inli]: 
Office  of  the  C.-in-C.  and  of 
the  Min.  of  Nat.  Def. 
Documents:   secret- — public. 
This  day  20  month  4 
No.  356     /  year  1943 
Cert. —  Dealt  with  by: 

Exhibit  30D 

[Translation  copj'] 

[Printed  heading] 

The  ^Iinistry  of  Foreign  Affairs 

London,  21-st  April,  1943. 

For  the  President  of  the  P.  R., 
For  the  Prime  Minister  /2  copies/. 
For  the  Minister  of  National  Defence, 
Bern,  No.  154. 

The  International  Red  Cross  acknowledged  in  wTiting  the  receipt  of  the  Note 
from  Radziwill,  adding  to  its  answer  a  short  memorandum  in  which: 

1/  It  stresses  that  the  I.  R.  C.  is  studying  with  greatest  attention  the  Polish 
suggestion  and  that  it  will  not  fail  to  inform,  when  only  it  will  become  possible, 
about  the  futuie  course  it  will  be  able  to  give  to  this  matter. 

2/  That,  already  at  this  stage,  the  I.  R.  C.  is  ready  to  undertake  to  pass  on  to 
the  families  the  information  about  identified  officers  the  moment  such  information 
will  be  received. 

3/  That,  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  Memorandum  of  the  12-th  Sept. 
1939,  the  International  Red  Cross  cannot,  in  principle,  take  into  consideration 
the  pa.rticipation  in  the  technical  procedure  of  identifying  the  bodies  by  means 
of  sending  out  its  own  expeits  otherwise  than  with  the  consent  of  all  parties 

The  Germans  received  an  identical  memorandum.  No  meeting  of  the  Com- 
mittee has  yet  taken  place  and  it  is  im]3robable  that  it  will  be  held  before  the 
Easter  recess.  From  a  conversation  with  R.  it  is  apparent  that  the  I.  R.  C. 
will  postpone  the  issue  being  in  doubt  as  to  whether  it  can  undertake  an  investiga- 


tion  without  the  consent  of  the  third  party  concerned  i.  e.  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R. 
I  do  not  think  it  advisable  to  press  things  further  from  our  side  and  I  have 
agreed  with  R.  that,  for  the  time  being  I  shall  refrain  from  taking  any  new  steps. 
On  the  other  hand  I  do  think  that,  in  case  of  refusal  or  of  an  equivocal  answer, 
there  will  be  time  and  opportunity  to  take  action  and  to  obtain,  at  least  a  declara- 
tion that  the  whole  thing  had  failed  due  to  the  attitude  of  the  Soviet  side.  How- 
ever, it  must  be  reckoned  with  that  the  whole  matter  will  last  for  a  considerable 

Truly  certified:  Lado§. 

[Illegible  signature]. 

[Bottom  left   corner  stamped  with  rectangular  stamp  bearing  the  following 
legend  and  figures,  the  latter  in  ink]. 
Office  of  the  C.-in-C.  and  of  the  Min.  of  Nat.  Def. 
This  day:  22,  month  4,  No.  365/year  34, 
Cert.  Dealt  with  bv: 

Exhibit  30E 

[Translation  copy] 

The  Ministry  of  National  Defence 
Minister's  Office — Political  Dept. 
Ref.  No.  544/WP0I/43. 
Loudon,  4th  May,  1943. 

The  Minister  of  Information  and  Documentation. 
I  enclose  a  copy  of  a  note  from  the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs  dated  27.IV.1943, 
containing  information  about  the  attitude  of  the  International  Red  Cross  to  the 
suggestion  of  investigating  the  graves  near  Smolensk. 

Deputy  General  Aide-de-Camp, 

Lunkiewicz     Staff  Col. 
1  end. 

[Translation  copy] 
[Printed  heading]. 
Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

London,  the  27th  April,  1943. 

For  the  President  of  the  P.  R. 
For  the  Prime  Minister  [2  copies]. 
For  the  Minister  of  National  Defence, 

[stamped  with  a  rectangular  stamp  bearing  the  following  legend  and  figures,  the 
latter  in  ink :] 

Ministry  of  National  Defence 

This  dav  28th,  IMonth  4,  1943. 
Enclosures  1.     ASSIGNED  TO 
Ref.  1192/43. 
Bern,  No.  157. 

I  quote  below  the  text  of  a  note  from  the  International  Red  Cross  dated  22nd 
April  1943  addressed  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

"In  reference  to  our  preliminary  answer  given  to  Prince  Radziwill  on  the  20th 
of  April,  we  wish  to  exj^ress  in  the  first  place  to  Your  Excellency  how  very  grateful 
we  are  for  the  new  proof  of  appreciation  shown  to  us  by  the  Polish  Government  in 
that  it  had  ajiiiroachcd  our  Institution.  The  International  Red  Cross  is  ready  to 
api^oint  neutral  experts  provided  all  parties  concerned  will  ask  us  to  do  so  and  also 
on  the  understanding  that  it  will  be  agreed  between  the  Committee  and  the  parties 
concerned  as  to  the  "modalities"  of  the  eventual  mandate.  These  conditions  are 
in  accordance  with  the  principles  laid  down  in  reference  to  such  cases  in  the 
Memorandum  addressed  on  the  12th  Sept.  1939  to  belligerent  States  and  published 
in  the  September  1939  issue  of  "The  International  Red  Cross  Review",  and  which 
deal  with  the  possibilities  of  the  Committee's  participation  in  the  investigation. 

We  would  beg  the;  Polish  Government  to  keep  us  informed  about  such  steps 
which  will  be  undertaken  with  the  purpose  of  gaining  the  consent  of  the  Soviet 
Government  or  else  to  send  us  their  suggestions  in  this  matter. 

THE    KATYjST   forest   MASSACRE  753 

In  case  of  an  agreement  being  reached  by  the  parties  concerned  and  in  antici- 
pation of  such  an  event  taking  place  we  are  endeavouring  already  today  to  find 
neutral  persons  with  adequate  qualifications." 

Signature:  Cliairman  of  the  I.  R.  C.  Max  Huber. 

The  Germans  received  an  analogous  reply  with  a  suggestion  that  they  try  to 
obtain  the  consent  of  the  Soviet  Union  through  the  intermediary  of  a  "Puissance 
Pro  tec  trice". 

The  Int.  Red  Cross  suggests  that  we  endeavour  to  obtain  the  consent  of  the 
Soviet  Union  either  directlj'  or  through  the  intermediary  of  one  of  the  Allied 
States  and  the  possibility  of  a  direct  intervention  is  not  ruled  out.  In  my  opinion 
the  latter  would  be  most  advisable. 

The  Commission  would  be  under  the  Chairmanship  of  a  Swiss  and  would  include 
members  of  Swedish,  Portuguese  and  Swiss  nationality. 

As  to  the  delegating  of  a  ballistic  expert,  Radziwill  will  submit  appropriate 
suggestions,  although  in  view  of  the  great  amount  of  Russian  arms  which  the 
Germans  have  in  their  possession  I  doubt  whether  this  argument  would  count  for 

It  is  absolutely  necessary  that  the  action  of  the  Central  Red  Cross  Committee 
in  Warsaw  be  synchronised  witli  ours. 

Truly  certified:  /initialed/. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  aware  that  the  Russians,  2  days  after  the 
Germans,  made  an  announcement  saying  that  the  Germans  did  it? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  have  in  your  possession  the  copies  of  any 
communications,  in  addition  to  the  ones  you  have  just  mentioned, 
from  your  office  as  Minister  of  National  Defense  to  the  International 
Red  Cross,  or  to  the  Soviet  Govermnent  in  connection  with  Katyn? 
Do  you  have  any  other  copies? 

General  Kukiel.  I  do  not  know  exactly,  because  I  am  no  more  in 
office  myself.    The  correspondence  was  largely  of  our  Foreign  Ministry. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you,  as  Minister  of  National  Defense,  in  touch 
with  any  other  governments  or  any  other  sovereigns  about  the  matter 
of  the  missing  prisoners  at  Katyn? 

General  Kukiel.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  ever  conduct  any  conversations  or  did  3"0u 
ever  conduct  any  other  communications  with  the  Russians  about  the 
missing  officers  at  Kozielsk,  Starobielsk,  or  Ostashkov  after  that  time? 

General  Kukiel.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Your  personal  connection  in  connection  with  the 
missing  officers  at  Katjm  ended  when  you  signed  the  communique  in 
April;  is  that  correct?  Was  that  the  end  of  your  official  activity  in  the 
middle  of  April  when  you  signed  that  communique  after  Katyn  had 
been  disclosed? 

General  Kukiel.  I  still  sat  at  the  council  of  ministers. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  still  sat  on  the  council  of  ministers? 

General  Kukiel.  On  April  17th,  and  attended  the  meeting  when 
they  decided  to  issue  a  declaration  of  our  Government. 

Mr.  Flood.  But  I  mean  that  you  did  not  act  separatel}^  or  inde- 
pendently as  Minister  of  Defense? 

General  Kukiel.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Any  actions  that  you  took  part  in  later  you  took  part 
ill  as  a  member  of  the  Polish  Government  Council  of  Ministers? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes.  If  I  say  that  my  duties  continued,  it  was 
with  the  work.  We  immediately  started  to  study  the  German 
evidence;  to  get  evidence  from  our  country  and  to  establish  our  own 


dossier  of  the  Katyn  affair,  to  have  our  own  judgment,  and  it  was 
made  in  my  office  and  continued  for  years. 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  General,  at  that  time,  when  these  charges  and 
counter  charges  by  the  Germans  and  Russians  wore  made  as  to  their 
respective  guilt  for  the  Katyn  massacre,  did  the  Polish  Government 
in  exile,  of  which  you  were  a  member,  take  any  official  position  siding 
with  one  side  or  the  other? 

General  Kukiel.  No. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  On  the  contrary,  did  you  take  some  positive 
action  in  that  respect? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes.  On  the  contrary,  when  we  addressed  the 
Red  Cross,  we  expressly  said  that  it  is  because  we  cannot  rely  on  the 
presentation  of  the  case  by  the  Germans. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  have  here  before  me  among  the  papers  that 
were  presented  by  General  Bor-Komorowski,  his  file  of  communica- 
tions, w"ith  the  underground  movement.  I  have  here  the  original  of 
a  letter  signed  by  yourself  and  I  ask  you,  first  of  all,  to  identify 
whether  that  is  your  signature. 

General  Kukiel.  Yes,  it  is  my  signature. 

Mr.  Machrow^icz.  Wliat  is  that? 

General  Kukiel.  It  is  an  instruction  for  all  Polish  commanders  on 
how  the  problem  of  Katyn  is  to  be  handled,  how  it  is  to  be  approached, 
m  conversations,  and  especially  m  conversations  with  our  allies.  It 
must  be  stated  that  the  Polish  Government  did  not  mamtain  that  it 
knew  that  our  prisoners  were  murdered  by  the  Russians,  but  that 
they  had  disappeared  in  Soviet  captivity  without  any  uidication  of 
their  fate,  and  so  on,  the  same  as  what  was  told  in  m}^  communique. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  other  words,  that  is  an  official  statement  of 
your  position  and  that  statement  gives  instructions  that  you  cannot 
accept  the  German  version,  neither  can  you  accept  the  Russian  ver- 
sion, but  that  the  Polish  Government  will  make  all  efforts  to  make 
an  independent  investigation  to  determine  guilt. 

General  Kukiel.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Regardless  of  the  claims  and  counterclaims  of 
the  Germans  and  the  Soviet? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  was  the  official  position  of  the  Govern- 
ment, was  it  not? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes.  It  is  the  same  position  which  you  will  find 
in  the  book  Polish-Soviet  Relations,  the  statement  of  the  Polish 
Government  of  April  17,  1943. 

Air.  Machrowicz.  I  notice  also,  General,  that  in  a  despatch  which 
you  sent  to  the  underground  on  June  26,  1943,  you  specifically  refer 
in  the  last  paragraph,  which  I  will  read  now,  as  follows: 

Please  give  us  the  final  number  of  the  bodies  found  in  Katyn.  In  case  of  the 
discovery  of  new  graves  around  Charkow  or  Kremienczug,  inform  us  immediately, 
before  that  may  be  done  by  the  German  radio. 

Do  you  remember  such  a  despatch? 

General  Kukiel.  I  do  not  remember  it. 

Mr.  MACHiiowicz.  I  am  showing  you  that  letter  now. 

General  Kukiel.  That  was  signed  by  the  colonel.  I  have  not 
seen  it  at  all. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  notice  that  your  name  is  typed,  but  the 
colonel  signed  it  for  you. 


General  Kukiel.  Yes. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  Changing  the  subject  for  a  moment,  I  would 
like  to  get  something  in  the  record,  which  I  think  we  do  not  have  yet, 
and  which  may  be  of  some  material  value.  You  are  the  author  of 
a  book  Six  Years  of  Struggle  for  Independence;  is  that  correct? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes,  the  booklet. 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  I  notice  that  in  that  booklet  you  refer  to  the 
size  of  the  Polish  forces  in  September  1939.  What  was  yom*  official 
capacity  in  September  1939? 

General  Kukiel.  In  1939  I  was  not  in  active  service.  I  volunteered 
after  mobilization  and  I  joined  one  or  other  commands  and  tried  to 
do  something.  I  attended  to  the  affau's  at  Lwow,  and  after  capitula- 
tion of  the  city,  I  remained  in  civilian  clothes  at  Lwow.  I  was  there 
for  some  weeks  under  Soviet  occupation  and  I  had  the  opportunity  to 
see  the  appeal  of  Timoshenko  on  the  walls  of  the  city. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  That  is  the  appeal  I  read  previously? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  In  this  booldet  you  said  as  follows,  and  I  am 
quoting  you : 

On  September  16,  the  day  before  the  Soviet  intervention,  there  were  25  PoHsh 
divisions  still  fighting. 

Is  that  about  a  correct  statement,  that  there  were  25  Polish  divisions? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes. 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  Then  later  on  in  the  statement  you  state  that 
the  Germans  at  that  time  had  sufficient  ammunition  only  for  10  or 
15  more  days. 

General  Kukiel.  It  is  from  the  Nuremberg  trial.  It  was  stated  by 
Jodl  and  Keitel. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  You  are  quoting  there  General  Jodl  at  the 
Nuremberg  trial? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes. 

Air.  Machrowicz.  Then  you  state  further  that  Haller  had  mobilized 
1,200,000  soldiers? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  Would  that  be  about  a  correct  statement? 

General  Kukiel.  I  am  not  quite  sure  if  entirely  correct,  but 
approximately.  I  do  not  remember  the  figure  which  was  given  in  our 
detailed  study  of  our  general  staff  which  was  issued  now,  the  first 
volume  of  the  history  of  our  forces  in  the  last  war. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  Your  estimate,  then,  is  on  September  16,  the 
day  before  the  Soviet  attacked  Poland,  Poland  had  under  arms  25 
divisions  and  had  mobilized  about  1,200,000  soldiers. 

General  Kukiel.  Yes.  Very  much  more  than  40  divisions  we  had. 
We  improvised  divisions  which  were  improvised  during  the  few  weeks 
of  the  campaign.     There  remained  still  25  on  that  date. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  The  point  I  am  driving  at  is  this,  that  you  state 
further,  that  the  Germans  had  only  sufficient  ammunition  for  10  to 
15  days? 

General  Kukiel.  Yes. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  And  that  therefore  had  not  the  Russians  inter- 
vened on  September  17,  the  Poles  could  have  offered  effective  resist- 
ance against  the  German  onslaught? 

93744— 52— pt.  4 IT 


General  Kukiel.  It  is  difficult  to  say  that  they  could,  but,  in  any 
case,  they  could  resist  much  longer;  for  instance,  the  so-called  Ru- 
manian bridgehead.  The  part  of  Poland  adjacent  to  the  Rumanian 
frontier  could  be  probably  held  for  a  much  longer  time. 

Mr.  Flood.  General,  a  few  minutes  ago  we  were  discussing  exhibits 
29  and  30,  and  exhibit  29  you  identified  as  a  true  copy  of  your  com- 
munication, and  you  identified  exhibit  30  as  a  photostatic  and  true 
copy  of  exhibit  29,  I  will  return  exhibit  29  to  you  at  this  time  since 
exhibit  30 — a  photostatic  copy  of  that  document  already  is  in  the 

Mr.  Flood.  General,  you  have  not  been  offered  any  payment  or 
any  gifts  or  emoluments  of  any  kind  for  coming  here  and  testif^ang? 
You  have  not  been  offered  anything? 

General  Kukiel.  No. 

Air.  Flood.  From  your  experiences  as  a  very  high  military  and 
civil  official  of  the  Polish  Government,  from  your  experiences  and 
associations  with  the  Russians  down  through  your  lifetime  in  various 
ways,  from  your  particular  experiences  and  information  as  a  result  of 
information  brought  to  you  in  connection  with  all  communications 
doing  with  the  Katyn  matter,  have  you  formed  any  opinion  as  between 
the  German  and  the  Russian  Governments  as  to  which  one  of  these 
two  was  responsible  for  the  massacre  of  these  Polish  officers  at  Katyn? 
Have  you  such  an  opinion? 

General  Kukiel.  My  opinion  was  based  on  the  evidence.  I  am 
quite  convinced  that  it  could  be  done  only  by  the  Russians,  because 
certainly  it  was  done  in  the  year  1940,  not  later,  and  the  Russians 
never  had  given  any  explanation  which  could  be  interpreted  in  such  a 
way  that  it  could  be  really  done  by  the  Germans. 

Mr.  Flood.  We  realize  that  it  was  some  bother  for  you  to  come  here 
today,  and  we  want  you  to  know  that  the  committee  appreciates  very 
much  that  a  man  in  your  position  would  make  the  sacrifice.  We  know 
how  interested  you  are,  but,  nevertheless,  we  are  very  grateful  that 
you  did  come  and  give  us  this  very  important  testimony.  Thank 
you  very  much. 


LONDON,  N.  W.  8 

Mr.  Flood.  Before  you  make  a  statement,  it  is  our  wish  that  you 
be  advised  that  you  would  run  the  risk  of  action  in  the  courts  by 
anyone  who  considered  he  had  suffered  an  injury.  At  the  same  time, 
I  wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
and  the  House  of  Representatives  do  not  assume  any  responsibility 
in  your  behalf  m  respect  to  libel  or  slander  proceedings  which  may 
arise  as  the  result  of  the  testimony.     You  understand  that? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  rise  and  be  sworn.  Do  you  swear  by  Goil 
the  Almighty  and  Omniscient,  that  you  will,  according  to  your  best 
knowledge,  tell  the  pure  truth  and  you  will  not  conceal  anything; 
so  help  you  God? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  at  any  time  connected  with  the  Polish  armed 


Mr.  Zamoyski.  Yes.  I  served  in  the  Polish  Army  from  the  be- 
gimiing  of  the  war,  or,  rather,  from  before,  as  a  reserve  officer  in 
Poland,  later  on  in  France  and  the  United  Kingdom,  and  then  I  was 
sent  in  1942  as  assistant  military  attache  to  the  Polish  Embassy  in 

Mr.  Flood.  During  your  period  of  service  as  assistant  niilitary 
attache  in  Washington,  did  you  ever  have  any  conversations  with  the 
Russians  in  Washington  in  connection  with  any  of  the  officers  who 
were  missing  at  Katyn? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  Only  one. 

Mr,  Flood.  Will  you  state  with  whom  you  had  that  conversation 
and  the  gist  of  it? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  I  had  the  conversation  I  think  the  morrow  after  the 
news  broke  out  in  Washington  of  these  Katyn  discoveries  by  the 

Mr.  Flood.  Could  that  have  been  on  April  16,  1943? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  16th  or  17th,  something  like  that;  that  exact  date 
is  on  my  statement.     I  wrote  a  memo  on  my  conversation. 

Mr.  Flood.  Let  me  refresh  your  memory  with  this  statement,  and 
see  if  you  can  identify  the  date  now  that  you  refreshed  your  memory 
of  that  convereation. 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  It  was  the  23d  of  April  1943. 

Mr.  Flood.  With  whom  did  you  have  that  conversation  and  where 
did  it  take  place? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  With  Major  Barajew. 

Mr.  Flood.  Who  was  he? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  He  was  the  assistant  military  attache  at  the  Soviet 

Mr.  Flood.  Where  did  you  have  your  conversation  with  him? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  In  my  office,  in  Washington. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  did  you  talk  about? 

j\lr.  Zamoyski.  He  called  me  during  the  morning  stating  that  he 
wished  to  see  me.  I  was  a  little  surprised  then  because  although  I 
used  to  see  a  lot  of  him  and  all  the  Russian  representatives  until  that 
date,  the  news  had  broken  out.  I  felt  sure  that  he  knew,  that  he  had 
the  same  information  at  least  that  I  had  from  the  communiques,  and 
so  on,  and  therefore  I  was  a  little  surprised,  taken  aback,  in  anticipa- 
tion of  what  he  wants  to  say  to  me;  I  was  just  wondering  what  he  was 
going  to  say.  We  used  to  meet  often  unoflEicially,  because  that  was 
partly  my  duty  to  have  contact  with  the  Russian  Embassy.  That 
day,  when  he  wanted  to  see  me,  I  decided  that  I  should  receive  him 
in  my  office,  and  I  also,  to  make  sure,  spoke  with  one  of  our  intelli- 
gence officers,  suggesting  that  he  might  come  in  during  the  conversa- 
tion, perhaps  10  minutes  or  a  quarter  of  an  hour  later,  because  I 
thought  something  important  might  be  said.  So  I  arranged  that 
meeting,  I  think,  for  the  afternoon,  and  I  think  a  pretty  precise  story 
is  told  in  this  memo. 

\h\  Flood.  We  will  discuss  the  memo  in  a  minute,  but  will  you 
tell  us  now  for  our  purpose  just  now  your  best  recollection  of  the 
conversation  between  you  two  men. 

]Mr.  Zamoyski.  He  started  on  quite  a  different  subject,  which  was 
not  so  surprising  to  me,  because,  as  this  news  was  very  astounding,  I 
did  not  think  it  would  sort  of  come  out  very  easily.     He  started  on 


information  on  tlie  United  States  Army.  He  probably  thought  that 
I  knew  quite  a  lot  more  and  that  I  had  more  available  information, 
so  he  was  going  on  to  that  sort  of  theme.  Rather  breaking  off  at  a 
certain  point,  he  turned  to  the  story  of  Katyn,  and  the  gist  of  the  story 
was  that  he  was  astounded  and  surprised;  that  it  cannot  be  true; 
that  it  must  be  nonsense;  that  it  must  be  German  propaganda  and 
really  nothing  concrete  at  all. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  that  point,  will  you  tell  who  else  was  in  the  room 
and  present? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  It  was  a  Lieutenant  Piotrowski, 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  He  was  with  you? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  He  was  with.  me.  He  came  in  during  the  con- 

Mr.  Flood.  He  was  the  Polish  intelligence  officer  you  mentioned? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  He  was  a  Polish  intelligence  officer  with  Colonel 
Minkiomcz  who  I  was  also  with. 

Mr.  Flood.  There  was  just  the  two  of  you? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  No;  the  three  of  us  with  the  Russian. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  make  any  rejoinder  to  the  Russian?  Did  you 
comment  about  the  communiques  on  Katyn? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  As  far  as  I  rem.ember,  I  made  no  com.ment.  I  did 
make  a  comment  about  the  missing  officers,  of  winch,  of  course, 
I  knew. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  land  of  com.mont,  as  you  best  remember,  did 
you  make?    Wliat  did  you  say  about  the  missing  officers? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  I  believe  I  mentioned  that  the  whole  thing  will  be 
straightened  out,  that  the  Polish  Government  had,  I  tliink,  asked  the 
International  Red  Cross  to  investigate  the  matter,  and  I  rather  did 
not  wish  to  discuss  tins  m.atter  with  liim.. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  ask  him  about  the  fate  of  any  particular 
officer  or  friend  of  yours  at  that  time? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  I  do  not  recollect  that. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  ever  have  any  other  conversations  with  tliis 
particular  Russian? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Or  any  other  Russians  on  the  subject  of  the  missing 
Polish  officers? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Then,  as  far  as  your  service  is  concerned  in  Washington, 
that  is  the  extent  of  your  connection  officially  with  the  Katyn  matter? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  That  was  the  end. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  ever  have  any  subsequent  official  identity  with 
the  Katyn  matter  in  any  way  in  London  or  an}^  place  else? 

Mr.    Zamoyski.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  offered  no  emoluments  or  gratuities  of  any 
kind  for  offering  to  testify  here  today  or  any  gifts  of  any  nature,  were 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  No;  but  I  would  like  to  make  one  more  statement 
which  might  be  perhaps  of  some  use  to  the  committee.  I  have  a 
young  Australian  friend  who  was  an  airman  during  the  war  who  was 
shot  down  in  the  Channel  and  picked  up  by  the  Germans.  Subse- 
quently he  was  interned,  escaped  once  and  then  a  second  time,  and 
found  his  way  to  Poland.  This  young  Australian  spent  2  years  in 
Warsaw  collaborating  and  under,  say,   the  guidance  of  the  Polish 


home  army.  I  know  about  this  because  m^'  brother  was  really  in 
charge  of  all  the  Anglo-Saxon  Allied  escapees  in  Warsaw.  This 
officer  spent  2  j^ears  in  Warsaw,  of  which  1943  was  one.  I  thought, 
as  this  officer  has  arrived  in  Europe  from  Australia,  that  it  might  be 
most  useful  for  him  to  testify  because,  being  an  Australian  in  Warsaw 
at  that  time,  and  having  heard  and  known  and  seen  people  connected 
in  some  way  or  another,  or,  at  any  rate,  the  Poles  with  whom  he  was 
then,  with  the  Katyn  murder,  and  having  been  present  in  Warsaw 
when  that  shock  came  to  Warsaw,  I  thought  perhaps  the  committee 
might  wish  to  have  evidence  from  him.  He  actually  arrived  in  the 
United  States  during  the  war,  because  my  brother  had  sent  him 
through  Germany  back  to  England  during  the  war. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wliere  is  this  Australian  now? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  He  is  today  in  Paris.  He  was  in  London.  He  is 
probably  going  to  be  in  Paris  a  few  months  because  he  is  a  wool  buyer. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  What  does  he  know  personally  about  this  Katyn 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  It  is  very  difficult  for  m.e  to  say  what  he  personally 

Mr.  Flood.  If  you  will  let  us  have  the  nam.e  and  address  of  this 
Australian  we  will  arrange  to  have  representatives  of  the  com.mittee 
interview  him  in  Paris  and  forward  to  this  com.m.ittee,  wliich  is  m.oving 
from  here  to  Frankfurt  tliis  coming  week,  any  inforro.ation  and  we  will 
at  that  time  determine  if  we  think  it  advisable  to  call  him.  Would 
you  give  us  the  nam.e? 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  Squadron  Leader  Keith  Chisholm,  care  of  Wenz  & 
Co.,  1,  Rue  de  Metz,  Paris  10. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  note  that  in  your  final  sentence  of  this  account 
of  the  meeting  you  had  with  Mr.  Barajew  you  state  you  received  the 
impression  that  you  were  called  for  the  sole  purpose  of  having  them 
determine  what  your  official  viewpoint  is  on  the  m.atter. 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  Did  I  put  that  do\^^l? 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Yes;  if  you  read  the  last  paragraph. 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  I  did  not  write  "The  sole  purpose,"  but  it  seemed 
to  me  that  I  could  not  find  another  reason. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  The  impression  you  got  was  that  the  only 
reason  he  called  you  was  to  find  out  from  you  what  the  Polish  author- 
ities feel  about  the  loss  of  these  officers. 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  That  is  what  I  deducted,  because  the  only  alterna- 
tive I  could  fi.nd  was  that  the  officer  was  one  of  those  individuals  there 
who  could  not  believe  that  such  a  tiling  was  possible. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Not  to  give  you  any  information  about  it,  but 
rather  to  get  inform.ation  from,  you  about  it. 

Mr.  Zamoyski.  vSooner,  yes;  certainly  not  to  give  m.e  information. 

Mr.  Flood.  We  appreciate  very  much  that  you  would  take  the 
tim.e  to  com.e  here.  We  know  you  are  interested,  of  course,  but, 
nevertheless,  we  are  grateful  you  came  and  offered  us  this  testimony. 
Thank  you  very  m.uch. 

Mr.  Pttcinskt.  Gentlemen,  this  is  Mr.  Goetel.  who  was  living  in 
Warsaw  in  April  1943. 

Mr.  Flood.  Mr.  Goetel,  vnW  you  state  your  full  nam.e,  the  correct 
spelling  of  your  name,  and  your  present  address  to  the  reporter? 

Air.  Goetel.  Ferdinand  Goetel.  My  address  is:  No.  14,  Empress 
Place,  London,  S.  W.  6,  England. 


Mr.  Flood.  Before  you  make  a  statement,  Mr.  Goetel,  it  is  our 
wish  that  you  be  advised  that  you  wouhl  run  the  risk  of  action  in  the 
courts  by  anyone  who  considered  he  had  suffered  injury  as  a  result  of 
your  testimony. 

Mr.  Goetel.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  the  same  time,  I  wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  and  the  House  of  Representatives 
do  not  assume  any  responsibility  in  your  behalf  with  respect  to  libel 
or  slander  proceedings  which  may  arise  as  the  result  of  yoiu-  testi- 
mony.    Do  you  understand? 

Mr.  Goetel.  Yes;  I  understand. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  raise  your  right  hand  and  be  sworn?  Do  you 
swear  by  God  the  Almighty  and  Omniscient  that  you  will,  according  to 
your  best  knowledge,  tell  the  pure  truth,  and  that  you  wUl  not  conceal 
anytliing,  so  help  you  God? 

Mr.  Goetel.  I  do. 

Mr.  Flood.  Be  seated,  please. 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  Your  name  is  Ferdinand  Goetel? 

Mr.  Goetel.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wliere  do  you  reside? 

Mr.  Goetel.  In  London. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  is  your  address? 

Mr.  GoTEL.  No.  14,  Empress  Place,  London,  S.  W.  6. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  are  a  literary  man,  an  author? 

Mr.  Goetel.  Yes,  I  am  a  writer. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  April  1943,  where  were  you  residing? 

Mr.  Goetel.  In  Warsaw. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  at  that  time  were  you  called  to  a  conference 
by  the  occupation  authorities  of  Warsaw? 

Mr.  Goetel.  By  the  German  propaganda  office  in  Warsaw,  by  Dr. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wlio  was  Dr.  Grundman? 

Mr.  Goetel.  He  was  a  State  councilor  in  the  propa.ganda  in  War- 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wliere  did  they  call  you  to? 

Mr.  Goetel.  They  called  me  to  a  meeting  and  Dr.  Grundman  told 
me  they  have  discovered  near  Katyn  big  graves  and  discovered  that 
the  graves  are  full  of  the  bodies  of  Polish  officers. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Before  we  get  to  the  details  of  what  you  were 
told,  were  you  called  to  thiw  meeting  alone  or  with  a  gi-ouj)  of  other 

Mr.  Goetel.  He  called  me  there  first  alone,  and  afterward  he  made 
a  meeting  of  several  people  he  invited  there  of  the  City  Council  of 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  The  Kipa? 

Mr.  Goetel.  The  Ki]ia,  yes — ^the  Bishop  of  Warsaw  Kozeurski 
and  the  welfare  committee. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  is  the  municipal  welfare  committee? 

Mr.  Goetel.  It  was  the  social  committee,  the  leader  was  Count 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wlio  is  now  in  Detroit,  Mich.? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  on  behalf  of  that  council  were  Mr.  Martyn 
Machucki  and  Mr.  Wachowiak  present? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wlio  else  was  there? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Then  there  was  a  writer,  Mr.  Skiwski,  and  a  judge 
whose  name  I  do  not  know, 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  A  representative  of  the  supreme  court? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  A  representative  of  the  supreme  com-t,  yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  who  was  there  on  behalf  of  the  German 
occupation  authorities? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Well,  there  was  Mr.  Monzes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  He  was  the  chief  of  the  Warsaw  propaganda? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  Mr.  Grundman? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes, -Mr.  Grundman. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  They  called  you  there  all  together,  and  what  did 
they  tell  you? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  They  told  me  what  was  told  me  by  Mr.  Grundman; 
the}^  gave  more  details. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  They  informed  you  of  the  finding  of  the  graves 
at  Kat^Ti? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes;  and  they  asked  us  to  go  there. 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  And  did  you  agree  to  go? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes;  I  agreed  to  go. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  the  others  also? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  No,  not  everyone.  Mr.  Machucki  did  not  agree; 
Mr.  Wachowiak  said  ''No,"  and  Mr.  Skiwski  also  said  "No,"  but 
these  said  they  would  send  their  representatives  there. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  But  as  the  result  of  this  conference,  a  group 
of  you  did  go  to  KatjTi? 

Air.  GoETEL.  Yes,  including  two  physicians,  one  a  member  of  the 
city  council,  Mr.  Seyfried;  the  name  of  the  other  I  do  not  know. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Dr.  Orzechowski? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  Dr.  Grodzki? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  go  to  Katyn? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  went  by  plane? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes;  by  plane. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Will  you  tell  us  what  happened  when  you  got 
to  Katyn? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Dondero.  Would  you  tell  us  the  year  and  the  day,  as  near  as 
3^ou  remember,  when  you  went  to  Katyn? 

Mr.  Goetel.  The  year  was  1943;  the  exact  day  I  cannot  say,  but 
I  think  it  would  be  the  8th  or  9th  April. 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  To  refresh  your  memory,  Mr.  Goetel,  according 
to  the  report  which  3"0U  gave  previously  it  was  on  April  10. 

Mr.  Goetel.  That  may  be. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Of  1943? 

Mr.  Goetel.  Yes,  maybe. 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  did  you  find  when  vovi  arrivod  at  Katyn? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  It  was  after  dinner  the  next  day  I  think  we  were 
taken  to  Katyn.  The  excavation  then  was  only  at  the  beiomning:;  only 
one  big  grave  was  excavated,  with  about  200  bodies.  The  second  one 
and  the  third  one— — 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Pardon  me.  This  was  before  the  other  delega- 
tions had  arrived;  yours  was  the  first  to  arrive? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  No,  coming  to  Katyn  we  crossed  a  delegation  of 
foreign  journalists;  they  were  the  first — no,  it  was  not  at  Katyn  that 
we  crossed  this  delegation,  but  at  Smolensk,  at  the  staff'  post.  We 
could  not  speak  with  them.  Then  in  the  officers  mess  in  Smolensk 
we  met  the  man  who  had  to  speak  with  us,  Oberleutenant  Slowenczyk. 
We  spoke  a  long  time  with  him,  and  our  impression  was  that  they 
insisted  there  had  been  in  the  graves  at  Katyn  10,000  Poles,  10,000 
dead  Poles,  but  they  did  not  know  these  Poles  were  from  Kozielsk. 
Slowenczyk  asked  me,  what  is  Kozielsk,  because  they  had  already 
found  several  cards  addressed  to  Kozielsk.  I  told  him  Kozielsk  was 
one  of  the  chief  camps  for  Polish  prisoners,  and  Starobielsk  and 
Ostashkov.  My  impression,  as  well  as  that  of  the  other  people  in  the 
group,  was  that  he,  as  also  the  Oberleutenant  Voss  from  the  home 
police,  both  did  not  know  Kozielsk  and  had  then  heard  of  it  for  the 
first  time.  They  knew  only  that  10,000  or  11,000  Polish  officers  had 
disappeared  because  they  heard  it  from  the  radio,  and  they  had  been 
already  requested  by  General  Sikorski — they  insisted  the  whole  time 
that  in  the  graves  there  there  must  be  10,000  to  11,000  Polish  officers, 
more  than  10,000  officers.  Coming  there  to  the  forest  ourselves,  we 
had  not  the  impression  that  there  were  10,000,  but  we  were  not  sure. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  How  many  bodies  were  exhumed  at  that  time? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  About  200. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  This  was  at  the  very  beginning  of  the  excava- 

Mr.  GoETEL.  At  the  very  beginning;  yes.  We  had  full  freedom  to 
speak  with  the  people  there  and  to  go  any  place  sve  wanted.  Dr. 
Buhtz,  who  was  the  military  surgeon  there,  asked  us  to  see  one  of  the 
bodies  they  had  kept  there,  and  he  showed  the  bullet  hole  here  [indi- 
cating] in  the  head  and  again  here  [indicating]. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  witness  indicating  that  he  showed  the  bullet 
entering  the  base  of  the  head,  and  the  point  of  exit  in  the  forehead  at 
about  the  hair  line — is  that  correct? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes.  Our  impression  was  certainly  that  the  work 
has  been  done  by  the  Russians. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  led  you  to  that  impression? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  First  the  graves  themselves;  they  were  all  planteii 
with  young  pine  trees. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Will  you  say  that  again? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  The  graves  have  all  been  planted  again  with  young 
trees  so  high  [ilhisti-ating]. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  On  top  of  the  graves? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  witness  indicates  with  his  hand  the  height  of  the 
young  trees  to  be  about  3  feet — is  that  coi-rect? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes;  about  3  feet — and  in  the  forest  around  the  place 
they  have  been  big  trees  for  several  years. 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  Why  did  that  factor  have  any  significance? 
Why  did  that  have  an  special  meaning  to  you? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Because  the  murder  must  be  done  several  years  ago, 
2  or  3  years — the  trees  were  sound  and  strong. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Now  will  you  tell  us  what  other  factors  you 
noticed  there  which  led  you  to  the  conclusion  that  it  must  have  been 
the  Russians? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  There  were  witnesses  there  from  the  people  there. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.   You  mean  local  people? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes;  local  people. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  talk  to  them? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Were  you  alone  with  these  people  or  in  the  com- 
pany of  Germans? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  We  were  alone;  we  could  speak  with  them  alone.  I 
speak  Russian  perfectly,  but  several  of  our  members  could  not  speak 
Russian,  and  they  bad  to  have  an  interpreter.  The  interpreter  was 
a  young  man  whose  mother  was  a  Pole,  and  he  spoke  both  Polish  and 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  speak  Russian? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes,  I  speak  Russian. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wlio  did  you  talk  to  of  the  local  people,  do  you 

Mr.  GoETEL.  The  name  of  the  old  man,  the  chief  witness  there,  is 
given  in  my  statement  by  me,  Kisielew, 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  He  was  an  old  man? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes,  he  was  an  old  man  who  resided  nearest  the 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  how  did  you  happen  to  find  him? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  He  had  been  there. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  You  mean  near  the  graves? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Near  the  graves,  yes,  but  his  home  was  near  the  forest. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  How  did  j'^ou  happen  to  find  him? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  He  was  there. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  was  he  doing  there? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  He  was  taken  there  by  the  Germans  for  the  oppor- 
tunity to  speak  with  us,  as  well  as  the  other  one,  Kriwozercew,  but  he 
was  the  most  silent  one. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Kriwozercew  was  silent? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  He  was  the  most  silent  of  them. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  about  the  first  man  you  spoke  to, 
Kisielew?     Wliat  did  he  tell  you? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Kisielew  told  us  that  in  April  1940,  he  heard  shots 
and  people  crying  there  in  the  woods.  Afterward,  when  the  Germans 
came  in,  he  was  the  first  one  to  take  them  and  post  them  there  in  the 
forest,  and  he  must  have  been  already  informed  about  the  place  for 
the  digging  of  graves,  because  it  was  marked  by  two  crosses. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  you  mean  to  tell  us  is  that  Kisielew  is  the 
one  who  probably  led  the  Germans  to  the  graves? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes;  he  was  the  one  who  led  them  to  the  graves. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  that  he  had  previously  marked  them? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  No,  not  he;  the  graves  were  marked  by  Poles. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  did  Kisielew  tell  vou? 


Mr.  GoETEL.  Kisielevv  told  me  that  the  two  crosses  were  set  up 
there  by  Poles  who  worked  near  Smolensk,  in  a  working  coramand 
who  were  sent  there  by  the  Germans  from  Poland  to  make  clean  the 
railroad  cars  from  destroyed  trains,  and  to  pick  out  the  iron.  The 
Poles  there  came  first  to  the  graves  there.  They  found  that  in  the 
graves  were  Polish  officers  and  they  set  there  two  crosses,  one  small 
one  and  the  bigger  one.  When  we  have  been  there  the  smaller  one 
was  still  there.     The  bigger  one  was  not  there  any  more. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Now  will  you  continue  with  what  Kisielew 
told  you? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  It  was  all  what  he  told  me. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  say  that  Kriwozercew  was  there  also? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What,  if  anything,  did  he  tell  you? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  There  at  that  time,  nothing. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  say  "at  that  time."  Did  he  tell  you  some- 
thing at  some  other  time? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes.     I  met  Kriwozercew  in  Italy. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  When? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  In  1945. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  How  did  you  get  to  meet  him  in  Italy  in  1945? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  I  was  a  public  relations  officer  in  General  Anders' 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  was  he  doing  there? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  He  was  sent  there  from  Germany  by  our  ofl&cers. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  For  the  purpose  of  establishing  a  record  as  to 
what  he  knew? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes;  to  be  a  witness. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  talk  to  him? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wliat  did  he  tell  you? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  His  relation  is  a  verj^  long  one. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  We  want  your  version  of  it.  You  talked  to 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes.  I  lived  with  him  more  than  2  weeks  together 
in  one  house,  Villa  Barducci  in  Ancona. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wliat  did  Kj'iwozercew  tell  you? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Kriwozercew  told  me  a  very  long  stoiy  of  his. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Can  you  tell  us  in  brief  what  he  knew  regarding 

Mr.  GoETEL.  He  worked  at  that  time  near  Katyn,  near  Gniezdovo; 
he  worked  there  and  he  saw  one  day  a  train  coming  from  the  direction 
of  Smolensk  with  four  cars. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  he  tell  you  when  that  was? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  That  was  April. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Of  what  year? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  April  1940.  He  told  he  already  knew  that  the  forest 
in  Katyn  was  the  place  of  executions,  and  when  the  train  came  he 
thought  as  well  as  the  peasants  there  that  the  people  sent  there  were 
Finnish  officers;  he  thought  the  people  sent  there  were  Finns,  because 
it  was  the  time  of  the  war  witli  Finland.  But  the  next  day  he  spoke 
to  a  man  there  who  was  a  soldier  in  the  first  war  with  Poland  and  he 
told  him:  "They  are  not  Finns;  they  are  Poles."  And  afterward  every 
day  he  watched  to  see  and  to  mark  the  trains.     The  matter  was  that 


his  father,  being  a  peasant  there,  a  kulak,  as  they  are  called,  was 
murdered  by  Bolsheviks.  A  kulak  is  a  landowner  and  he  was  mur- 
dered by  Bolsheviks.  He  attended  the  trains  coming  in,  and  his  rela- 
tion was  this,  that  the  main  train  came  always  to  Smolensk,  and  half 
of  it,  four  cars,  were  sent  to  Gniezdovo,  and  the  other  stayed  still  in 
Smolensk.  The  other  part,  when  it  came  to  Gniezdovo,  the  next 
four  cars,  the  first  party  was  already  finished. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  You  mean  they  had  been  killed? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  They  have  been  killed  already,  yes;  and  the  matter 
was  this,  the  purpose  was  this,  that  Gniezdovo  is  a  small  siding;  the 
big  train  cannot  come  into  Gniezdovo,  only  on  the  main  station,  and 
on  the  main  station  the  people  could  see  what  is  coming  in. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  A  dead-end  track? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes.  That  was  the  purpose,  that  it  was  divided 
always,  the  train  coming  in  to  Smolensk  in  two  parts,  and  one  being 
sent  to  Gniezdovo  in  the  morning;  they  have  been  finished,  and  after- 
ward came  the  second  part. 

Mr.  Flood.  Just  so  we  can  have  a  statement  on  the  record  particu- 
larly about  what  you  have  said,  what  you  said  was  this:  When  the 
trains  bringing  the  Polish  officers  came  into  the  Smolensk  area,  they 
were  broken  into  two  parts? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes,  into  two  parts. 

Mr.  Flood.  Because  of  the  fact  that  the  railroad  siding  at  Gniez- 
dovo was  so  small  and  only  a  spur  or  a  side  track,  it  could  not  accom- 
modate the  full  train? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  But  could  only  handle  four  cars  of  the  train  at  one 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  So  what  they  did  was  to  take  four  cars  in  the  morning? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Air.  Flood.  Into  Gniezdovo  on  the  side  track,  the  spur  track,  and 
whoever  was  in  those  cars  was  disposed  of  or  finished,  as  you  say? 

Air.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Air.  Flood.  Then  they  would  take  out  those  four  empty  cars  and 
then  later  on  bring  in  the  four  other  cars  that  were  still  waiting  at  the 
original  stop? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  so  on  and  so  on? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Is  that  right? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes;  and  so  on  and  so  on. 

Air.  DoNDERO.  How  long  did  that  continue? 

Air.  GoETEL.  Up  to  the  20th  or  21st  April.  It  ma\  be  he  said  that 
a  small  part^^-  of  Poles  may  have  been  executed  in  Kat^Ti  after  that 
date,  but  the  main  work  had  been  done  before  April  25,  1940. 

Air.  DoNDERO.  You  were  at  KatAOi? 

Air.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Air.  DoNDERO.  What  was  the  color  of  the  ground? 

Air.  GoETEL.  The  color  of  the  ground — it  was  sandy  lime — very 
dry.     The  water  was  onlj'  2  or  3  yards  under  the  surface. 

Air.  DoNDERO.  White  sand  or  yellow  sand? 

Air.  GoETEL.  The  sand  was  yellow — yellow  sand;  but  there  on  the 
ground  the  sand  was  black  from  this. 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  have  told  the  committee  of  your  conver- 
sations with  Kisielew  and  with  Kriwozercew. 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Are  there  any  other  conversations  that  jou  had 
with  other  witnesses  there  relative  to  this  matter? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  No;  I  was  not  interested  in  them.  I  was  more  in- 
terested in  the  graves  themselves. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Is  there  anything  that  you  found  in  the  graves 
themselves  which  you  want  to  tell  this  committee  as  having  special 

Mr.  GoETEL.  In  the  graves,  special  significance — well,  perhaps  the 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  can  you  tell  us  about  newspapers  found? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  They  were  dispersed — several  newspapers. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Where  were  they? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  On  the  ground  there  you  found  at  this  time  Polish 
money,  zloties  lying  there  and  papers. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  about  these  newspapers? 

Air.  GoETEL.  They  were  Russian  newspapers  mostly. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  date? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Only  dates  before  April  1940. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Of  what  vear? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Before  1940— April  1940. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  All  the  newspapers  that  you  saw  there  were 
dated  not  later  than  April  1940? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Not  later. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wliat  was  the  condition  of  the  uniforms? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Very  good. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  \Vliat  about  the  shoes? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Very  good — excellent — excellent  condition;  but  the 
corpses  were  already  decaying.  Bohaterowicz,  I  could  see  his  face. 
I  knew  him  and  that  was  he;  but  there  were  other  people  too. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  said  also  in  your  report  that  you  found 
militaiy  officers'  belts;  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  were  they  in  good  condition? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes,  everything  was  in  splendid  condition. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  also  the  medals? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  All  were  in  ver}^  good  condition? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  recognized  the  bodies  of  people,  I  under- 
stand.    Is  that  correct? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Of  one. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  is  General  Bohaterowicz? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes — General  Bohaterowicz. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  recognized  him? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes,  because  he  has  a  mustache  and  sides,  and  then 
the  form  of  his  face.     That  was  he. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Was  he  in  a  separate  grave? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  No. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  what  about  the  body  of  General  Smora- 
winski:  did  you  find  his  body? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes,  I  have  seen  it,  but  I  could  not  recognize  it. 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  How  did  3^011  know  it  was  General  Smora- 
winski's  body? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Because  they  told  me  that  there  was  a  register  of  the 
body,  that  documents  have  been  found  on  him. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  the  uniform? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  the  insignia? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes,  and  the  insignia. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Based  on  what  you  found,  did  you  come  to  any 
conclusion  as  to  when  the  executions  took  place? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Several  years  ago. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  who  in  3^our  opinion  was  responsible  for 
the  executions? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  The  Russians. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Is  that  the  opinion  of  those  who  were  with  you 

Mr.  GoETEL.  All — ^everyone. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Of  everyone  who  was  with  you? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Of  everyone,  yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  sign  a  report  for  the  Germans? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  For  the  Germans;  no. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  they  ask  you  to? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  No.  I  only  made  a  report  which  has  a  form  of  an 
open  letter. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Did  the  Germans  allow  you  to  go  through  these 
graves  willingly,  freely? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Everything.  We  could  do  there  everything  we 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  They  did  not  stop  you? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  No.  We  went  to  the  second  grave.  The  chairman  of 
our  group  has  a  short  speech  to  us  in  Polish  language,  and  they  went. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  You  said  the  newspapers  were  all  Russian  news- 
papers.   Were  there  any  Polish  newspapers? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  No. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  They  were  only  Russian? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Only  Russian,  yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  have  a  copy  of  that  report  which  3^ou 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Not  here,  no.    My  report  disappeared. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Your  report  disappeared? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes.  I  will  tell  you  about  it  later.  I  made  a  report 
there,  an  open  letter,  3^es.  I  had  a  very  difficult  thing  to  do  to  force 
the  opinion  and  to  force  the  Polish  Red  Cross  to  take  the  matter  in 
its  hands,  but  I  could  not  believe  that  the  truth  is  to  be  given  only 
by  Germans  and  I  wanted  that  the  Polish  Red  Cross  take  the  matter 
in  its  hands. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  they  did  that,  did  the}-  not? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  No,  not  in  the  first  moment.  After  my  letter  I 
forced  them  to  it,  and  the  second  mission  to  Katyn  was  already 
from  the  Polish  Red  Cross  organized  by  the  Polish  Red  Cross.  At 
that  time — General  Komorow^ski  told  it  also  already — the  opinion  of 
Warsaw  was  it  has  been  done  by  Germans  at  Katyn;  the  whole  of 
the  people  believed  it  was  done  by  the  Germans — the\'  have  done  this. 

Air.  Flood.  You  made  an  open  report  in  Warsaw? 


Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  To  whom  did  you  give  it? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  I  sent  it  to  General  Roweski. 

Mr.  Flood.  Who  was  he? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  He  was  the  chief  of  the  underground  army  there, 

Mr.  Flood.  General  Roweski  was  the  predecessor  of  General  Bor? 

Mr.  GoETEL.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  As  commanding  general  of  the  home  army  in  Warsaw? 

Mr.  Goetel.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  have  a  copy  of  that? 

Mr.  Goetel.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Have  you  got  it  in  your  possession? 

Mr.  Goetel.  No;  it  was  burned  with  my  house — all  my  personal 

Mr.  Flood.  Then  we  have  no  copy  of  your  report,  unless  it  is  in  the 
files  of  the  home  army? 

Mr.  Goetel.  No.     It  can  be  in  the  German  materials. 

Mr.  Flood.  If  we  can  find  it  in  the  German  Wehrmacht  records, 
that  is  where  it  should  be? 

Mr.  Goetel.  Yes;  because  the  main  purpose  of  it  was  that  I 
requested  the  commission  of  the  International  Red  Cross.  That  was 
my  request  there. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Is  there  anything  further  that  you  wish  to  add 
to  your  report,  Mr.  Goetel? 

Mr.  Goetel.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wliat  is  it? 

Mr.  Goetel.  There  are  several  other  things  which  I  find  important, 
that  of  Kriwozercew,  the  chief  witness,  and  my  record  in  Poland  when 
the  Bolsheviks  came  in. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  We  are  going  to  get  the  KJriwozercew  report 
later  in  the  hearmg.     Is  there  anything  further  you  want  to  add  now? 

Mr.  Goetel.  Yes.  That  is  the  record  m  Poland  when  the  Bol- 
sheviks came  into  Poland  in  February  1945.  I  was  not  firstly  re- 
quested by  them,  but  in  June  1945,  they  posted  a  notice  that  I  am 
a  man  who  is  wanted  by  them. 

Mr.  DoNDERo.  Did  they  post  a  list? 

Mr.  Goetel.  No;  only  I.  I  was  the  number  one  man  wanted  by 
them.  I  was  at  that  time  in  a  cloister  in  Cracow.  I  sent  word  to 
the  chief  investigator  of  Katyn,  Sawicki,  and  asked:  "What  is  the 
matter,  what  do  they  want  from  me?"  He  answered  there,  "Oh, 
we  have  nothing  against  Mr.  Goetel,  who  is  a  famous  writer,  but  if 
he  signs  a  statement  that  he  was  kept  by  force  at  Katyn  and  that  his 
mam  impression  in  Katyn  was  that  the  massacre  was  done  by  Ger- 
mans, Oh,  we  have  nothing;  he  can  live  here  and  write  books  and 
so  on."     I  refused. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Was  that  in  February  of 

Mr.  Goetel.  It  was  June,  1945. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Is  there  anything  further  that  you  had  to  add, 
Mr.  Goetel. 

Mr.  Goetel.  Nothing  more. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  might  say  that  is  a  very  interesting  observation 
because  of  the  fact  that  one  of  the  members  of  the  International 
Scientific  Commission,  the  Bulgarian  member,  Markov,  we  have  been 


advised,  has  subsequently  changed  his  story.  It  is  interesting  to 
have  this  kind  of  observation  in  that  connection. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Perhaps  Mr.  Markov  was  subjected  to  the  same 
pressure  to  which  this  gentleman  was  subjected. 

Mr.  Flood.  You,  of  course,  Mr.  Goetel,  have  not  been  offered  any 
payment  by  am^one,  you  have  not  been  offered  any  promises  to  come 
here  and  testify,  have  you;  you  have  not  been  made  an}^  promises  of 
any  kind  to  come  here  and  testify? 

^Ir.  Goetel.  No, 

\It.  Flood.  And  j^ou  appear  here  voluntarily? 

Mr.  Goetel.  Yes;  certainl}^. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  committee  appreciates  the  time  that  you  have 
taken  to  come  here  and  help  us  gather  this  testimony.  We  appreciate 
very  much  the  fact  that  you  have  given  us  this  very  important 
testinTony  that  you  have  presented.     We  thank  you  very  much. 

We  will  now  recess  until  10  o'clock  tomorrow  morning. 

(Whereupon,  at  ^.45  p.  m.,  the  special  committee  recessed,  to 
reconvene  at  10  a.  m.,  Friday,  April  18,  1952.) 


FRIDAY,   APRIL   18,    1952 

House  of  Representatives, 
The  Select  Committee  on  the  Katyn  Forest  Massacre, 

London,  England. 
The  select  committee  met  at  10  a.  m.,  pursuant  to  reoess,  in  room 
111,  Kensington  Palace  Hotel,  De  Vere  Gardens  W.  1,  Hon.  Ray  J. 
Madden  (chairman)  presiding. 

Present:  Messrs.  Madden,  Flood,  Machrowicz,  Dondero,  and 

Also  present:  Roman  Pucmski,  investigator  and  interpreter. 
Chairman  Madden.  The  committee  wOl  come  to  order. 
I  want  the  record  to  show  that  at  this  third  day  of  our  hearings  in 
London,  Congi-essman  Flood,  of  Pennsylvania;  Congressman  Mach- 
rowicz,   of    Michigan;    Congressman    Dondero,    of    Michigan;    and 
Congressman  O'Konski,  of  Wisconsin,  are  present  with  the  chairman. 


Chairman  Madden.  Would  you  state  your  name,  please? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Sawczynski. 

Chairman  Madden.  And  your  first  name? 

Mr.  SAwdZYNSKi.  Adam. 

Chairman  Madden.  What  is  your  address? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  20  Princes  Gate,  London  S.  W.  7. 

Chahman  Madden.  Before  you  make  a  statement,  it  is  our  wish 
that  you  be  advised  that  you  would  run  the  risk  of  action  m  the  courts 
by  anyone  who  considered  he  had  suffered  injury  as  a  result  of  your 
testimony.  At  the  same  time,  I  wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  and  the  House  of  Representatives 
do  not  assume  any  responsibility  in  your  behalf  with  respect  to  libel 
or  slander  proceedings  which  may  arise  as  a  result  of  your  testimony. 

Mr.  Flood.  Let  the  record  show  that  while  the  witness  feels  he 
understands  the  English  language,  nevertheless,  he  prefers  to  have 
the  interpreter  translate  it,  to  be  sure. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  The  witness  indicates  that  he  understands  the 

Chau-man  Madden.  Will  you  raise  your  right  hand  now  and  be 

Do  you  swear,  by  God  the'^Almighty,  that  you  will,  according  to  the 
best  of  your  knowledge,  tell  the  pure  truth,^the  whole  truth,  and 
nothing  but  the  truth;  so  help  you|God? 
^   Mr.  Sawczynski.  Yes. 


93744— 52— pt.  4 18 


Chairman  MaddExV.  Proceed. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  is  your  name,  again? 

Mr.  Sawzcynski.  Adam  Sawczynsld. 

Mr,  Machrowicz.  Wliere  do  you  live? 

Mr.  Sawczynski,  In  London;  Princes  Gate,  London  S.  W.  7. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  1939,  were  you  ai  officer  of  the  Polish  Arm}'? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  what  rank? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Colonel. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Were  you  taken  prisoner  by  the  Germans? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  MACHROVk;icz.  In  the  summer  of  1940,  were  you  in  a  German 
prison  camp? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Where? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Arnswalde. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  is  in  Western  Pomerania,  in  Germany; 
is  that  correct? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Yes. 

\lr.  Machrowicz.  Who  was  the  commander  of  that  camp? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  The  German  Colonel  Loebecke. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  speak  German? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Fluently? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Yes;  I  speak  it  fluently. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  did  you  make  an  acquaintanceship  with 
Colonel  Loebecke? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  have  frequent  opportunity  to  have 
conversations  with  him? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  I  was  commander  of  a  prisoner  battalion.     Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  At  that  time,  were  discussions  being  held  regard- 
ing exchange  of  prisoners  between  German}'  and  Soviet  Russia? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  apply  to  be  exchanged  on  the  basis  of 
that  arrangement,  to  be  exchanged  to  Soviet  Russia? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  No;  I  didn't;  but  many  of  my  colleagues  had 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  have  any  conversations  with  Colonel 
Loebecke  regarding  this  exchange? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Yes;  I  had  a  conversation  with  him  about  that. 

jVIr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  at  any  time  in  the  course  of  your 
conversations  with  him  have  op])ortunity  to  discuss  the  fate  of  tlie 
Polish  officers  who  were  in  Russian  hands? 

Mr.    Sawczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Will  you  tell  us  when  that  was? 

Mr.  vSawczynski.  It  was  in  June  1940. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Could  you  give  us  the  substance  of  that  con- 
versation, insofar  as  it  relates  to  the  fate  of  the  Polish  officers  in 
Soviet  hands? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Will  you  tell  us,  in  your  own  words,  now? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Cokmol  Loebecke  asked  me  what  is  the  matter 
that  the  Polish  oflicers  will  be  exchanged,  will  go  into  Russia. 


(The  witness  made  a  statement  in  his  native  tongue.) 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  The  witness  indicates,  Mr.  Flood,  that  he  would 
prefer  to  testify  in  Polish,  that  it  is  easier  for  him  to  express  himself 
that  way. 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  Go  ahead  in  Polish,  and  the  mterpreter  will  give 
us  the  substance  of  the  testimony. 

(Through  mterpreter:) 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  The  German  colonel  had  asked  me  why  the 
Polish  officers  were  agreeing  and  were  desirous  of  taking  advantage  of 
the  agreement  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners  between  the  Germans  and 
the  Russians,  and  he  asked  me  why  the  Poles  wanted  to  transfer  to 

Air,  Mackrowicz.  By  the  way,  that  agreement  never  did  go  into 
effect,  did  it? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Oh,  yes.  The  agreement  was  being  executed,  but 
it  was  only  a  one-sided  execution  of  the  agreement.  Transports  of 
prisoners  were  arriving  from  Russia  into  Germany,  and  even  some 
transports  arrived  at  the  camp  in  which  I  was  interned.  These 
transports,  however,  consisted  only  and  exclusively  of  soldiers,  en- 
listed men. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  No  officers? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Private  soldiers;  no  officers.  Some  officers  did 
come  in  disguise. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  mean  they  pretended  to  be  privates? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  Will  you  give  us  the  rest  of  your  conversation? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  When  the  German  colonel  asked  me  why  our 
men  were  willing  to  go  to  Russia,  I  explained  to  him  that  Russia  at 
that  time  was  not  in  formal  stage  of  war  with  the  West  and  that  for 
other  reasons,  on  conditions  prevailmg  in  the  camp,  the  Polish  soldiers 
felt  that  they  could  go  to  Russia  and  become  more  active  in  the  war 

Mr.  Flood.  Of  course,  is  it  not  also  true  that  Russia  was  not  at 
war  with  Poland,  either,  at  the  time? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Many  in  the  camp  considered  that  Russia  and 
Poland  were  at  war. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  do  not  blame  them  for  that,  under  the  circumstances. 
But  I  mean  that,  technically  and  actually,  there  was  no  state  of  war 
between  Soviet  Russia  and  the  Republic  of  Poland. 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  That  is  correct;  but,  actually,  it  was  considered 
that  there  had  been  a  war. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  AW  right,  will  you  continue  now  with  your 
conversation  with  Colonel  Loebecke? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  We  discussed  this  matter  for  a  considerable 
length  of  time  with  the  colonel,  but  the  thing  that  I  recall  most 
vividly  is  the  ending  of  that  conversation.  At  the  end  of  our  con- 
versation, the  colonel  asked  me,  "Don't  you  know  what  they  are  doing 
with  you?" — meaning  "your  soldiers." 

I  replied  that,  "We  know  Russia  very  well,"  and  I  assured  him 
that,  "We  are  well  aware  of  the  fact  that  before  our  conditions  can 
be  improved,  they  could  conceivably  become  much  worse." 

He  leaned  toward  me  then  and  told  me  in  German,  "Why,  they 
are  murdering  your  people;  they  are  murdering  you." 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Was  that  the  end  of  the  conversation? 


Mr.  Sawczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  he  indicate  to  you  how  he  had  received 
such  information? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  No. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  know  Lt.  Alfons  Koehler? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Who  was  he? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  At  one  time  he  was  my  aide.  He  was  a  Pohsh 
officer  who  was  my  aide  at  one  time.  Later,  however,  he  was  released 
from  the  Army  and  he  worked  as  a  civiUan  in  the  intelhgence  unit. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Of  what  government? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Of  the  Polish  Government.  His  activities  were 
directed  against  Russia. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Was  he  also  in  this  prison  camp  at  Arnswaldein 

Mr.  Sawczy'nski.  From  the  beginning,  he  was  not.  At  first  he  had 
been  interned  in  Lithuania. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  he,  in  July  1940,  come  to  this  camp? 

Mr.  Sawczy^nski,  Yes.     He  arrived  in  July  of  1940. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  have  any  conversation  with  him?  Did 
you  receive  any  information  from  him  which  would  have  any  relation 
to  the  lost  Polish  officers  in  Russia? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Yes.  I  talked  to  him  shortly  after  his  arrival  at 
the  camp,  and  our  conversation  eventually  led  to  a  discussion  of  our 
mutual  friends  who  had  been  interned  in  Russia.  He  told  me  at  that 
time  the  method  he  used  to  escape  or  be  transferred  from  Lithuania 
to  Germany.  He  said  that  he  had  reported  to  superiors  in  Lithuania 
and  explained  that  he  wanted  to  be  transferred  to  Germany  because 
the  Russians  were  taking  over  Lithuania;  the  Russians  were  taking 
over  prison  camps  in  Lithuania. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  he  have  any  conversations  with  any  Lith- 
uanian authorities  at  that  time  relative  to  the  Polish  officers  lost  in 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  When  he  was  granted  permission  for  the  transfer, 
he  reported  to  the  Lithuanian  authorities  and  he  had  carried  on  several 
conversations  with  officers  of  the  Lithuanian  Intelligence  Department. 

In  these  conversations,  a  Lithuanian  officer  discussing  the  Polish 
officers  in  Kozielsk,  said,  "Why,  those  in  the  camp  at  Kozielsk  had 
been  murdered."  Koehler  refused  to  believe  this  and  said,  "It  is 
impossible,  because  there  were  several  thousand  people  there."  The 
Lithuanian  officer  replied,  "Whether  this  is  true,  or  not,  I  don't  know; 
but  that  is  the  information  that  we  have." 

My  discussion  or  conversation  with  Koehler  was  in  July  of  1940. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Was  that  the  end  of  your  conversation  with 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  is  all. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  is  all. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  That  is  all. 

Chairman  Madden.  You  have  not  been  promised  any  pay  or 
recompense  for  coming  here  to  testifj'^  today,  have  you? 

Mr.  Sawczynski.  No. 

Chairman  Madden.  We  wish  to  thank  you  for  coming  here  today 
to  testify. 



Chairman  Madden.  Just  state  your  name  to  the  reporter,  and 
spell  it. 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  The  name  is  Jerzy  Lewszecki,  The  address  is 
2  Queensborough  Terrace  W.  2,  London. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  The  witness  indicates  that  he  prefers  to  testify  in 
Polish,  that  he  understands  and  can  express  himself  better  that  way. 

Chairman  Madden.  Mr.  Lewszecki,  before  you  make  a  statement, 
it  is  our  wish  that  you  be  advised  that  you  would  run  the  risk  of  action 
in  the  courts  by  anyone  who  considered  he  had  suffered  injury  as  a 
result  of  your  testimony.  At  the  same  time,  I  wish  to  make  it  quite 
clear  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  and  the  House  of 
Representatives  do  not  assume  any  responsibility  in  j^our  behalf  with 
respect  to  libel  or  slander  proceedings  which  may  arise  as  a  result  of 
the  testimony. 

For  the  record,  the  interpreter  will  repeat  this  statement  in  Polish. 

(The  interpreter  made  a  statement  in  Polish.) 

]VIr.  PuciNSKi.  The  witness  indicates  that  the  statement  is  clear 
to  him. 

Chairman  Madden.  Will  you  raise  your  right  hand  and  be  sworn? 

Do  you  swear,  by  God  the  Almighty,  that  you  will,  according  to 
your  best  knowledge,  tell  the  pure  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing 
but  the  truth;  so  help  you  God? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  I  do. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  is  your  name? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  Jerzy  Lewszecki. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wliere  do  you  live? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  In  London. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  1939,  were  you  an  officer  of  the  Polish  Army? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  Yes;  Regular  Army. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  what  rank? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  Rank  of  first  lieutenant. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Were  you  taken  prisoner  by  the  Germans? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  To  what  camp  were  you  taken? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  In  Lubeck, 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Were  you  there  in  1940? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  In  1942. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  While  in  that  camp,  did  you  have  occasion  to 
meet  any  Russian  officers? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  Yes.  During  the  spring  of  1942,  the  older  son  of 
Stalin  was  brought  to  this  camp.  There  was  some  mystery  about  his 
arrival  prior  to  his  arrival;  but  as  soon  as  he  arrived  at  the  camp, 
everybody  in  the  camp  knew  about  it. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wliat  was  his  fo-st  name? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  Jacob. 

Mr.  Flood.  Just  a  moment.  May  I  interrupt  there?  What  last 
name  was  he  using? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  Jacob  Dzhugashvili. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  know  whether  or  not,  or  have  you  heard  that 
that  is  the  correct  name  of  Stalm? 


Air.  Lewszecki.  He  told  me  himself. 

Mr,  Machrowicz.  Aiid  it  is  a  matter  of  general  knowledge,  is  it 
not,  that  Stalin  is  the  accepted  name  but  his  actual  name  was  the 
one  you  just  mentioned? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  That  is  correct.  Stalin  is  the  literal  translation 
of  the  name  Dzhugashvili  from  Georgian  into  Russian, 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  How  was  he  brought  in  there;  as  a  prisoner  of 
war,  or  what? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  He  was  brought  there  as  a  prisoner  of  war. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Was  he  an  officer  of  the  Russian  Ai-my? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  He  was  a  senior  lieutenant,  or  oberleutnant.  It 
is  not  quite  correct  because  they  have  actually  three  ranks  of  lieutenant 
in  the  Russian  Army. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Were  there  other  Russian  officers  in  this  camp? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  No;  there  were  no  other  Russian  officers  in  this 
camp.  There  were  some  Belgian  officers  there  and  there  was  also  a 
Belgian  general.     The  Chief  of  Staff  of  the  Belgian  Army  was  there. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Were  there  any  special  quarters  prepared  for 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  Yes.  The  other  generals  and  staff  officers  of  the 
other  armies  had  separate  quarters,  and  Stalin  himself  had  a  separate 
room,  and  there  was  a  window  in  the  room  and  there  was  a  guard 
constantly  at  this  window. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  A  special  guard  assigned  to  Stalin  alone,  is  that 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  Yes.  And  there  was  a  book  there  that  whoever 
visited  Stalin  had  to  register. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  get  to  become  acquainted  with  Jacob 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  Yes,  I  did. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  speak  Russian? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  Yes,  I  do. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  Do  you  speak  it  fluently? 

Air.  Lewszecki.  Very  well. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  Would  you  tell  us  how  you  became  acquainted 
with  him,  in  view  of  this  guard  being  there,  and  what  conversations, 
if  any,  you  had  with  him  regarding  the  fate  of  the  Polish  officers  who 
were  in  Russian  hands? 

Air.  Lewszecki.  When  he  first  arrived,  he  was  very  weak  and 
undernourished.  We  were  giving  him  packages  and  we  tried  to  restore 
him  back  to  health  through  nourishment. 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  Was  that  permitted,  in  view  of  the  guard? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  At  first  the  Germans  did  not  permit  us,  but  we 
had  our  own  methods  of  getting  the  food  to  him,  and  we  used  to  give 
American  cigarettes  to  the  guard  over  there  and  he  became  coopera- 
tive.    That  was  the  best  currency  at  the  time,  the  American  cigarettes. 

Air.  AIachrowicz.  And  as  a  result  of  this  exchange  of  food  and 
cigarettes,  did  you  become  acquainted  with  Stalin? 

Air.  Lewszecki.  The  Germans  were  very  easily  bought  over  in 
those  days.  Undoubtedly,  that  did  contribute  considerably  to  the 
friendship  that  we  establislied. 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  Tell  us  how  this  conversation  with  j^oung 
Stalin  was  brought  about  and  what  he  told  you. 


Mr.  Lewszecki.  I  asked  him.  who  he  was,  and  he  tokl  me  that  he 
was  Jacob  Dzugasvilh,  who  was  the  oldest  son  of  Stahn,  by  his  first 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Now  tell  us  what  he  told  you  regarding  the 
Polish  officers  in  any  of  these  three  camps — Kozielsk,  Starobielsk,  and 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  He  did  not  name  any  of  those  three  camps  in 
particular,  but  we  did  receive  letters.  These  letters  were  from  our 
families  and  from  our  friends  to  our  camp,  and  they  were  about  our 
friends  who  were  being  held  prisoner  in  Russia.  In  one  of  the  letters 
I  received  there  was  a  notation:  "As  to  my  friend  Victor  Kaczynski, 
I  will  not  see  him  again."  This  was  a  letter  that  was  written  to  me 
from  Poland. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  discuss  this  letter  and  other  similar 
letters  with  Stalin? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  Yes,  I  took  these  letters  to  him  in  order  to  trans- 
late them  to  him  in  Russian. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  he  make  any  comment  about  them? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  His  first  reaction  was  one  of  shock.  Then  later 
he  recalled  that  he  had  heard  that  there  was  a  prison  camp  with 
Polish  officers  in  the  Smolensk  region,  and  that  there  had  been  an 
uprising  there,  and  that  this  uprising  had  been  suppressed.  He  had 
heard  that  there  was  shooting  there,  and  that  there  were  some  victims 
who  fell  dead.  He  terminated  that  part  of  our  conversation  and 
changed  to  another  subject.  A  few  days  later,  I  began  pressing  him 
again  on  this  particular  subject.  Wlien  we  talked  about  the  collec- 
tivization of  the  Ukraine,  he  told  me  that  during  that  process  there 
were  about  3  million  of  our  people 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  By  "our  people,"  you  mean  Russians? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  I  mean  his,  Stalin's  people,  the  Russians,  were 
murdered,  about  3  million,  "so,"  he  said,  "why  are  you  surprised  that 
your  people  should  be  murdered  also?" 

Mr.  Flood.  Well,  actually  he  means  Ukrainians,  not  Russians. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  He  was  speaking  of  the  3  million  victims  as  being 
Ukrainians,  but  he  did  not  make  a  particular  distmction  between  the 
UlvTainians  and  the  Russians. 

Mr.  Flood.  No,  but  I  did. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Now  will  you  continue  the  conversation  regard- 
ing these  Polish  officers? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  The  letters  continued  coming,  and  I  told  Stalin 
that  there  is  something  wrong.  I  said:  "Something  is  not  in  order 
over  there,"  and  he  said:  "Yes,  that's  right."  He  said:  "Why,  those 
were  the  mtelligentsia,  the  most  dangerous  element  to  us,  and  they  had 
to  be  eliminated."  He  told  me  exactly  (and  this  I  remember  very 
well)  that  this  is  an  element  which  is  not  very  easily  converted,  be- 
cause the  younger  people  were  capable  of  being  converted,  of  edu- 
cating; but  he  assured  me  that  the  murders  must  have  been  com- 
mitted with  a  humanitarian  method,  unlike  the  brutal  tactics  of  the 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  he  say  anything  further  on  that  subject? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  No;  he  just  said  m  Russian  that  they  had  to  be 
destroyed,  that  they  had  to  be  removed. 


Mr.  Flood.  As  I  understand  the  witness,  as  he  understood  Stalm's 
conversation,  that  it  was  necessary  for  the  Russians  for  various  reasons 
to  dispose  of  these  PoUsh  officers;  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  Yes;  that  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  But  it  was  a  nice  clean  human  murder  rather  than  a 
messy  job;  is  that  the  understanding? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  Yes;  that  is  correct;  Stahn  tried  to  point  out  that 
it  was  not  done  with  the  same  method  that  the  Germans  used  to 
destroy  the  people.  My  impression,  on  the  basis  of  these  conversa- 
tions with  him,  was  that  he  did  not  realize,  did  not  take  cognizance 
of  the  fact,  that  these  murders  could  have  been  something  deplorable; 
he  considered  that  it  was  a  national  and  government  necessit}'. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Where  did  you  have  these  talks  with  Stalin — in  his 
room,  or  out  in  the  prison  camp? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  In  his  room.    I  spent  most  of  my  time  in  his  room. 

Mr.  Dondero.  Were  there  any  other  people  present? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  Normally  he  was  hesitant  to  converse  when  others 
were  present,  but  on  several  occasions  there  were  others  present. 

Mr.  Dondero.  Did  you  inform  Stalin  that  you  were  a  Polish 
prisoner  of  war? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  Yes;  of  course;  I  was  in  the  Polish  uniform,  and 
he  knew  that.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  I  told  him  that  I  belonged  to 
Pilsudski's  legion,  and  I  was  an  open  foe  of  the  Russians. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  he  understood  that? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  Yes;  he  understood  that. 

Mr.  Dondero.  Was  he  friendly  or  did  he  appear  to  be  angry  toward 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  Generally  he  behaved  very  well,  but  on  many 
subjects  we  disagreed,  and  our  conversations  would  end  abruptly. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That's  all. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  had  the  impression,  did  you,  that  Stalin,  in  all  of 
these  conversations  about  the  disposition  or  the  killing  of  these 
Polish  officers,  gave  the  impression  of  no  sense  of  immorality  or 
injustice  or  inhum.anity,  but  that  it  was  an  administrative  and 
political  necessity  for  the  Russians  to  so  act? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  I  frequentl}^  called  his  attention  to  the  fact  that 
these  murders  were  not  humanitarian,  but  he  m.erely  told  me  that 
they  were  a  government  necessity.  The  problem  of  humanity  or 
humanitarianism  did  not  at  all  interest  him;  this  did  not  enter  into 
his  tliinking  at  all. 

Mr.  Flood.  Then  as  I  understand  it,  Stalin  gave  evidence  of  a  state 
of  mind  which  could  be  described  as  unmoral,  amoral,  rather  than 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  The  question  of  m.orality  or  immorality  never 
entered  into  his  mind;  he  thought  that  it  was  a  necessity  of  tlie  state, 
and  that  was  it.  Madden.  Is  that  all?  Any  further  questions?  Mr. 
Lewszecki,  has  anybody  promised  you  any  pay  or  recom.pense  or 
emoluments  for  coming  here  today  to  testify? 

Mr.  Lewszecki.  Absolutely  none. 

Chairman  AIadden.  We  wish  to  thank  you  for  yom-  testiirony  here 
this  mornine:. 



Chairman  Madden.  Just  state  3^0111"  name  to  the  reporter,  and  the 
correct  spellmg  of  it. 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Josef  Garlinski.  Madden.  And  your  address? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  My  present  address  is  No.  104  Holland  Road, 
London  W.  14,  England.  Madden.  Before  you  make  a  statem.ent,  it  is  our  wish 
that  you  be  advised  that  you  would  run  the  risk  of  action  in  the  courts 
by  anyone  who  considered  he  had  suffered  injury  as  a  result  of  your 
testim.on}^.  At  the  same  time,  I  wisli  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  and  the  House  of  Representatives 
do  not  assume  any  responsibihty  in  your  behalf  wdth  respect  to  Hbel 
or  slander  proceedings  wliich  may  arise  as  the  result  of  your  testim.ony. 
You  understand  thatf 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes;  certainly. 

Chairman  Madden.  Now  raise  your  hand  and  be  sworn.  You 
swea-r  by  God  Almighty,  that  you  will,  according  to  the  best  of  your 
knowledge,  tell  the  pure  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the 
truth,  so  help  you  God? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  I  do. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Your  nam.e  is  Josef  Garlinski? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowic?.  And  you  are  a  resident  of  London? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Were  you  previously  an  officer  of  the  main 
command  of  the  Polish  National  Ai-my? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes,  I  was  an  officer  of  the  Reserve. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  in  1943  were  you  arreslted  by  the  Gestapo 
in  Warsaw? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes;  on  April  20,  1943. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Ajid  where  were  you  taken  to? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  First  they  sent  me  to  the  prison  camp  Pawiak;  it 
was  in  Warsaw,  inside  the  Warsaw  ghetto.  As  you  laiow,  the  Germans 
organized  a  ghetto  for  Jews,  and  it  was  inside  there. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Were  you  later  taken  to  the  concentration  camp 
in  Wittenberg,  Germany? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  First  I  was  sent  to  Oswiecim  (Auschwitz). 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Eventually  did  you  get  to  Wittenberg? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Wittenberg  was  the  thnd  one. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Li  the  spring  and  summer  of  1944,  were  you  in 

]Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  the  concentration  camp  there? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  while  you  were  in  that  camp,  did  you  meet 
any  Russian  soldiers? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes.  It  was  a  small  camp;  about  400  people 
altogether,  but  a  branch  of  the  big  camp,  and  we  worked  in  a  factory 
there;  we  were  sent  there  to  work  in  this  factory.  There  were  about 
400  people  in  there,  the  majority  of  them  Russians,  so  I  met  there  a 
large  number  of  Russians,  all  types  of  Russians. 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  While  in  that  camp,  did  you  meet  any  soldiers 
or  officers  of  the  Russian  army  who  were  not  Russians? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes;  definitely. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Are  there  any  you  particularly  remember? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  When  you  say  Russians,  they  were  not  all  born 
Russians,  but  they  were  all  the  citizens  of  vSoviet  Russia,  and  they 
were  all  soldiers  or  officers  of  the  Russian  forces. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  meet  any  of  Greek  origin? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes,  I  remember  one  of  them;  his  Christian  name 
was  Aleksiej,  but  unfortuntely  I  do  not  remember  his  surname. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  it  sound  like  Georgopopolos? 

Mr.  Garlinski,  Yes,  it  was  a  typical  Greek  name,  but  I  just  do 
not  remember. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  About  how  old  was  this  man? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  I  think  he  was  about  30  at  that  time. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Was  he  a  rather  intelligent  person? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes;  he  was  definitely  an  educated  man. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  become  well  acquainted  with  him? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes.  We  were  not  friends,  of  course,  but  his 
Russian  language  was  very  good,  and  he  wanted  to  improve  my 
Russian,  because  I  speak  Russian,  and  it  was  a  very  good  chance  to 
have  good  Russian  conversation. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Was  he  a  former  officer  of  the  Red  army? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  I  think  so;  he  did  not  say  this,  but  I  think  he  was 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Now  did  you  discuss  with  him  Russia  and  the 
life  in  Russia? 

Ml.  Garlinski.  Yes.  We  discussed  this  ver}^  carefully,  of  course, 
because  a  concentration  camp  is  not  the  best  place  to  discuss  things. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  he  ever  tell  you  that  he  was  in  or  around 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes.  He  told  me  he  was  born  there  and  lived 
there  for  several  years,  as  far  as  I  know,  although  he  is  of  Greek 
origin,  but  he  was  born  in  Russia. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Now  did  he  tell  vou  whether  or  not  he  was  in  or 
around  Charkow  in  the  spring  of  1940? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Can  you  tell  us  what  he  told  you  about  that? 
.  Mr.  Garlinski.  Well,  when  we  have  spoken  about  the  life  in 
Russia  and  everything,  once  he  told  me  that  in  the  spring  of  1940, 
1  year  before  the  Russo-German  war  started,  he  had  seen  there  some 
work  which  the  Bolsheviks  started  there.  It  was  not  in  Charkow,  but 
near  Charkow.  Firstly,  they  started  to  build  a  big  wall — I  tlo  not 
remember  this  word  in  English — not  from  bricks,  but  from  wood. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  A  sort  of  fence? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes,  a  fence  to  protect  something  from  the  view 
of  the  public. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  A  sort  of  tall  fence? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes;  and  the  people  were  told  that  they  must  not 
be  interested  in  this,  that  they  must  not  go  near  to  this  fence  and 
see  what  is  on  tlie  other  side.  This  was  nothing  special  in  Russia 
because  it  happened  very  often  after  some  work  of  this  type,  so  he 
did  not  know  at  that  time  what  liappeiicd  there  behind  this  wall. 
But  later,  when  the  Germans  came  to  this  part  of  Russia,  after  the 


beginning  of  the  war  in  1941,  the  Germans  discovered  that  there  are 
some  people  killed  there,  and  the  bodies  of  these  people  were  there  in 
the  mass  like  in  Katyn,  like  the  same  type. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  Aleksiej  draw  you  a  map  or  plan? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes;  he  presented  me  with  a  plan  on  a  piece  of 
paper.  I  do  not  remember  this  plan,  but  it  showed  how  this  was 
made;  and  the  people  from  Charkow  and  from  suburbs  of  Charkow 
and  the  neighboring  villages  came  in  because  the  Germans,  of  course, 
organized  big  propaganda  about  this,  that  the  Bolsheviks  killed  people 
there;  and  the  Russian  people  who  lived  in  Charkow  and  the  suburbs 
of  Charkow  and  the  small  villages  there  found  their  relations  there. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  mean,  among  the  bodies  that  were  re- 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes;  they  found  their  relations.  I  must  tell  you 
that  Aleksiej  did  not  mention  to  me  that  Poles  were  found  there;  he 
did  not  tell  me  that.  I  did  not  ask  him  more  about  tliis  because  it 
was  veiy  dangerous  in  a  concentration  camp  to  speak  about  such  a 
rather  difficult  political  subject;  but  as  I  knew  already  about  Katyn, 
and  all  this  business — because  you  will  remember  the  Germans 
arrested  me  in  April  1943 

Chairman  Madden.  What  day? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  It  was  April  20,  1943 — and  I  have  known  already 
from  the  German  press  that  the  Katyn  grave  was  discovered.  As 
far  as  I  remember,  I  think  they  started  to  print  articles  about  this  in 
January  1943 — ^at  the  beginning  of  1943 — so  before  they  arrested  me, 
I  have  known  this  already. 

Well,  Aleksiej  said  to  me  about  this  Charkow.  Well,  it  was  rather 
something  ver}^  interesting  for  me  also  from  this  point  of  view,  that 
my  father  was  taken  prisoner  of  war  by  the  Russians  and  was  sent 
to  Starobielsk.  Starobielsk  was  the  nearest  camp  to  Charkow.  So 
it  was  that  this  information  from  this  Aleksiej  was  very  important 
also  from  my  personal  point  of  view,  as  my  father  was  prisoner  of 
war  in  Starobielsk,  and  I  did  not  find  his  name  among  those  named 
by  the  Germans  when  they  discovered  Katyn.  They  started  to 
print  the  names  of  Polish  officers  found  there,  in  the  German  press 
published  in  Poland  at  that  time.  I  did  not  find  the  name  of  my 
father  there.  So  when  Aleksiej  said  that  they  discovei'ed  something 
almost  the  same  near  Charkow,  it  was  quite  possible  that  my  father 
was  found  there.  So  it  was  very  important  information  from  my 
personal  point  of  view- — not  only  from  the  Polish  point  of  view. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  find  out  anything  further  from  Aleksiej 
regarding  who  was  in  these  graves? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Well,  he  said  that  in  his  opinion  they  killed  these 
people  of  Russian  nationality  who  were  against  the  Government  and 
against  what  they  wanted  to  do  for  the  near  future,  because  every- 
body was  sure  in  Russia  at  that  time  that  the  war  against  Germany 
will  start  in  the  near  future;  and  it  happened  1  year  later. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Now  one  other  question:  Did  Aleksiej  tell  you 
how  many  bodies  were  found  in  those  graves  at  Charkow? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Well,  as  far  as  I  remember,  he  said  thousands, 
but  it  is  difficult  for  me  to  say  now. 

Mr.  Flood.  Now  here  is  one  thing  we  are  trjdng  to  presume:  as 
you  know  or  have  heard,  we  seem  to  have  accounted  for  the  missing 
Polish  officers  from  the  camp  at  Kozielsk. 


Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Because  of  the  names  that  have  been  hsted  from  the 
graves  at  Katyn;  but  nobody  seems  to  be  able  to  account  for  the 
missing  officers  from  Starobielsk  and  Ostoshkov. 

Mr.  Garlinski.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  It  has  been  suggested,  and  we  are  trying  to  develop 
the  theory,  that  the  Russians  may  have  had  execution  camps  or  execu- 
tion spots  set  up  for  various  districts  or  geographic  areas.  Do  you 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  is  why  your  testimony  is  important,  because  it 
indicates  that  possibility.  Now,  I  want  to  emphasize  that  your 
friend  did  not  mention  Polish  officers,  did  he,  at  that  time? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  No  :  he  did  not. 

Mr.  Flood.  He  mentioned  thousands  of  bodies — yes  or  no? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes;  thousands  of  bodies. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  he  indicate  that  his  information  was  that  there 
were  executions  taking  place  in  the  Kharkov  area  at  this  spot  you 
are  talking  about  in  1939  and  1940? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  1940. 

Mr.  AIachrowicz.  There  is  one  other  question  there  I  want  to 
bring  up:  You  were  released  in  1945  and  came  to  England;  is  that 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes;  I  was  released  by  American  forces,  the 
American  Army,  in  May  1945,  and  came  here  in  November  1945. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  at  that  time,  when  you  came  to  England 
in  May  1945,  relate  the  very  same  story  as  you  are  now  telling  this 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  To  the  Polish  Government  in  exile? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  So  that  this  matter  which  you  have  told  us  today 
has  been  related  by  you  in  exactly  the  same  text  in  November  1945? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Immediately  upon  your  arrival? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Not  in  November  1945 — a  bit  later. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  When? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  It  is  difficult  to  say. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Shortly  after  November? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Even  later.     I  think  it  was  1946  or  1947. 

Mr.  Flood.  By  the  way,  did  you  ever  hear,  then  or  later,  of  any 
German  announcements  or  reports  or  propaganda  havmg  to  do  with 
executions  in  the  Kharkov  area? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Not  German  propaganda;  no. 

Mr.  Dondero.  Where  were  you  from  1943  until  1945,  when  you 
were  released  and  came  to  England? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  From  1943  to  1945  I  spent  this  time  in  the  German 
concentration  camps. 

Mr.  DoNDERo.  That  is  what  I  want  to  know;  that  is  all. 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes;  there  were  other  camps.  You  may  be  inter- 
ested, if  you  would  like  to  hear  this:  fJust  before  the  war,  in  1938,  my 
father  was  married  again,  tlie  second  time;  because  my  parents  were 
separated— you  know — divorced,  when  I  was  still  a  small  child.  He 
married  a  young  girl.     She  is  oidy,  I  think,  2  j'^ears  older  than  my  wife. 


And  we  were  friends.  AI3"  father  was  mobilized  in  1939  as  a  major  of 
reserve.  He  was  still  not  too  old — only  49  or  48 ;  and  he  disappeared 
during  the  war.  We  did  not  know  what  had  happened  to  him.  At 
this  time  we  stayed  m  Warsaw — I  with  my  wife,  and  we  were  friendly 
with  his  second  wife.  It  was  the  beginning  of  1940,  as  far  as  I  remem- 
ber. My  wife  is  here.  My  wife  is  Irish — not  Polish.  She  may  be  a 
good  witness  for  j^ou.  She  spent  all  the  war  in  Poland.  And  siid- 
denl}^  the  second  wife  of  my  father  got  a  post  card  from  my  father 
from  Starobielsk.  It  was  the  first  information  about  him,  where  he  is. 
It  was  one  post  card.  I  remember  tnat  she  got  another  one  also  in 
Januar}"  or  February  of  1940;  and  latei-  the  last  news  from  him  was  a 
telegram  sent  through  Moscow  and  Berlin  for  her.  Her  Christian 
name  is  Maria.  This  may  be  impo:tant  for  the  date.  [The  witness 
looked  at  a  diary.]     It  is  the  25th  Anarch. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  ^\'hat  year? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  1940.  She  got  this  telegram  from  him,  with 
wishes.  You  laiow,  it  is  the  Polish  custom:  ^^  e  alwa3's  remember  the 
name — the  Christian  name — not  the  birthday.  Her  Christian  name 
is  Maria  and  Mary  is  JMarcli  25. 

Mr.  Flood.  By  the  name  day?  You  mean  the  saint's  day,  do 
you  not? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  The  saint's  day,  yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  It  is  the  Polish  custom  to  send  greetings  on  your  name 
day  or  saint's  day? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes,  that  is  it. 

Mr.  Flood.  Rather  than  on  the  natal  day  or  birthday? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes,  that  is  true. 

Mr.  Flood.  Her  name  is  Maria;  her  saint's  day  is  St.  Mary's  day. 
The  husband  from  the  camp  at  Starobielsk  sent  her  a  telegram  saying 
''Happy  Birthday"? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Or  "Happy  Saint's  Day"? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Yes.  That  is  tlnough  Moscow  and  Berlin;  it 
was  the  way  of  this  telegram.  It  was  March  25,  1940.  It  was  the 
last  news  from  him.    Later,  nothing. 

Chairman  Madden.  Are  there  any  further  questions?  Has  any- 
body promised  you  any  pay  or  recompense  for  coming  here  to  testify? 

Mr.  Garlinski.  No,  no. 

Chahman  Madden.  We  want  to  thank  you  for  yom-  testimony  here 
today.    It  is  very  valuable  testimony.    Thank  you. 

Mr.  Garlinski.  Thank  you  very  much. 

Mr.  Pucinski.  This  is  the  wife  of  the  last  witness. 

Chairman  Madden.  State  your  name  and  address. 

Mrs.  Garlinski.  Eileen  Frances  Gaiiinska,  104  Holland  Road, 
London,  W.  14. 

Chairman  Madden.  Before  you  make  your  statement,  it  is  our 
wish  that  you  be  advised  that  you  would  run  the  risk  of  action  in 
the  courts  if  anyone  considered  he  had  suffered  an  injury  by  reason 
of  your  testimoiiy.  At  the  same  time  I  wish  to  make  it  quite  clear 
that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  and  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentativ^es  do  not  assume  any  responsibility  on  your  behalf  with 
respect  to  libel  or  slander  proceedings  which  may  arise  as  a  result  of 
your  testimony.     You  understand  that? 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  I  understand  that. 


Cliaii-man  Madden.  Now  will  you  raise  your  hand  and  be  sworn. 
Do  you  swear  by  God  the  Almighty  that  you  will,  according  to  the 
best  of  your  knowledge,  tell  the  pure  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and 
nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God? 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  I  do. 

Chairman  Madden.  What  was  3'our  name  before  3^ou  were  married? 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  Short. 

Chahman  MADDsn.  Where  were  you  born? 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  Liverpool. 

Chairman  Madden.  How  long  were  you  in  England  before  you 
met  your  present  husband? 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  I  was  in  England  until  1935.  I  went  out  to 
Poland  in  1935.     I  met  him  in  1936  and  we  were  married  in  1939. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  last  witness  who  has  just  testified  is  your  husband? 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  He  is  my  husband;  yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  hear  his  testimony?  ♦ 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  heard  everything  he  said  tliis  morning? 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  heard  him  say  that  you  and  he  were  living  together 
as  husband  and  wife  in  Warsaw;  is  that  correct? 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  at  that  time  your  father-in-law's  second  wife 
was  also  living  in  Warsaw? 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  Yes;  for  a  time  we  lived  in  the  same  house  as 
she  did. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  tliree  of  you  lived  together? 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  Yes;  with  her  mother  too. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  heard  your  husband  say  she  had  received  on 
different  occasions  two  cards  from  her  husband  at  Starobielsk? 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Are  you  aware  of  that  fact? 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  see  the  cards? 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  I  did. 

Mr.  Flood.  Can  you  corroborate  the  testimony  given  b}^  your 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  I  can. 

Mr.  Flood.  As  true  and  correct? 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Of  your  own  knowledge? 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  recall  of  your  own  memory  the  date  of  the 
last  card  that  the  wife  received  from  her  husband? 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  The  last  w^as  a  telegram.  In  fact,  I  remember 
the  date  chiefly — -I  remember  that  this  had  come  for  her  Name's 
Day  or  Saint's  Day  on  March  25,  1940.  We  saw  it.  She  always 
showed  us  the  correspondence  she  had  from  him.  I  know  that  she 
tried  frequently  to  get  news.  I  was  in  contact  with  her  mitil  1945 
personally  and  I  still  write  to  her.    We  were  always  very  good  friends. 

Mr.  Flood.  Your  nationality  is  not  Polish? 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  No;  I  am  Anglo-Irish — more  Irish. 

Mr.  Flood.  Anglo-Irish? 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  Yes,  but  more  Irish  than  Anglo. 


Mr.  Flood.  That  is  all;  thank  you. 

Chahman  Madden.  Nobody  has  made  any  promise  to  you  to  pay 
you  any  emoluments  for  coming  here  to  testify? 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  No. 

Chairman  Madden.  We  wish  to  thank  you  for  your  testimon}^. 

Mrs.  Garlinska.  Thank  3^ou. 

Chairman  Madden.  Will  you  state  your  name  and  address? 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  Janus  Prawdzic  Szlaski,  of  22  Buer  Road,  London, 
S.  W.  6. 

Chairman  Madden.  Before  you  make  your  statement,  it  is  our  wish 
that  you  be  advised  that  you  would  run  the  risk  of  action  in  the  courts 
by  anyone  who  considered  he  had  suffered  injury.  At  the  same  time 
I  wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  and  the  House  of  Representatives  do  not  assume  any  respon- 
sibility in  your  behalf  with  respect  to  libel  or  slander  proceedings 
which  may  arise  as  the  result  of  your  testimony.  You  understand 

Mr.  Pucinski.  This  witness  has  indicated  that  he  wants  to  testify 
in  Polish. 

Chairman  Madden.  Yes.  Will  you  interpret  that.  (The  admoni- 
tion was  interpreted  to  the  witness.) 

Mr.  Pucinski.  The  witness  has  indicated  that  he  understands  the 
statement  and  the  admonition. 

Chairman  Madden.  Now,  if  you  will  be  sworn.  Do  you  solemnly 
swear  by  God  the  Almighty  that  you  will,  according  to  your  best 
knowledge,  tell  the  pure  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the 
truth,  so  help  you  God. 


LONDON,  S.  W.  6. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  The  witness  has  given  his  name  and  address  for  the 
record.  Will  you  ask  the  witness  where  he  was  and  what  his  capacity 
was  in  the  year  1944? 

Mr.  Szlaski.  I  was  the  commanding  officer  of  an  underground 
army,  district  Nowogrodek. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Ask  him  if  that  was  what  is  commonly  known  in 
America  as  the  Polish  Home  Underground  Army  that  participated  in 
the  Warsaw  uprising  at  the  instigation  of  the  Allies  during  the  months 
of  August  and  September  of  1944? 

Mr.  Szlaski.  Yes. 

Air.  O'Konski.  That  is  correct?  Ask  him  if  it  is  not  true  that 
that  home  army  was  made  up  of  the  greatest  patriots  and  the  so  called 
intelligentsia  of  what  was  left  of  Poland  and  particularly  Warsaw, 
at  that  time? 

Mr.  Pucinski.  The  witness  said  that  in  his  particular  battalion  40 
percent  of  those  in  the  underground  unit  that  he  commanded  were 
White  Russians. 

Mr.  O'Konski.  Ask  him  what  he  knows  about  any  Russian  order 
or  any  Russian  attempt  to  liquidate  any  leadership  or  any  intelli- 
gentsia in  Poland? 

Mr.  Szlaski.  I  had  several  opportunities  to  observe  these  tactics. 
When  the  Russian  Armies  were  virtually  destroyed  by  the  Germans 
in  1941  many  of  the  Russian  Officers  and  NKVD  officers  transferred 
their  allegiance  and  worked  with  the  German  Gestapo,  and  these 


officers,  especially  in  this  district  of  Nowogrodek,  began  then  an 
intensive  campaign  of  collecting  the  intelligentsia  of  that  area  and 
surrendering  it  to  the  Germans.  As  soon  as  we  discovered  this  in  the 
Polish  underground,  we  began  intense  efforts  at  destroying  this 
procedure  of  these  Kussian  NKVD  ofTicers  selecting  the  intelligentsia 
and  transferring  it  to  the  Germans. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Wliy  did  they  transfer  these  intelligentsia  to  the 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  They  wanted  to  eliminate  all  of  the  pro-Polish  ele- 
ments in  that  particular  region.  After  we  had  succeeded  in  destroying 
the  intelligence  union  of  the  NKDV  officers  working  with  the  Germans, 
then  those  who  survived  began  efforts  and  contacted  us  with  an 
effort  to  try  and  work  with  our  units  against  the  Germans.  We  had 
several  conversations  with  their  leaders  and  we  did  reach  an  agreement 
and  we  did  work  together  and  we  did  manage  to  destroy  many  of  the 
installations  in  various  German  towns.  During  this  period  of  co- 
operation with  the  remainder  of  the  Russian  NKVD  with  which  Ave 
were  working,  we  had  several  conversations  to  work  out  various 
details  of  points  that  came  up  and  questions  that  came  up.  On  the 
December  1,  1943,  the  Russians  invited  some  of  our  officers  for  a 
series  of  discussions.  After  inviting  us,  and  we  told  them  to  come  to 
one  of  our  underground  meeting  places,  when  the  Russians  got  there, 
they  attacked  us  by  surprise.  The}'"  had  succeeded  in  this  attack  in 
killing  some  of  our  people  and  capturing  others  of  our  people,  whom 
they  had  taken  back  to  Russia. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  In  other  words,  the  Russians  asked  for  a  meeting 
with  the  leaders  of  the  underground  home  army? 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  And  then,  when  they  set  the  time  and  place  of 
the  meeting,  the  Russians  came,  and,  instead  of  meeting  with  them, 
arrested  them  and  killed  some  of  them;  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  Yes.  Those  of  our  people  who  were  away  on  patrol  duty 
managed  to  escape  this  ambush,  and  then  we  started  a  bitter  war 
with  the  Russian  Partisans.  They  frequently  attacked  our  villages 
and  our  meeting  places. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  That  is,  the  Russians  attacked? 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  The  Russians,  and  they  murdered  many  of  our 
people,  and  during  one  of  these  battles  a  Russian  Army  Staff  officer 
was  killed.  One  of  our  officers  who  searched  the  body  of  this  dead 
staff  officer  came  across  a  package  of  papers.  This  officer  is  now  in  the 
United  States. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  What  is  his  name  and  address,  if  he  knows? 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  His  name  is  Josef  Niedzwiocki.  He  lives  in  Buffalo, 
and  I  will  have  to  give  you  his  exact  address  a  little  later.  Among 
the  papers  that  were  found  on  this  dead  staft'  officer  was  an  order  in  the 
Russian  language  issued  by  the  commanding  officer  of  the  Partisan 
Russians  named  Ponomarynko,  who  until  recently  was  President  of 
Wliite  Russia  and  is  now  a  member  of  the  Russian  Politburo. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  In  other  words,  it  was  a  very  high  ranking  Russian 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  Yes.  The  order  stated  that  as  of  the  December  1, 
1943,  all  efforts  should  be  made  to  d(>stroy  these  Polish  underground 
battalions  and  to  particularly  select  the  officers  and  noncommissioned 


Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Ask  him  if  lie  has  a  complete  copy  of  that  order  in 
his  possession. 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  I  have  a  copy  of  that  order  here  which  has  been 
translated  onto  the  Polish  language.  The  original  of  this  order  I  have 
in  Poland. 

Mr.  Flood.  Let  me  see  the  document.  [Document  handed  to  Mr. 
Flood.]  Show  this  document  handed  to  me  by  the  witness  to  the 
stenographer  and  have  it  marked  as  exliibit  31.  As  I  understand  it, 
exliibit  31,  this  document  now  marked  for  identification,  is  a  copy  of 
the  order  you  have  just  described  found  upon  the  body  of  this  Russian 
officer.     Is  that  correct? 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  Yes. 

(The  order  referred  to  was  marked  as  "Exhibit  31"  and  is  shown 

P^XHIBIT   31 

r  .''■■-■  '• 

i^'  ^t^^A^^k  \^iA^^   \!\:i^^i.^i^^h  j^i»Ho  %  7&6.e^i  ^:%<k. 

93744—52 — pt.  4 19 




(English  cranslation  of  the  above  exliibit  appears  on  the  following 
page  under  remarks  of  Mr.  Machrowicz.) 

Mr.  Flood.  You  have  the  original  document  in  your  possession, 
but  it  is  in  Poland  in  safekeeping;  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  now  show  you  exhibit  No.  31  and  ask  you,  after  you 
examine  that,  to  state  w^hether  or  not  that  is  an  exact  copy  of  the 
original  document  taken  from  the  Russian  officer's  body  which  you 
sa}^  is  in  Poland.     Will  you  examine  it  and  say? 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  It  is  an  exact  copy. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Ask  the  witness  if,  in  his  observation,  particularly 
during  the  Warsaw  uprising  before  and  after,  he  feels  that  that  order 
was  actually" being  carried  out  by  the  Russians. 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  Yes.     I  saw  it  being  executed. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  have  just  examined  the  document  to  which  we 
referred,  exhibit  No.  31,  and  I  notice  that  3'ou  also  have  a  Polish 
translation  of  exhibit  31.  I  understand  that  the  original  order,  of 
course,  found  on  the  dead  Russian  officer's  body  was  in  Russian 
and  this  is  an  exact  translation,  as  I  understand  it,  of  the  Russian 
order.     Is  that  correct? 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  Yes,  it  is  correct. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Ask  him  if  the  refusal  of  the  Russians  to  come  to  the 
aid  of  Poland  during  the  Warsaw  uprising  was  part  of  the  pattern  of 
getting  the  leadership  of  Poland  liquidated. 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  Yes,  it  was;  but  I,  however,  did  not  participate  in 
the  Warsaw  uprising.     I  was  in  Russian-occupied  territory  of  Poland. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  W^ien  the  Russians  moved  forward  and  they  kept 
on  taking  over  more  and  more  of  the  Polish  territory  and  Polish  people, 
what  was  the  policy  of  the  Russians  concerning  anybody  who  worked 
in  a  Polish  undergroinid  or  who  was  left  as  a  possible  leader  of  Poland? 
What  happened  to  them? 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  They  arrested  them  and  removed  them  to  Russia. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  In  other  words,  ask  him  if  it  was  not  a  general 
policy  on  the  part  of  the  Russians  to  destroy  ever}'  segment  of  any 
possible  Polish  resistance  of  any  nature. 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  Yes,  that  was  their  policy.  I  worked  together  with 
these  people  and  we  had  participated  in  the  attack  on  Wilno.  When 
the  Polish  Army  attacked  Wilno  we  were  supportetd  by  the  Russians 
and  we  subsequently  guarded  the  flank  of  the  Russian  units.  I  was 
then  removed  from  my  present  post  and  transferred  to  another 
assignment  to  form  Polish  units  near  Wilno. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Ask  him  if  he  sees  any  similarity  in  the  Russian 
actions  during  his  experience  under  the  Russians  in  that  territory,  if 
he  sees  any  similarity  in  the  Russian  order  to  eliminate  and  liquidate 
all  possible  oppositions,  if  he  sees  any  similarity  between  that  and  the 
mass  murders  at  Katyn. 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  I  see  no  difference  between  the  two. 

Mr.  O'KoxsKi.  In  other  words,  it  was  a  part  of  an  over-all  picture 
to  wipe  out  the  Polish  leadership,  the  Polish  intelligentsia  and  any 
possible  Polish  resistance? 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  Yes,  that  is  correct. 

Mr.  DoNDERO.  Did  you  personally  see  that  order  which  you  found 
on  the  body  of  this  dead  Russian  officer  actually  carried  out  against 
any  of  your  people? 


Mr.  SzLASKi.  Yes.  I  was  a  prisoner  of  the  Russians  in  1941  in  a 
Russian  prison,  and  they  had  me  scheduled  for  an  execution. 

Mr.  Flood.  Exhibit  No.  31  is  very  short.  It  is  in  Polish;  and,  for 
the  information  of  the  committee,  I  would  suggest  that  it  be  read  in 
English,  so  that  we  can  hear  exactly  what  that  order  from  the  Russian 
officer's  body  actually  said. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  If  the  chairman  wishes,  I  will  give  my  trans- 
lation of  it.    It  is  veiy  short. 

Chairman  Madden.  Proceed. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  On  the  very  top  the  words  are  contained: 

Strictly  secret.  Copy  No.  7.  An  earlier  publication  is  subject  to  penalty- 
Military  order  to  the  commandants  of  the  Partisan  detachments  of  the  Stalin 
Brigade,  dated  November  30,  1943,  15  o'clock.  In  execution  of  the  order  of  the 
Chief  of  the  Staff  of  the  Partisan  movement  attached  to  the  General  Commander 
of  the  Russian  Army,  Lieutenant  General  Ponomarenko  and  of  the  authorised 
Chief  of  Staff  of  the  Partisan  movements,  Baranowiski  Serge,  Major  General 

On  December  1,  1943,  you  are  ordered  at  punctually  7  o'clock  in  the  morning 
to  publish  and  announce  that  in  all  occupied  points  commence  immediately  the 
personal  disarmament  of  all  Polish  Legionnaires  and  Partisans.  The  guns  and 
ammunition  and  documents  taken  from  them  to  be  registered  and  the  Legionnaires, 
together  with  their  guns,  to  be  taken  to  the  Milaszewski  camp  in  the  region  of  the 
village  of  Niestorowicze  in  the  Iwieniecki  region. 

In  case  of  resistance  during  the  time  of  disarmament  on  the  part  of  the  legion- 
naires and  partisans,  they  are  to  be  immediately  shot. 

Immediately  upon  receipt  of  this  order  it  is  to  be  immediately  sent  by  strictly 
confidential  message  for  execution  in  the  operational  regions  of  our  groups, 
companies  and  sections,  with  instructions  for  immediate  execution  of  this  order. 

This  order  is  to  be  kept  in  strict  confidence. 

The  commanders  of  the  various  sections  will  be  personally  responsible  for  the 
publication  or  for  the  revealing  of  this  order  for  any  reason  whatsoever.  Signed 
by  the  commander  of  the  Stalin  Brigade,  Colonel  Gulewicz,  and  the  commissar 
of  the  Stalin  Brigade,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Muranow.  Also  the  chief  of  staff  of 
the  Stalin  Brigade,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Karpod. 

This  order  is  issued  in  10  copies. 

Then  follows  the  names  of  the  various  detachments  to  whom  the 
copies  are  to  be  delivered.  Sealed  by  a  round  seal  of  the  Stalin 

Mr.  Flood.  That  should  be  submitted  in  evidence. 

Chairman  Madden.  That  is  accepted  in  evidence.  (To  the 
witness):  Has  anybody  promised  you  any  pay  or  emoluments  to  come 
here    today   to    testify? 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  No. 

Chairman  Madden.  We  wish  to  thank  you  for  your  testimony  here 
today,  very  valuable  testimony. 

Mr.  SzLASKi.  Thank  you. 


Chairman  Madden.  Before  you  make  a  statement,  it  is  our  wish 
that  you  be  advised  that  you  will  run  the  risk  of  action  in  the  courts 
by  ai\yone  who  considers  he  has  suffered  an  injury.  As  the  same  time, 
I  wish  to  make  it  quite  clear  that  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  and  the  House  of  Representatives  docs  not  assume  any  respon- 
sibility in  your  behalf  with  respect  to  libel  or  slander  proceedings  which 
may  arise  as  the  result  of  your  testunony.     You  understand  that? 

Mr.  C.  Yes. 


Chairman  Madden.  Do  you  swear  by  the  God  Almighty  that 
you  will,  according  to  the  best  of  your  knowledge,  tell  the  pure  truth, 
the  whole  truth  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God? 

Mr.  C.  Yes. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Mr.  Chairman,  for  the  record,  this  witness  has 
relatives  behind  the  iron  curtain,  and  he  requests  that  his  identity 
be  preserved  exclusively  for  the  knowledge  of  the  members  of  the 
committee  and  be  not  made  a  part  of  the  public  record. 

Chaii'man  Madden.  Have  we  his  address? 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Yes,  we  have  his  name  and  address.  His  identity 
is  known  to  the  committee. 

Chairman  Madden.  If  he  is  known  as  "Mr.  R"  is  that  all  right? 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  "Mr.  C." 

Chairman  Madden.  All  right.     You  proceed,  then. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Where  were  you  born? 

Mr.  C.  In  the  Province  of  Pomorze. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  When  were  you  born? 

Mr.  C.  Twenty-eighth  November,  1900. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Did  you  have  occasion  to  serve  in  the  Polish  Armed 

Mr.  C.  Yes,  I  did. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  In  what  rank  and  when? 

Mr.  C.  Staff  sergeant. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  "Wlien? 

Mr.  C.  Do  you  mean  before  the  war  or  during  the  war? 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Wlien  did  you  first  join  the  Polish  Armed  Forces? 

Mr.  C.  Seventh  September,  1919. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  In  other  words,  30U  are  a  career  soldier,  a  pro- 
fessional soldier? 

Mr.  C  I  joined  the  Polish  Border  Guards  after  the  mobilization 
in  1922. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  You  were  in  the  Polish  Border  Guards  in  1922,  and 
did  vou  remain  in  that  organization  right  on  tlu'ough  the  war? 

Mr.  C.  Yes. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  You  were  in  the  Polish  Border  Guards  on  Sep- 
tember 1,  1939,  when  Poland  was  invaded  by  the  Germans? 

Mr.  C.  Yes,  I  was. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  And  you  were  in  the  Polish  Border  Guards  on 
September  17,  1939,  when  the  Russians  moved  into  Poland? 

Mr.  C.  No;  I  was  a  soldier  then.  I  was  incorporated  again  into  the 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  What  were  your  duties? 

Mr.  C.  Fighting;  nothing  else. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Your  rank  was  that  of  staff  sergeant? 

Mr.  C.  No;  it  was  sergeant  then. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  You  were  a  sergeant  at  that  time? 

Mr.  C.  Yes. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Were  you  ever  taken  prisoner  by  either  the  Germans 
or  the  Russians? 

Mr.  C.  I  was  arrested  by  the  Russians  on  the  25th  October,  1939. 
They  ordered  a  registration  of  all  newcomers  to  the  town  I  was  living 
for  that  moment,  and  I  went  there  to  register  myself  and  my  family. 
My  family  has  been  evacuated  from  the  western  part  of  Poland  to  the 
eastern  part. 


Mr  PuciNSKi.  How  long  did  3^ou  remain  a  prisoner  of  the  Russians? 

Mr.  C.  From  the  25th  October,  1939,  till  the  24th  August,  1941. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Duruig  that  period  of  internment  did  you  ever  have 
occasion  to  be  interned  either  at  the  camp  of  Ostashkov.  Starobielsk, 
or  Kozielsk ?     Just  answer  "  Yes"  or  " No . " 

Mr.  C.  Yes. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Which  of  those  three  camps  were  you  interned  in 
at  any  given  time? 

Mr.  C.  Among  others,  I  was  in  Ostashkov. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  When  did  you  arrive  at  Ostashkov? 

Mr.  C.  We  arrived  in  Ostashkov  on  the  Uth  February,  1940. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Am  I  correct  in  assuming  that  you  were  taken  there 
by  the  Russians? 

Mr.  C.  Yes. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  At  the  time  that  you  arrived  at  Ostashkov  on  the 
11th  February  1940,  how  many  other  Poles  were  there  is  this  camp? 

Mr.  C.  About  7,000. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Wlio  were  these  people  at  that  camp? 

Mr.  C.  Most  of  them  were  Polish  policemen.  There  were  a  certain 
number  of  officers  of  all  ranks,  mostly  police  and  the  border  guard, 
but  there  were  some  civilians  like  priests,  lawyers,  and  other  classes 
of  people. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  There  were  7,000  is  all? 

Mr,  C.  In  all  about  7,000.    I  did  not  count  them  personally. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  How  long  did  you  stay  at  Ostashkov  after  you 
arrived  there  on  February  11th? 

Mr.  C.  I  stayed  there  till  the  13th  May,  1940. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  How  long  did  the  other  7,000  inmates  or  prisoners 
in  that  camp  stay  at  Ostashkov  after  you  arrived  there  on  Februarv 

Mr.  C.  They  were  there. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  How  long  after  that  did  they  remain  there? 

Mr.  C.  I  was  among  the  last  ones  to  leave  Ostashkov. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  You  were  the  second  from  the  last  group  to  leave 

Mr.  C.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  What  date  was  that? 

Mr.  C.  I  was  among  a  group  of  about  70  people  to  leave.  And 
there  remained  after  us  about  the  same  number — that  means  about 
70  people — who  I. later  learned  left  Ostashkov  the  next  day. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  You  left  on  what  date? 

Mr.  C.  The  13th  May,  1940. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  What'  happened  to  the  rest  of  the  7,000  inmates 
that  you  had  seen  when  you  arrived  there? 

Mr.  C.  I  cannot  tell  you  what  happened. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Were  they  taken  out  of  the  camp  between  the  11th 
February  and  the  13th  May? 

Mr.  C.  They  were  being  taken  away  from  the  camp. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  They  were  evacuated? 

Mr.  C.  Evacuated. " 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Can  you  tell  us  in  your  own  words  tlu^  method  of 
evacuating  these  men? 

Mr.  C.  Every  day  in  the  morning  a  certain  number,  say  about  70 
to  130,  were  read  from  a  list,   aiul  they  took  their  mattresses  and 


blankets,  went  to  the  church — there  was  a  big  hall — and  there  was  a 
division.  They  left  there  these  mattresses.  Then  there  was  a  ring  of 
guards.  They  took  them  tlu'ough  another  door  straight  into  the 
guards  ring  and  then  in  a  group,  like  soldiers,  they  were  marched 
away  from  the  camp. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  When  did  that  evacuation  begin,  as  far  as  you 

Mr.  C.  Fourth  April,  1940. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  As  far  as  you  k)iow,  then,  the  first  group  ranging 
from  70  to  130  left  Ostashkov  on  April  4th? 

Mr.  C.  The  first  group  left  Ostashkov  on  the  4th  April  1940. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Tiien  do  I  understand  you  correctly  that  subse- 
quently in  similar  groups  they  left  eveiy  day  thereafter? 

Mr.  C.  Sometimes  three  groups  a  day  left. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  How  were  they  actually  evacuated  from  the  camp? 
How  did  they  leave  the  camp? 

Mr.  C.  Marching  away  singing  in  fours. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Did  you  see  them  boarding  trains  or  trucks,  or 

Mr.  C.  No.  They  were  taken  to  a  station  which  was  far  away 
from  the  camp. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  How  do  you  know  that  they  were  taken  to  the 

Mr.  C.  Because  I  was  taken  there  myself. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Do  you  have  auy  idea  what  happened  to  these  men 
that  were  evacuated  prior  to  your  own  departure? 

Mr.  C  I  cannot  tell.  Just  one  thing  which  strikes  me  is  that  in 
the  beginning  of  May  1940  there  was  gossip  among  the  prisoners 
there,  the  Poles. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  When  you  say  "gossip,"  you  mean  rumors? 

Mr.  C.  Yes,  speaking  about  it,  that  the  first  thousands  of  Ostashkov 
men  have  been  put  on  the  ships  and  pulled  up  the  river  to  the  White 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Up  what  river? 

Mr.  C.  I  could  not  tell  you  which  river,  but  a  river  which  leads  to 
the  White  Sea,  and  the  ships  with  the  people  were  sunk  in  the  rivers, 
that  is  what  we  heard. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  When  did  you  first  hear  those  rumors? 

Mr.  C.  I  cannot  tell  you  the  date,  but  in  the  first  days  of  May  1940. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  That  is  when  the  rumors  started,  more  or  less? 

Mr.  C.  Yes. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  That  was  the  first  1,000.  Did  you  hear  any  other 
rumors  regarding  the  other  approximately  6,000? 

Mr.  C.  I  personally  heard  onlv  this  one. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  About  the  first  1,000. 

Mr.  C.  No,  not  1,000;  of  the  first  thousands. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Would  you  say  how  many  thousands? 

Mr.  C.  No,  I  cannot. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Do  vou  have  any  idea  where  those  rumors  started? 

Mr.  C.  No,  I  cannot  tell  you. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  When  you  heard  those  rumors  repeated  to  you, 
did  your  friends  tell  you  where  they  heard  it  from? 

Mr.  C.  My  friend  could  not  tell  who  started,  as  I  cannot  tell  you 
who  started. 


Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Did  you  over  talk  to  any  of  the  camp  officials  about 
these  rumors? 

Mr.  C.  No,  never. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  You  never  asked  them? 

Mr.  C.  No. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  And  thev  never  volunteered  any  information? 

Mr.  C.  No.  ^ 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Did  you  believe  those  rumors  at  that  time? 

Mr.  C.  There  are  certain  things  which  one  who  has  been  in  Russia 
can  take  for  granted. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  May  what? 

Mr.  C.  May  take  for  granted;  you  may  take  it  as  the  truth. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  As  far  as  you  know,  then,  only  on  the  basis  of 
rumors,  the  first  thousands  of  men  who  were  evacuated  from  that 
camp  were  taken  down  the  river  to  the  White  Sea  and  placed  on 
barges,  and  there  the  barges  were  sunk  off  the  coast  line? 

Mr.  C.  That  is  what  we  heard. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Did  those  rumors  indicate  where;  how  far  off  the 

Mr.  C.  No,  thev  could  not. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  You  left  on  Mav  13,  1940? 

xMr.  C.  Yes. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  How  did  you  leave  that  camp? 

Mr.  C.  The  sam.e  way  as  my  friends  before.  I  was  read  out  of  a 
list  by  Russian  guardsmen.  I  took  my  m.attress  and  blankets  into 
the  church  there  and  I  have  put  down  the  things,  and  a  severe  per- 
sonal revision  was  made;  everything  was  taken  away. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Were  jour  personal  belongings  taken  away  from 

Mr.  C.  They  were  taken  long  before  in  Poland. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Were  letters  and  pictures  taken  away  from  you? 

Mr.  C.  Everything. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Everything? 

Mr.  C.  Everything,  which  means  pens  and  papers  and  things. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Letters  and  pictures  also  of  your  family? 

Mr.  C.  No;  they  were  not  allowed  to  a  prisoner.  Everything 
was  taken  away. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  After  you  marched  out  of  the  camp,  where  did  you 

Mr.  C.  We  were  led  out  of  the  camp  to,  I  believe,  the  nearest 
station  and  loaded  into  wagons. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Into  trucks  or  trains? 

Mr.  C.  Into  trains  with  bars,  of  course. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Prison  cars  on  a  train? 

Mr.  C.  That  is  it. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Wliere  were  you  taken  from  there? 

Mr.  C.  Again  to  Pavlishchev  Bor. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Do  you  know  the  name  of  that  station? 

Mr.  C.  No;  not  this  one.  I  know  that  one  which  I  came  into 
Ostashkov.     It  was  Ostashkov  as  well. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Do  you  know  of  your  own  knowledge  whether  the 
other  men  that  preceded  you  who  left  the  station  were  taken  away 
l)V  train? 

THE    KATirN^    FOREST    MASSACRE  795 

Mr.  C.  I  have  not  seen  with  my  own  eyes,  but  I  do  not  think  in 
those  regions  there  is  a  possil^iUty  of  taking  people  on  foot. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Were  there  roads  around  there? 

Mr.  C.  I  think  so. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  But  there  were  large  numbers  being  evacuated? 

Mr.  C.  You  mean  groups? 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Some  70  to  130. 

Mr.  C.  As  I  said  before,  about  70  to  130  people  at  a  time. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Wlien  you  boarded  this  train,  did  you  see  any 
inscriptiQns  in  the  train  cars  regarding  any  hint  as  to  where  the  men 
from  Ostashkov  may  have  gone? 

]\Ir.  C.  No.  There  were  different  things  of  this  kind,  but  nothing 
about  the  people  from  Ostashkov.  Perhaps  there  may  be,  but  I  did 
not  see  any. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Did  you,  while  you  were  still  back' at  the  camp  and 
while  these  men  were  being  evacuated,  reach  any  agreement,  or  did 
you  instruct  the  men  leaving  before  you  to  leave  you  any  clues  on  the 
trains,  if  they  could,  as  to  where  they  were  going? 

Mr.  C.  No.  The  camp  was  newly  created,  so  I  had  very  few  friends 
there.  There  were  days  in  which  you  were  unable  to  get  in  touch 
with  the  people.  We  could  not  speak  honestly  to  each  other  because 
you  could  not  trust.  You  should  understand  one  thing  in  Russia. 
In  any  group  of  people  they  put  somebody  in  who  takes  from  you  and 
gives  the  information  to  the  Russians.     So  you  cannot  trust  an^^body. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Do  you  know  if  any  of  the  inmates  of  that  camp  had 
made  any  arrangements  with  those  leaving  the  camp  to  try  and  leave 
some  clue  as  to  where  those  leaving  before  you  were  going? 

Mr.  C.  No;  I  did  not  hear  that. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  You  do  not  know  that? 

Mr.  C.  No. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  You  say  you  did  see  inscriptions.  Can  you  tell  us 
very  briefly  what  some  of  those  inscriptions  were? 

Mr.  C.  Big  places  of  Russia,  say  Briansk.  I  have  forgotten  the 
names — I  do  not  remember  them  now — but  the  first  thing  of  a  prison 
in  Russia— 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Do  you  remember  any  other  names  besides  Briansk? 

Mr.  C.  It  is  too  far  away.     I  cannot  remember  the  places. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Can  you  tell  me  from  your  own  personal  knowledge 
where  is  Briansk  in  relation  to  the  White  Sea? 

Mr.  C.  It  is  in  the  Province  of  Smolensk. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Briansk  is? 

Mr.  C.  Yes. 

Mr,  PuciNSKi.  Do  you  know  of  your  own  knowledge  whether  a 
trip  from  Ostashkov  to  the  Wliite  Sea  would  require  you  to  go  through 

Mr.  C.  You  may,  but  there  are  other  ways  as  well. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  I  notice  that  you  have  been  referring  to  a  little 
board  here  in  answering  some  of  these  questions.  What  is  this 

Mr.  C.  This  is  part  of  a  Polish  knapsack,  before  the  war.  Every- 
thing what  means  paper  was  taken  away.  I  was  sure  I  couldn't  keep 
all  these  dates  and  places  in  my  mind;  so,  finally  I  got  the  idea  to  write 
them  down  with  little  pieces  of  pencil  and  kept  it  in  the  proper  place, 
which  is  between  two  boards. 


Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Those  arc  the  staves  for  your  knapsack;  aren't  they? 

Mr.  C.  Yes,  sir.  And  all  these  hundreds  of  observations  were  my 
personal  observations  taken.  I  got  the  idea  that  there  were  things 
like  this. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Why  did  you  keep  this  so-called  diary? 

Mr.  C.  Because  in  case  I  would  be  murdered,  because  we  believed 
they  are  able  to  do  so,  somebody  may  find  the  thing,  and  in  case  I 
would  stay  alive  it  will  help  me  to  tell  the  people  where  I  was  and  to 
where  I  went.     That  is  the  idea  I  kept  the  dates  in  the  place. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  This  is  not  very  long.     It  shouldn't  take  very  long. 

Would  you  briefly  give  us  the  notations  you  have  on  that  stave? 

Mr.  C.  Yes,  sir.     It  is  in  Polish. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Would  you  translate  that  into  English? 

Mr.  C.  The  25th  of  October,  arrested  in  Bolechow,  taken  to  Dolina. 

The  2d  of  November,  taken  to  Stanislaw. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  This  is  still  1939? 

Mr.  C.  Yes,  sir. 

The  3d  of  November,  taken  from  Stanislaw  to  Tarnopol  and 
through  Podwoloczyska,  in  Russia,  Proskirow,  Szypytowka,  Konotop, 
Bryansk,  to  Babinino.  The  25th  of  November  1939,  vve  arrived  at 
the  camp  of  Juchnow. 

The  2d  of  December  to  the  16th  of  that  month,  I  was  very  sick  in 
that  camp. 

The  21st  of  December  that  year,  the  police  were  taken  away  from 
us;  just  a  border  guard  remained,  were  left  there. 

The  30th  of  January  1940.  we  left  that  camp. 

The  11th  of  February  1940,  we  came  into  the  camp  of  Ostashkov. 
The  13th  of  May,  I  left  that  camp  through  Torzok,  Rzjew,  Bryansk. 

The  16th  of  May  1940,  again  I  arrived  into  the  camp  of  Pawlisczew 
Bor.     There  are  two  names:  Juchnow  and  Pawlisczew  Bor. 

The  13th  of  June  1940,  we  left  Pawlisczew  Bor  and  came  into  the 
camp  of  Griazowiec — at  the  18th  of  June  1940. 

The  30th  of  July  1941,  a  treaty  took  place  between  the  Russians  and 
the  Polish  Government  in  Lublin.  The  12th  of  August  1941,  we  were 
told  that  we  are  a  free  people,  told  by  the  Russians. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  You  were  given  vour  freedom? 

Mr.  C.  Yes. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Let  me  ask  you  here :  Do  you  have  any  idea  why  you 
and  the  other  140  from  Ostashkov  were  singled  out  as  those  who  were 
to  go  to  Pawlisczew  Bor?  Do  you  have  any  idea  why  you  were  in  that 

Mr.  C.  That  is  a  question  I  often  put  to  myself,  and  I  found  only 
one  answer  to  that  question.  The  first  protocol  was  put  down  by  the 
Russians  in  Bolechow.  They  asked  me  whether  I  had  been  serving 
in  the  Polish  Army  during  the  Polish-Bolshevik  war  in  1920.  Al- 
thougii  1  took  part  in  it,  I  told  them  I  didn't;  I  was  born  and  l)rought 
up  and  did  my  duty  only  on  the  western  part  of  Poland,  on  the  (ler- 
man  border.  That  is  what  may  be  the  cause  they  sorted  me  out,  for 
my  best  friend,  with  whom  I  was  doing  my  duty  before  the  war  for  10 
years,  being  born  as  well  at  the  western  part  of  Poland,  he  vanished 
because,  as  he  told  me  during  our  stay  in  Ostnshkov,  he  was  put  down 
in  the  protocol  that  he  was  fighting  against  the  Russians  in  1920. 
And  that  is  what,  I  think,  mav  be  the  cause  I  was  soiled  out. 


Mr.  PuciNSKi.  You  subsequently  joined  General  Anders'  Polish 
Army  in  Russia? 

Mr.  C.  I  did. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  When  did  you  first  hear  of  the  discovery  of  bodies 
in  Katyn? 

Mr.  C.  In  1943,  in  Jerusalem. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  At  the  time  that  you  heard  of  this  discovery,  what 
reaction  did  that  have  on  you  in  regard  to  your  own  personal  expe- 
riences at  Ostashkov,  if  any? 

Mr.  C.  It  only  came  true  what  I  was  thinking  all  the  time  after  we 
had  been  searching  for  those  people  and  we  couldn't  get  any  reply 
from  the  Russians,  and  we  couldn't  find  them  and  they  didn't  join 
the  army. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  What,  in  your  own  opinion,  do  you  think  happened 
to  the  rest  of  the  men  who  were  interned  with  you  at  Ostashkov? 

Mr,  C.  They  had  been  slaughtered  in  the  same  way  as  at  Starobielsk. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Not  at  Katyn? 

Mr.  C.  No;  not  at  Katyn,  because  there  are,  as  I  believe,  more 
Katyns  in  Russia. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Woidd  you  have  any  idea,  in  your  own  mind,  on  the 
basis  of  your  stay  at  Ostashkov  and  some  of  the  things  that  you  heard 
there,  where  these  men  could  have  been  exterminated? 

Mr.  C.  It  is  only  as  I  suggested  before,  they  were  drowned  in  the 
White  Sea,  according  to  reports  I  heard. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Did  you  believe  those  reports? 

Mr.  C.  I  believed  this  was  possible,  on  the  basis  of  what  I  knew 
about  the  Russians. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  How  far  is  the  White  Sea  from  Ostashkov? 

Mr.  C.  Hundreds  of  miles. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Approximately  how  manv  hundreds? 

Mr.  C.  I  can't  tell. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  You  don't  know? 

Mr.  C.  No. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  You  have  heard,  no  doubt,  since  the  discovery  of 
the  bodies  at  Katyn,  that  those  at  Starobielsk  and  at  Kozielsk  had 
read  inscriptions  on  the  trains,  of  where  these  men  were  going;  haven't 

Mr.  C.  No. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  You  have  not  heard  that? 

Mr.  C.  No.  I  can't  tell  because  I  didn't  see  it  personally.  I  can 
tell  only  things  which  I  experienced  or  saw  myself. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  But  have  you  heard,  in  your  subsequent  study  of 
this  whole  case,  that  some  of  the  men  did  notice  them? 

Mr.  C.  No ;  I  didn't. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  I  can  tell  you  that  some  of  the  witnesses  here  did 
testifj^  that  they  had  seen  inscriptions  on  the  train,  of  their  com- 
patriots wliicli  were  intended  as  a  clue  as  to  where  they  were  going. 
The  reason  I  ask  you  tliis  question  is  to  determine  if  you  have  any 
idea,  any  opinion,  since  you  say  there  were  no  inscriptions  on  the 
train  that  you  traveled  in  giving  you  some  clue  as  to  where  your  m.en 
from  Ostoshkov  were  sent? 

Mr.  C.  I  don't  deny  there  were  inscriptions,  but  I  haven't  seen  them 
and,  therefore,  I  can't  describe  them.  But  I  don't  deny  it;  it  is 


Mr.  PuciNSKi.  And  you  have  no  idea  why  those  names  may  not 
have  appeared,  or  why  these  men  didn't  leave  any  ckies  as  the  others 

Mr.  C.  No. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Is  there  anything  else  you  would  like  to  add  to  j^our 
statem.ent  at  this  tim^e  that  might  give  us  an  opportunity  to  establish 
who  was  responsible  for  the  disappearance  of  these  men? 

Air.  C.  Personally,  I  believe  that  the  slaughter  of  the  Polish 
prisoners  had  been  done  by  the  Russians,  because  when  we  were 
searcliing  for  them  in  Russia  and  were  waiting  for  them.,  the  staff 
officers  of  the  Polish  Army,  knowing  that  there  is  a  big  search  going 
on,  they  couldn't  tell  us  where  the  prisoners  were.  But  when  the 
Germans  discovered  the  mass  graves  in  1943,  they  rapidly  found  out 
that  they  were  at  Smolensk  in  a  camp  from  which  nobody  came  out 
and  nobody  knows  about  such  a  camp. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Did  the  Germans  ever  occupy,  to  the  best  of  your 
knowledge,  the  camp  at  Ostashkov? 

Mr.  C.  Yes.  I  have  photographs,  but  I  haven't  them  here,  m  an 
English  magazine.    In  that  camp  are  German  prisoners. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  I  want  to  know  whether  the  German  Army,  after 
the  Germans  invaded  Russia  in  1941 — did  the  German  Army  ever 
reach  Ostashkov? 

Mr.  C.  Never  in  1941. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Did  they  reach  there  subsequent  to  that? 

Mr.  C.  I  wasn't  interested  then. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.   As  far  as  you  know,  they  did  not? 

Mr.  C.  As  far  as  I  know,  they  weren't. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  As  far  as  you  know,  the  German  armies  never 
occupied  Ostashkov? 

Mr.  C.  No. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  As  far  as  vou  know,  when  vou  left  Ostoshkov  on 
April  4,  1940 ■ 

Mr.  C.  No;  May  13,  1940. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Excuse  me.  As  far  as  you  know,  when  you  left 
Ostashkov  on  May  13.  1940,  there  were  approximatelv  70  more 
Poles  remaining  in  that  camp? 

Mr.  C.  After  my  leaving  the  camp,  about  70  people  remained  and 
came  after  me  the  next  day  into  Pawlisczew  Bor. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  Mr.  Witness,  I  think  you  have  answered  all  of  o\u- 

Does  anj^one  else  have  any  questions. 

Chairman  Madden.  Are  there  any  questions? 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  No  questions. 

Mr.  DoNDEHO.  No  questions. 

Chairman  Madden.  Is  there  anything  further  now? 

Has  anybody  promised  you  any  ])ay  or  emohnnents  to  come  here 
today  to  testify? 

Mr.  C.  Heaven  forbid. 

Cliairman  Madden.  Thank  you  for  coming  liere  today. 

Mr.  C.  Thank  you,  sir. 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  At  this  time,  Mr.  Chairman,  we  will  liave  Mr. 
Lunkiewicz,  who  is  the  custodian  of  the  Polisli  archives  of  documents 
and  files  relating  to  the  vai'ious  correspoiuU'nce  and  efforts  made  to 
clear  up  this  matter  of   Katyn.     Mr.  Lunkiewicz  has  with  him  the 


originals  from  their  files  and  he  has  duly  authenticated  photostatic 
copies  which  he  will  then  hand  ov^er  to  this  committee. 


Mr.  Flood.  Colonel,  you  are  the  same  Colonel  Lunkiewicz  who 
was  called  by  the  committee  3'esterday  and  sworn  for  the  purpose  of 
reappearino;  today  and  in  your  custody  and  possession  for  the 
purpose  of  presenting  to  the  committee  certain  documents  of  the 
London  Polish  Government;  is  that  correct? 

Colonel  Lunkiewicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  now  have  with  you  such  documents? 

Colonel  Lunkiewicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Yesterday  your  were  requested  by  the  committee,  as 
far  as  time  and  circumstances  would  permit,  to  bring  here  with  these 
documents  a  short  statement  in  connection  with  each  one  as  you 
proposed  to  introduce  it;  is  that  correct? 

Colonel  Lunkiewicz.  A  short  statement  about  each  document? 

]VIr.  Flood.  About  each  document  that  you  intend  to  comment  on. 

Colonel  Lunkiewicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Very  well.  Now,  what  is  the  first  document  that  you 
are  prepared  to  present? 

Colonel  Lunkiewicz.  May  I  speak  generall}^  of  these  documents 
first?  All  these  documents  were  used  by  the  Polish  Investigation 
Committee  for  making  a  big  report  and  an  additional  report.  These 
two  reports  I  gave  yesterday  to  Congressman  O'Konski,  a  big  report 
of  the  Polish  Govermnent  and  an  additional  report. 

Mr.  Flood.  Colonel,  you  are  about  to  give  us  the  title  of  certain 
reports  prepared  inider  the  auspices  and  direction  of  the  Polish 
London  Government  on  the  Katyn  Massacre;  is  that  correct? 

Colonel  Lunkiewicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  are  the  official  titles  of  those  reports? 

Colonel  Lunkiewicz.  The  official  title  of  the  first  report  is  "Facts 
and  Documents  About  Polish  Prisoners  of  War  in  L^.  S.  S.  R." 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  both  reports  bear  the  same  title? 

Colonel  Lunkiewicz.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  is  the  other  one? 

Colonel  Lunkiewicz.  The  other  one  was  after  we  got  the  addi- 
tional evidence  in  1947,  a  supplementary  report  of  facts  and  docu- 
ments concerning  the  Katyn  Massacre. 

Mr.  Flood.  Let  me  have  those  two  documents,  the  original  report 
and  the  so-called  supplement.  [Reports  handed.]  For  the  purposes 
of  this  record,  we  will  mark  the  supplementary  report  of  facts  and 
documents  concerning  the  Katyn  Massacre  as  exhibit  32  and  the 
other  document  will  be  marked  as  exhibit  33. 

Colonel,  I  show  a^ou  exhibits  Nos.  32  and  33  and  ask  you  whether 
or  not  these  are  the  reports  to  which  you  have  just  referred? 

Colonel  Lunkiewicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  They  are  to  be  admitted.  At  this  time  the  committee 
would  like  to  state  on  the  record  that  all  of  these  documents  and 
exhibits  that  are  being  presented  by  the  colonel  at  this  time  will  be 
marked  for  identification  on  the  record  and  will  be  admitted  with 
the  understanding  that  only  those  parts  of  such  documentary  exhibits 
will  be  printed  in  the  official  record  of  these  hearings  as  this  committee 


at  the  time  sees  fit  and  proper  and  considers  material  to  the  investi- 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  would  like  to  add  to  that.  The  committee 
considers  them  all  material,  but  only  those  we  may  consider  as 
necessary  will  be  printed. 

Mr.  Flood.  Necessary  and  essential. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  is  right. 

(Reports  referred  to  were  marked  "Exhibit  32"  and  "Exhibit  33" 
and  will  be  found  in  a  separate  volume,  pt.  6,  of  this  committee's 
record  of  proceedings.) 

Mr.  Flood.  What  is  the  next  document.  Colonel. 

Colonel  LuNKiEWicz.  Documents  produced  to  us  for  report,  and 
now  I  present  only  some  of  the  more  important  documents  divided 
in  three  groups.  The  first  group  is  concerning  prison  camps.  The 
second  is  a  question  of  discovery  of  the  Commission  of  Polish  Red 
Cross  in  the  Kriwoserczew  case.    The  third  is  the  diplomat  documents. 

IVIr.  Machrowicz.  By  that  you  mean  the  exchange  of  diplomatic 
notes  between  Poland  and  Russia? 

Colonel  LuNKiEWicz.  Russian  minutes  of  talks  in  conferences  with 
Stalin,  Molotov,  Sikorski-Stalin  conference,  and  so  on,  and  certain 
special  notes  about  missing  Polish  officers.  The  last  is  only  four  docu- 
ments, not  connected  with  the  Katyn  affair.  Two  of  the  documents 
were  asked  for  by  Mr.  Pucinski  and  two  documents  are  given  by  me. 
The  first  is  the  proclamation  of  Timoshenko  that  Mr.  Pucinski  yes- 
terday asked  about,  and  the  second  document  is  an  instruction  on 
how  to  deport  the  civilian  population  from  Lithuania,  Estonia,  and 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  have  the  original  of  that  Timoshenko  procla- 

Colonel  LuNKiEwicz.  No;  I  have  not. 

Mr.  Flood.  Just  a  copy? 

Colonel  LuNKiEwicz.  It  is  a  photographic  copy.  I  think  the 
original  is  somewhere  in  London.  Probably  it  is  in  the  Sikorski 
Institute.     I  am  not  sure. 

Mr.  Flood.  Is  that  all? 

Colonel  LuNKiEwicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  let  me  have  those  documents  in  this  order: 
First  I  want  the  document  referring  to  the  camps. 

Colonel  LuNKiEwicz.  Here  is  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Komarnicki. 
It  is  the  best  relation  about  Kozielsk  Camp.  I  also  have  the  original 
re])ort  of  Narcys  Lopianowski,  who  was  taken  by  the  Russians  to  the 
Villa  of  Bliss,  where  the  Reds  tried  to  convert  him  to  Comminiism. 

Mr.  Flood.  Let  me  have  the  entire  folder  dealing  with  the  camps. 
As  I  understand  it  now,  this  exhibit  deals  with  comments  and  docu- 
ments and  written  material  dealing  with  the  camps. 

Colonel  LuNKiKwicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  have  the  stenographer  mark  that  as  Exhibit 

(The  document  referred  to  is  an  original  docinnent.  It  was  marked 
"Exhibit  34"  and  subsequently  withdrawn  when  exhibit  35,  a  photo- 
static copy  of  this  document  was  introduced.  Exhibit  34,  the  original, 
was  returned  to  the  witness.) 

(Exhibit  35,  English  translation  of  the  Komarnicki  Report  and 
Exhibit  35A,  translation  of  the  Lopianowski  report  follow: 



[Translation  copy  of  exhibit  35] 

9-th  Field  Court  Martial  Sow:  29/43. 

Supreme  Command  of 

The  Armed  Forces  in  London. 

Record  of  Hearing  of  Witness 

LONDON,  the  21-st  of  May,  1943. 
Time — 11  a.  m. 

Criminal  case  against:  N.  N. 


Military  Judge:  Cpt.  And.  Dr.  KURATOWSKI  ROMAN, 

Recorder:  u.  c.  BAGINSKA  STEFANL\. 

The  witness  having  been  cautioned  and  informed  in  accordance  with  art.  81  of 
the  Military  Penal  Code  about  the  responsibility  for  making  untrue  statements 
and  after  having  taken  oath  in  accordance  with  the  83-rd  art  of  the  M.  P.  C. 
stated  as  follows: 

1/  Name  and  Chr.  name:  KOMARNICKT  WACLAW, 

2/  Date  and  place  of  birth:  29.Vn.1891,  WARSAW, 

3/  Names  of  parents:  TYTUS  and  JOZEFA,  born  SUSZYCKA, 

4/  Religion:  Rom.  Cat., 

5/  Family  status:  married, 

6/  Nationality:  Polish, 

7/  Citizenship:  Polish, 

8/  Military  rank:  2-nd/Lieut.  of  general  conscription, 

9/   Allocation:  The  Ministry  of  Justice, 

10/  Relationship  to  parties  concerned:  no  objections. 

I  was  brought  to  Kozielsk  with  a  transport  of  prisoners  of  war  from  the  Ukraine 
in  the  beginning  of  November  1939.  I  had  spent  the  first  two  months  of  captivity 
in  the  Sumska  Oblast  /district/  to  the  South  of  Kursk.  I  lived  first  in  huts 
erected  for  the  use  of  peat  diggers  /in  Boloto  near  the  Tiotkino  railway  station/  and 
then  in  the  Sofrono  monastery.  The  conditions  of  life  were  atrocious:  we  slept 
on  an  overcrowded  floor;  it  was  extremely  cold  in  the  liuts  and  we  were  kept 
starving/  the  only  food  we  received  was  lentil  soup  and  black  bread  /. 

During  those  first  two  months  the  officers  were  being  segregated  from  other 
ranks.  The  latter  were  removed  from  the  camp  and  at  least  some  of  them  found 
themselves  back  in  Poland  after  having  been  handed  over  to  the  Germans.  Ac- 
cording to  an  account  of  N.  K.  V.  D.  Captain  Wasilewski — which  I  heard  from 
him  in  Griazowiec — the  handing  over  was  to  have  taken  place  in  Brze^c.  I  know 
of  one  such  case  which  has  been  confirmed:  a  Warsaw  practitioner  Dr.  Bauer, 
after  having  been  taken  from  the  Sofrano  Monastery  with  a  transport  which  left 
in  October  1939,  visited  in  Warsaw  the  wife  of  Zielihski  [professor  of  the  Poznad 
University]  and  is  now  in  Palestine,  after  having  escaped  from  German  imprison- 

After  the  other  ranks  had  left  [in  groups  formed  according  to  the  districts  in 
which  they  had  resided]  the  officers  assembled  in  the  Sumska  District  [there  were 
4  camps  quartered  in  huts  and  one  in  the  monastery]  were  directed  by  way  of 
Briansk  to  Kozielsk. 

In  Kozielsk  we  found  about  a  100  other  ranks  left  over  from  the  inmates  of  the 
former  camp  which  existed  there.  In  that  first  camp  there  were  allegedly  many 
Bielo-Russians  and  Ukrainians  who  had  initially  adorned  their  breasts  with  red 
cockades  which  however  soon  vanished  when  disillusionment  replaced  their  initial 
enthusiasm.  I  learned  about  this  from  the  Rev.  Canon  Kamil  Kantak,  a  professor 
of  the  Pinsk  Seminary  whom  I  had  encountered  in  Kozielsk  and  who  is  now  in  the 
Carmelite  Monastery  in  Baghdad. 

Later  on,  other  prisoners  from  other  camps  began  to  arrive.  An  unusually 
large  transport  arrived  in  the  latter  half  of  November  from  Szepiet6wka  [Kazi- 
mierczak  now  in  Nairobi]  whose  members  complained  of  exceptionally  hard 
conditions  which  had  existed  in  that  camp.  In  the  beginning  of  December 
arrived  a  strongly  guarded  convoy  counting  well  over  a  hundred  persons  which 
was  placed  in  an  isolated  block  of  the  camp,  separated  from  the  rest  by  barbed 
wire.  It  was  allegedly  composed  of  judges,  military  and  civil  prosecutors  who 
had  already  received  sentences  of  long  term  confinement  in  penal  labour  camps. 
From  among  these  I  recollect  the  name  of  Col.  KORNILOWICZ.  They  looked 
awfully  ill-treated  and  the  only  contact  we  had  with  them  was  in  the  latrines.  In 
less  than  three  weeks  they  were  removed  from  our  camps.  If  they  were  not  sent 
to  Ostaszk6w — and  this  was  impossible  in  respect  of  those  who  had  been  already 


s(.'ntenced — it  is  possible  that  some  of  them  might  be  still  in  penal  labour  camps. 
Gen.  WOLKOWICKI  had  a  list  of  their  names. 

The  Kozielsk  camp  was  composed  of  two  parts  completely  isolated  one  from  the 
other.  The  first  part  was  a  cluster  of  former  monastery  buildings  which  in  pre- 
Bolshevik  times  had  been  an  Orthodox  Seminary  and  since  the  revolution  had 
been  turned  into  a  rest  house  named  after  Gorkij.  [The  prisoners  paraphrazed 
the  name  calling  it  "BITTER-REST  HOUSE"  instead  of  "GORKIJ'S  REST- 
HOUSE".  Translator's  note:  GORKIJ  in  Russian  means  BITTER].  The  second 
part  of  the  camp  was  the  so  called  SKIT  or  "hermitage"  where  at  one  time  the 
Bolsheviks  had  set  up  a  rest  house  for  mothers  with  babies. 

The  first  part  formed  quite  a  little  town  surrounded  by  a  high  wall  within  which 
were  22  buildings  called  by  the  Bolsheviks  "Corps",  while  the  prisoners  called 
them  "Blocks". 

Staff  officers  were  separated  from  the  subalterns  and  were  concentrated:  -  Gen- 
erals and  colonels  in  blocks  No.  7  and  No.  22  while  the  majors  were  quartered  in 
block  No.  14  which  stood  in  the  nearest  neighbourhood  of  block  No.  7.  An  order 
existed  of  which  nobody  took  any  heed,  forbidding  the  inhabitants  of  one  block 
to  pay  visits  to  other  blocks.  In  particular  anyone  visiting  block  No.  7  was 
persecuted.  In  block  No.  15  a  few  rooms  were  reserved  for  civilians.  The  camp 
had  a  hospital  fairly  adequately  equiped,  an  infirmary,  a  i)harmacy  and  Turkish 
baths.  These  sanitary  arrangements  were  under  the  supervision  of  a  Georgian 
doctor  Gelenidze  whose  behaviour  was  full  of  sympathy  for  the  prisoners.  Pohsh 
doctors  were  employed  in  the  maintenance  of  health  with  Col.  STEFANOWSKI 
and  Col.  SZARECKI,  acting  as  senior  inedical  officers.  The  hj-giene  of  the  camp 
was  entrusted  to  Lieut. /Col.  Dr.  MILLAK,  the  kitchen  was  supervised  by  Cpt. 

There  was  a  cinema  within  the  cainp,  also  a  club  with  billiard  tables  and  a 
reading  room  with  Russian  and  foreign  books.  The  interiors  of  the  blocks  were 
crammed  with  board  beds  sometimes  in  four  condignations  and  they  were  stuffy, 
dark,  full  of  dust,  dirt,  bugs  and  lice  and  at  no  time  quiet.  Only  the  blocks  7 
and  22  where  the  staff  officers  were  quartered  had  beds. 

In  the  "Skit"  there  were  several  small  barracks  and  one  large  block  in  which 
the  kitchen  was  placed.  The  whole  was  meant  to  be  a  garden.  I  only  spent  one 
night  there  and  therefore  cannot  describe  in  detail  the  lay-out  of  the  "Skit". 

In  the  "Skit"  were  quartered  officers  who  had  lived  in  the  Soviet  occupied  part 
of  Poland.  They  were  given  much  better  food.  In  the  main  camp  the  food, 
although  better  than  in  the  UKRAINE,  was  very  insufficient.  We  were  always 
hungry.  The  administrative  staff  stole  rations.  In  March  1940  the  officers  from 
the  Soviet  occupied  zone  were  transfered  to  the  main  camp  and  mixed  with  the 
officers  from  the  German  and  Lithuanian  zones. 

The  total  number  of  prisoners  detained  in  Kozielsk  can  be  accurately  estimated. 
Incessant  lists  were  being  compiled  in  the  camp  for  various  purposes  [general 
records,  food  rationing,  camp  outfit,  medical  for  various  inoculations,  etc.].  We 
were  assured  tlnit  copies  of  all  these  lists  were  sent  to  Moscow.  The  Soviet 
Government  had  to  have  an  accurate  record.  Further  to  that,  various  p(»sts  in 
the  camp  were  entrusted  to  the  prisoners  themselves  such  as  the  senior  otticer  of 
the  camp,  block  comnaanders,  etc.  These  functionaries  kept  strict  records. 
Basing  my  calculation  on  those  various  lists  I  can  estimate  the  strength  of  the 
camp  to  be  round  about  5,000  [closer  to  4,700]. 

Included  in  this  figure  were  a  hundred  other  ranks,  about  a  hundred  ensigns 
and  some  forty  civilians.  /POHORECKl — President  of  the  Codification  Conmiis- 
sion  of  the  Polish  Hepublic./    The  rest  were  all  ollicers. 

Among  the  officers  were  the  following  generals  :  MIXKIEWICZ  [taken  prisoner 
from  his  land  allotment  near  Ib'ezese  and  therefore  even  without  his  uniform  but 
dressed  in  a  very  shabliy  light  brown  suit  with  knickerbdckcr  trousers  wrappers 
and  a  cyclist  cap:  the  i)oor  man  was  so  emhrassed  to  show  himself  dressed  like 
that  that  he  mostly  remained  in  block  No.  7  from  where  he  issued  orders  as  the 
highest  ranking  Polish  olficer  in  the  campj.  The  otlier  generals  were:  BOHA- 
TYRKWirZ  Ipensionedj,  WOLKOWICKI  and  SMOUAWIXSKI  [very  active] 
and  Kear-Adniiral  CZIOKXICKI.  The  numlter  of  colonels  and  lieut./colonels 
amounted  to  about  a  hundred  and  there  were  over  .SOO  majors. 

Tiicr(>  wi'vo  a  few  chnplaiiis  with  llie  Kev.  Prelate  WO.ITVXIAK,  Deputy  of 
tlie  Field  I'.ishop  as  their  senior.  Also  the  Kev.  Prof.  KAXTAK.  the  Kev.  Mjr. 
ZIOLKOVVSKI,  the  Rev.  Prof.  XOWAK  and  Kev.  Father  SKOKEZ.  Occa- 
sionally the  priests  celebrated  mass  on  Sundays,  heard  confessions  and  in  general 
were  very  active.  They  were  strongly  i)ersecute(l  by  Soviet  authorities.  Three 
of  them  were  held  under  arrest. 


Further  to  the  sum  of  military  knowledge  and  value  which  the  officers  concen- 
trated in  Kozielsk  represented,  they  were  undoubtedly  the  pick  and  choice  of  the 
Polish  intelectual  elite.  The  most  numerous  wore  the  doctors.  There  were  quite 
a  few  university  professors  /PIENKOWSKI  from  Cracow,  STRASZYNSKI 
and  ZIELINSKi  from  Poznan,  lecturer  MISIURA  from  Warsaw,  MORAWSKI 
and  lecturer  SIEXICKI  from  the  Warsaw  Polvtechnic  College,  KOMARXICKI 
GODLOWSKI  and  SWIANIEWICZ  from  Wilno/. 

There  were  therefore  numerous  lectures  given  daily  in  the  camp  and  they 
covered  various  fields,  of  science.  They  were  mostly  forbidden  by  Soviet  au- 
thorities /with  a  few  exceptions/  who,  however,  did  not  persecute  us  unduly 
about  them.  Mjr.  SKOCZYSKI  the  "Senior"  officer  of  block  No.  10  edited 
together  with  Lieut.  GINSBERT  a  ''Bulletin  of  the  10-th  block";  some  10  numbers 
of  it  were  issued  tout  they  were  finally  caught  at  it  and  both  were  punished  with  a 
few  weeks  of  arrest. 

There  was  also  one  womaii  prisoner  in  the  camo.  A  Mrs.  LEWAXDOAVSKA 
but   allegedly    her  true  name  was  DOWBOR-MUSNICKA. 

('Ommissar  KOR ALIEW  was  the  camp  commander.  However,  it  was  Brigade 
Commissar  /Kobrig/  ZARUBIX'  v.ho,  till  the  middle  of  April  1940,  was  the 
head  of  the  camp  authorities.  He  spoke  many  languages  /German,  French, 
English/  and  had  a  general  Soviet  standard  of  education.  In  his  talks  with  our 
high-ranking  officers  /  in  particular  with  Col.  KUNSTLER  /  he  showed  strong 
political  sympathies  for  the  Germans. 

As  2-nd  in  command  we  had  X^  K.  V.  D.  Mjr.  ELMAN — an  Estonian,  a 
silent  and  sickly  man  who  was,  however,  polite  in  his  behaviour  towards  the 
prisoners.     From  mid-April  he  took  over  ZARUBIX"'S  post. 

ZARUBIX'S  A.  D.  C.  and  his  right  hand  was  N.  K.  V.  D.  Cpt.  ALEKS- 
AXDROWICZ  a  busy-body  individual  who  catered  for  popularity  among  the 
prisoners  by  distributing  small  favours  which  were  of  tremendous  value  in 
prison-camp  life  such  as  the  sending  out  of  letters  in  advance  of  the  prescribed 
time,  the  supplying  of  certain  books,  paints  etc. 

Another  important  functionary  was  Lieut.  DEMIDOWICZ  who  was  the  camp's 
Commissar.  In  the  political  field  were  active:  a  certain  Cpt.  WASILEWSKI, 
a  lawyer  who  claimed  himself  to  be  a  Pole,  a  rather  un-interesting  character,  also 
a  drug-addict  Lieut.  GUBAJEW,  while  the  administration  was  in  the  hands  of 
a  Lieut.  BOGDAXOWICZ  who  also  maintained  that  he  was  a  Pole. 

Further  to  these  there  were  numerous  other  political  and  administrative 

The  six  months  during  which  the  Polish  officers  remained  in  the  Kozielsk  camp 
were  spent  on  the  de-coding  of  their  political  affiliation.  For  this  purpose  a 
numerous  staff  of  X^.  K.  V.  D.  commissars  experienced  in  carrying  out  inquests 
interrogated  the  prisoners.  These  hearings  called  "doprosy"  were  held  night 
and  day.  They  were  different  from  normal  inquests  confined  only  to  the  sphere 
of  military  activities  and,  contrary  to  the  latter,  probed  into  the  political  and 
social  opinions  of  each  prisoner. 

The  prisoners  were  questioned  as  if  they  were  criminals.  Although,  in  principle, 
it  was  already  a  crime  to  be  in  the  service  of  a  "bourgeois  Army"  and  to  have 
taken  part  in  the  "world  counter-revolution"  against  the  Soviet  Union,  the  in- 
quests were  aimed  at  picking  out  the  qualified  culprits  such  as  the  officers  of  the 
2-nd  Section/Intelligence  Service/and  those  actively  engaged  in  anti-communist 
activities,  while  the  most  commonly  ascribed  crime  was  the  "endeavour  to  wrench 
away  Bielorussia  and  the  Ukrain.e  from  the  Soviet  Union".  We  were  questioned 
about  our  whole  lives  in  particular  to  what  political  parties  we  belonged  to  which 
most  of  us  answered  that  we  were  independent  and  non-party.  This  caused 
consternation  among  the  questioners  who  could  not  understand  how  it  was  pos- 
sible that  intelligent  people  were  not  interested  in  politics.  In  the  U.  S.  S.  R. 
the  principle  is  that  everything  is  political.  They  were  interested  in  our  con- 
tacts with  foreign  countries.  At  that  time  the  attitude  of  the  Soviet  authorities 
was  distinctly  pro-German.  It  was  Great  Britain  who  was  mostly  to  blame  for 
the  outbreak  of  the  war,  by  having  used  Poland  as  an  implement  to  launch  an 
aggression  against  Germany.  Poland  wa.s  alway  referred  to  as  "the  late  Poland", 
/"Poland  no  longer  does  and  never  will  exist  again"/  and  the  Polish  Army  as 
"the  late  Polish  Army",  against  which  the  questioned  officers  protested.  Sym- 
pathizers of  the  Bolshevik  regime  were  also  sought  for  among  those  questioned. 
Two  photographs,  one  "en  face"  and  one  from  the  profile,  were  taken  of  every 
single  prisoner. 

As  a  result  of  these  investigations  certain  officers  were  removed  from  the 
camp  either  individually  or  in  groups.     One  of  the  24-th  of  December    1940 

93744— 52— pt.  4 20 


/Christmas  Eve/the  group  of  chaplains  left  the  camp/with  the  exception  of 
Father  ZIOLKOWSKI  who  was  under  arrest/.  From  among  them  only  the 
Rev.  Father  KANTAK  had  been  foimd  later.  He  was  a  citizen  of  Gdansk  and 
had  been  in  the  meantime  in  the  Ostaszk6w  camp  and  in  the  Lubianka  prison. 
On  the  8-th  of  March  1940  a  group  of  seven  officers  was  removed.  Of  these 
only  Col.  LUBODZIE]CKI  had  been  found  alive  later  on.  The  officers  were 
taken  away  to  prisons,  for  further  questioning  and  many  of  them  were  sentenced 
to  corrective  labour  camps. 

The  prologue  to  the  general  evacuation  was  the  removal  of  other  ranks  from 
the  camp  which  took  place  in  the  middle  of  March  1940.  Toegther  with  them  was 
sent  a  lecturer  of  gynecology  from  the  Wilno  University  whose  name  I  no  longer 
recollect.  This  departure  was  commented  upon  in  two  different  ways:  some  said 
that  our  soldiers  were  being  sent  to  work  while  optimists  maintained  that  they  were 
being  sent  to  Poland  and  gave  them  messages  to  be  passed  on  to  their  families. 
Anyhow  the  departure  made  a  great  impression  on  those  remaining  in  the  camp. 

Rumors  began  to  circulate  about  the  liquidation  of  the  camp  which  was  to 
take  place  shortly.  Initiallv  the  Soviet  commissars  talked  about  the  breaking  up 
of  the  camp  into  smaller  units  /"rozgruzenie"/,  because  of  its  overcrowding.  "Its 
quite  impossible  to  allow  people  to  live  in  such  a  terrible  congestion — think  of 
what  would  happen  if  a  disease  broke  out?". 

When  the  regular  evacuation  started  i.  e.  on  the  6th  of  April  1940  the  official 
comment  given  by  the  Soviet  authorities  was:  "homeward  bound".  Those  from 
under  the  Soviet  occupied  part  of  the  country  were  to  be  sent  to  their  respective 
places  of  residence,  and  the  prisoners  even  began  to  worry  that  once  they  we 
going  to  lose  their  status  of  prisoners  of  war  which  after  all  did  give  them  some 
hope  of  claiming  rights  under  international  law,  that  they  would  be  "disposed  of 
in  no  time"  by  local  Soviet  authorities.  As  to  the  prisoners  residence  was 
on  German  occupied  territory,  it  was  maintained  that  an  agreement  existed 
which  stipulated  their  handing  over  to  the  Germans.  When  I  asked  cpt.  ALEK- 
SANDROWICZ  where  they  were  going  to  send  us  he  answered:  "Westward — 
closer  to  your  families".  The  same  ALEKSANDROWICZ  was  supposed  to  have 
shown  to  col.  MISIURA  a  frontier  station  on  the  map  where  the  handing  over  of 
the  prisoners  to  the  Germans  was  to  take  place  and  where  his  camera  would  be 
returned  to  him.  Under  the  influence  of  these  hints  spread  by  the  Bolsheviks 
an  atmosphere  of  joyful  excitement  seized  the  inmates  of  the  camp.  People 
left  the  camp  without  any  fears,  in  excellent  spirits.  The  authorities  treated  them 
not  unkindly,  at  the  time  of  departure  and  even  the  herrings  supplied  for  the 
journey  were  wrapped  up  in  clean  white  paper,  a  most  unusual  thing  to  happen 
in  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  At  the  research  to  which  those  leaving  were  submitted  and  which 
took  place  in  block  No.  21,  the  functionaries  carrving  out  the  search  were  dressed 
in  white  aprons  and  they  confiscated  all  sharp  implements  and  occasionally  letters 
and  notebooks. 

Among  the  first  to  leave  were  three  generals:  MINKIEWICZ  [dressed  as  a 
civilian  as  described  above],  BOHATYREWICZ  and  SMORAWINSKI.  Also 
Col.  STEFANOWSKI.  The  Bolsheviks  arranged  a  farewell  party  at  which  they 
treated  them  to  pancakes.  The  generals  left  in  a  radiant  mood  through  rows  of 
cheering  officers  who  ranged  themselves  to  bid  them  farewell.  It  happened  on  a 
beautiful,  sunny,  spring  day. 

From  then  on  transports  left  nearly  daily  in  groups  of  up  to  200  persons. 
Sometimes  there  were  a  few  days  of  interval  but  on  some  days  one  group  left  in 
the  morning  and  another  in  the  afternoon.  On  the  27-th  of  April  the  largest 
transport  numbering  about  400  people  left  the  camp. 

The  order  in  which  the  prisoners  were  chosen  for  departure  was  accidental. 
We  were  unable  to  work  out  a  clue  as  to  how  the  choice  was  made.  What  hap- 
pened was  that  in  the  morning  an  N.  C.  O.  came  to  the  block  and  called  out  the 
names  of  those  who  were  to  leave  which  he  read  from  a  slip  of  paper.  Various 
ranks,  zones  of  occupation  and  places  of  birth  were  all  mixed  together.  The 
Bolsheviks  maintained  that  they  received  their  instructions  by  telephone  from 
Moscow,  the  prisoners — that  a  parrot  drew  the  names  from  a  hat.  In  that  way 
friends  were  separated  and  only  one  case  was  given  consideration  when  father 
and  f^on  were  sent  together. 

This  mixing  up  of  the  groups  which  left  was  explaiuf^l  by  the  Bolsheviks  by 
the  fact  that  all  were  being  sent  to  transit  camps  in  which  the  sorting  out  was 
going  to  be  carried  out.  We  still  thought  it  to  be  rather  odd.  From  the  22-nd  of 
April  departures  were  interrupted  till  the  10-th  of  May.  The  prisoners  remaining 
in  the  camp  were  all  concentrated  in  one  corner  of  the  camp — -in  block  No.  10. 
Silence  and  boredom  reigned  in  the  camp.     It  was  beautiful  springtime.     Of  the 


staff  officers  only  Rear-Admiral  CZERNICKI,  with  whom  I  Hved  m  one  room 
now,  and  Mjr.  KOPEC  were  left.  We  were  awfully  depressed  at  being  left 
behind.  However  one  of  the  Bolsheviks  had  whispered  to  one  of  the  prisoners: 
"Don't  grumble.     The  later  you  leave  the  more  you  win". 

It  was  only  on  the  10-th  of  May  that  the  disbandment  was  resumed.  A  small 
batch  of  up  to  twenty  officers  left  and  another  group  went  on  the  11-th.  Rear- 
Admiral  CZERNICKI  left  with  that  group.  On  the  evening  of  the  same  day 
barbed  wire  was  set  up  around  block  No.  10.     I  felt  uncommonly  depressed. 

The  next  morning  at  7  a.  m.  we  were  woken  up  and  told  that  we  were  leaving, 
the  names  of  those  who  were  to  stay  behind  were  read  out.     There  were  9  of  them. 

After  breakfast  when  everything  was  ready  we  left.  I  accompanied  Mjr. 
KOPEC  who  led  the  column.  We  were  stopped  at  the  gates  of  the  camp.  We 
waited  there  for  quite  a  time  under  the  blazing  sun.  I  started  talking  with 
Commissar  DEMIDOWICZ  who  stood  leaning  against  the  gate.  He  was  the 
one  who  always  formed  the  transports.  "Where  are  we  going  " — I  asked. 
"You  are  going  in  the  direction  of  Smolensk" — he  answered. — "Is  Smolensk  a 
nice  town  " — I  asked.  "Its  a  large  and  nice  city  but  you  will  not  see  it" — ■ 
replied  DEMIDOWICZ. /This  was  in  conformity  with  what  we  had  been  told 
by  the  Bolshevik  servicemen  from  Kozielsk  who  maintained  that:  "Your  men  are 
sent  towards  Smoleiisk".  The  escort  and  the  railway  team  were  always  the  same 
and  returned  to  the  camp  after  each  trans2:)ort/'.  "What  are  we  waiting  for" — 
I  asked  the  Commissar.  "We  are  waiting  for  EL  MAN  who  is  speaking  on  the 
phone  with  Moscow".  "I  would  like  to  see  him" — I  said — "because  he  had 
lent  me  a  book  from  the  librar3\  "The  Gardemariny"/a  novel  about  the  life 
of  Imperial  Navy  cadets  and  about  the  revolution  in  Kronstadt/.  ELMAN 
came  up  at  last  and  taking  DEMIDOWICZ  aside  talked  to  liim  for  a  while. 
A  superficial  search  was  carried  out.  We  were  loaded  into  lorries  and  left.  It 
was  a  joy  to  drive  through  the  open  fields  even  though  under  strong  escort. 
On  the  station  which  was  about  3  km.  from  the  camp/one  stop  from  Kozielsk/we 
were  loaded  into  prison  railway  coaches  on  which  the  name  "BABYNINO"  was 
scribbled  in  chalk.  After  a  journey  which  lasted  over  24  hours  and  was  made  in 
luiheard  of  conditions  we  arrived  to  the  Babynino  Station  and  after  remaining 
there  for  a  good  few  hours  we  were  transfered  once  again  into  lorries.  It  was 
Whit  Sunday.  The  heat  and  dust  were  awful.  We  travelled  40  kms  in  the  trucks. 
We  finally  arrived  to  Pawliszczew  Bor  and  we  were  placed  in  the  so-called  Juch- 
nowskij  camp.  W"e  encountered  there  the  group  of  officers  from  Kozi?lsk  which 
had  left  on  the  26-th  of  April.  In  that  group  were:  Cols.  SZARECKI,  KUNST- 
LER,  FELSZTYN,  Commander  ZEJMA,  Lieut.  GINSBERT  and  a  number  of 
ensigns.  They  were  all  dressed  in  clean  underwear  which  had  been  just  issued 
to  them.     The  ensigns  were  playing  net-ball. 

A  beautiful  forest  surrounded  the  camp  but  we  were  separated  from  it  by 
barbed  wire.  We  were  led  to  a  shower  bath/the  only  one  I  had  ever  seen  in  the 
U.  S.  S.  R./and  then  assembled  in  a  dining  room  where  there  were  tables  covered 
with  tablecloths.  /Till  now  we  had  alway  eaten  on  our  plank-beds/.  The  food 
we  received  was  in  more  than  ample  portions. 

The  camp  was  under  the  command  of  Mjr.  KADISZCZEW,  who  was  very 
particular  about  discipline  and  even  touchy  about  elegance  in  the  camp.  How- 
ever a  few  days  later  arrived  from  Kozielsk:  ELMAN,  ALEKSANDROWICZ 
and  WASILEWSKI  together  with  most  of  the  politruks.  We  were  rather 
astonished  to  learn  that  they  had  all  followed  our  group.  "Your  comrades  have 
gone  to  Germany" — they  assured  us — "You  will  follow  them  soon". 

Soon  after  that  a  group  of  officers  arrived  from  the  Starobielsk  camp.  They 
were  also  the  last  group  to  have  left  that  camp  /  CZAPSKI,  CZERNY,  SLIZIEN 
and  others  /.  A  few  days  later  about  180  men  arrived  from  Ostaszk6w.  There 
were  3  officers  among  them,  the  rest  were  policemen,  other  ranks,  civilians  and 
a  few  convicts  from  the  St.  Cross  prison. 

We  left  Pawliszczew  Bor  on  June  the  12-th.  We  travelled  through  Moscow 
where  we  were  held  up  for  24  hours.  On  the  18-th  of  June  we  arrived  to  GRIAZO- 
WIEC  in  the  Vologda  district.  We  found  the  same  old  team  of  our  Kozielsk 
politruks  already  there:  ALEKSANDROWICZ,  ELMAN,  WASILEWSKI. 

The  correspondence  with  our  families,  [one  letter  per  month],  had  been  inter- 
rupted since  the  end  of  February.  [On  March  the  4-th  KOMBRIG  ZAJIUBIN 
left  Kozielsk  for  Moscow,  as  it  became  known  later  on,  for  the  purpose  of  dis- 
cussing there  the  problems  of  our  evacuation.  I  remember  the  date  so  well  be- 
cause he  had  arranged  to  interrogate  me  on  that  day  promising  to  talk  to  me 
"three  to  four  hours"  ["Tri-czetyrie  czasika"]  and  I  was  rather  scared  of  that  inter- 
view and  therefore  very  happy  when  the  Kombrig  left  for  Moscow  on  the  same 


day].  In  Pawliszczew  Bor  letters  to  our  families  were  collected  only  once  but  we 
found  later  that  they  never  were  sent.  Correspondence  with  our  families  was 
re-established  only  late  in  September  1940  from  Griazowiec.  However  a  new 
rule  had  been  imposed  forbidding  us  to  write  in  our  letters  about  any  of  our 
comrades.  We  began  to  receive  enquiries  from  families  of  those  who  had  left 
Kozielsk  "to  go  home".  We  were  unable  to  answer  these  enquiries  but  it  became 
plain  that  none  of  the  others  had  reached  either  German  occupied  territories  or 
Germany  proper. 

As  late  as  the  last  days  of  August,  at  one  of  the  long  inquests  /"dopros"/,  which 
lasted  5  hours,  ELMAX  promised  me  that  "you  will  be  sent  home  as  have  been 
all  your  comrades — your  turn  has  come  now" — but  after  that  no  mention  was 
made  about  it  and  when  late  in  Autumn  I  once  asked  WASILEWSKI  whether  we 
would  ever  be  sent  home  he  answered:  "Did  you  ever  hear  about  prisoners  of  war 
being  released  while  the  war  lasted?  It  may  be  that  you  will  remain  to  live  in  the 
Soviet  Union  even  after  the  war".  "What  about  our  comrades  who  had  been  sent 
to  the  German  occupied  zone?" — I  asked.  "That  is  a  different  matter" — ■ 
answered  WASILEWSKI  and  changed  the  subject. 

Another  time  he  complained  to  me  that  he  "a  political  functionary  of  the 
Smolensk  district"  was  ordered  to  come  to  this  Northern  country  for  two  months 
only  and  now  he  was  kept  here  so  long,  in  this  rotten  climate  which  affected  his 

And  in  fact  we  were  ordered  to  organize  the  camp  as  if  we  were  meant  to  stay 
in  it  for  good.  We  were  allotted  plots  of  land  for  planting  vegetables.  Hitherto 
forbidden  Polish  lectures  were  given  approval.  A  Kussian  woman  was  appointed 
organiser  of  our  cultural  and  educational  life.  We  were  allotted  a  monthly 
quota  of  books  which  was  fixed  at  14  kilograms  a  month.  Food  had  improved 
considerably.  We  were  granted  a  monthly  wage  which  amounted  to  20  roubles 
for  officers  and  10  roubles  for  the  other  ranks.  We  were  supposed  to  remain 
thus  till  the  end  of  the  war.  We  were  released  on  the  strength  of  the  Agreement- 
signed  in  July  1941. 

Before  it  happened,  towards  the  end  of  June  1941, — 1300  more  prisoners  were 
sent  to  the  camp  among  them  a  thousand  officers  treated  as  "internees",  who  had 
been  captured  in  Lithuania,  Latvia  and  Estonia.  On  the  other  hand  officers  of 
German  nationalitv  were  removed  from  the  camp. 

The  worst  month  of  the  entire  captivity  was  July  1941.  A  special  commission 
from  Moscow  came  to  the  camp  before  which  officers  were  summoned  individually, 
mostly  those  who  were  of  greater  potential  military  value.  Before  the  interview 
started  they  were  requested  to  sign  an  undertaking  that  everything  that  was 
going  to  be  said  during  the  hearing  would  be  kept  strictly  secret  under  the  pei\alty 
of  several  years  of  imprisonment.  After  which  they  were  coaxed  to  join  the 
Red  Army  and  threatened  that  all  who  refuse  would  be  executed.  A  few  officers 
were  removed  from  the  camp.  But  the  general  attitude  of  the  officers  remained 
TUiyielding  and  the  exceptions  were  few  and  were  confined  to  those  who  attended 
the  so  called  "Red  Corner  gatherings."  The  Soviet  commissars  usually  got  the 
answer:  "We  are  soldiers  of  the  Polish  Army.  We  have  our  own  Supreme  Com- 
mander in  the  person  of  General  Sikorski.  We  will  report  to  wherever  he  tells 
us  to  report." 

The  Bolsheviks  cut  our  food  rations  by  half.  Hunger  spread.  The  camp 
unrelentingly  resisted  to  yield.  The  discussions  with  the  commissars  became 
more  and  more  heated.  On  the  31-st  of  July,  the  day  of  the  signing  of  the  Soviet- 
Pohsh  Pact  the  attitude  of  the  Bolsheviks  changed  abruptly  for  the  better  and 
shortly  after  Polish  authorities  took  over  the  control  of  the  camp. 

In  answer  to  the  appropriate  questions  put  to  him  the  witness  replied:  from 
among  those  who  were  removed  from  Kozielsk  I  have  never  seen  again  neither 
have  I  heard  anvthing  about: 

Prof,  of  the  Cracow  Universitv  Mjr.  PIENKOWSKI, 

Prof,  of  the  Wilno  Universitv  Lieut.  GODLOWSKI 

Prof,  of  the  Warsaw  Polvtechnic  School  Lieut.  INIORAWSKI; 


Clergymen:  The  Rev.  Mjr.  ZIOLKOWSKI,  The  Rev.  Father  SKOREL,  The 
Rev. Col.  NOWAK,  The  Rev.C\)l.  WOSTYNl AK-l)eputv  Field  Bishop,  The 
Rev.Col.  PESZKE,  The  Rev.  Minister  Col.  KORNILOWICZ; 

Doctors:  MOGILNICKI-from  L6dz,  Mjr  WIRSZVLLO-from  Warsaw,  Cpt. 
ZALEWSKI  Jerzy— St.  Lazarus  Hospital  in  Warsaw,  Cpt.  WROCZYNSKI— 
former  Deputv  Minister  of  Health,  KEPINSKI — optician  from  Warsaw, 
STEFANOWSki— from  Warsaw,  ZUBERBIER— from  Warsaw,  C^pt.  FREIDA 
and  KALKTNSKI— from  Warsaw,  ROGOZIXSKI,— Col.  NELKEN; 


Also:  Col.  DZIURZYNSKI— brother  of  the  Prof,  of  Cracow  University, 
Lieut.  WIRSZYLLO— soHcitor  from  Wihio,  Col.  LEWAKOWSKI— from  the 
Geoa;raphical  Institute,  Col.  MARYNOWSKI— from  Wilno,  retired  Col. 
OLSZOWSKI— from  Southern  Poland,  Col.  LEUKOS-KOWALSKI— Com- 
mander of  the  Riflemen's  Association,  Engineer  SREBRNY — brother  of  the 
prof,  of  Wilno  University,  the  Deputy  President  of  the  District  Court  of  Appeal 
in  Wilno  whose  name  l"  forget,  Mjr."  SKOCZYCKI,  Col.  ROSNOWSKI— Prof, 
of  the  Wilno  University,  the  Custodian  of  the  Artizans'  Museum  in  Warsaw  in 
the  rank  of  a  major  but  whose  name  I  forget. 

I  cannot  recollect  any  more  names  for  the  moment. 

I  wish  to  add  that  in  January  1941  I  was  summoned  to  the  camp  Command 
in  Griazowiec  by  N.K.V.D.  Capt.  WASILEWSKI  who  read  to  me  a  report 
sent  from  Wilno  that  ALEKSANDER  ZWIERZYNSKI  who  hved  in  Wilno 
had  allegedly  stated  that  we  had  often  talked  before  the  war  about  the  necessity 
of  detaching  Bielorussia  and  the  Ukraine  from  the  Soviet  Union.  I  denied  this, 
following  which,  the  statement  was  forwarded  to  Moscow,  and  after  a  few  weeks 
the  inquest  against  me  was  discontinued  of  which  I  was  informed,  being  told  at 
the  same  time  that  I  had  been  put  on  the  list  of  the  group  of  officers  who  were 
to  be  extradicted  to  the  German.s. 

Upon  which  the  hearing  ended  at  11.30  a.  m.  and  after  the  record  had  been 
read  over  it  was  signed.- 

/Signatures/.  Waclaw  Komarnicki, 

Bagidska,  Kuratowski,  Lieut.  Aud. 

[Translation  copy  of  Exhibit  35A] 


Taken  down  in  writing  on  the  13-th  October  1942  in  the  office  of  the  II  Section 
of  the  1-st  Armoured  Corps  Command/Dept.  of  Counter-Espionage/by  Cpt. 
Giedronowicz  N.  and  given  by  Cpt.  Lopianowski  Narcyz  and  relating  to  the 
subject  of  "Maiachowka". 

Cavalry  Cpt.  I^opianowski  Narcyz,  born  29-th  Oct.  1898  in  the  country  estate 
Stoki — county  of  Wilno,  son  of  Ignacy  and  Mary,  born  Woronk6w;  Religion:  Rom. 
Cat.  Regular  officer  states  as  follows: 

The  outbreak  of  the  German-Polish  war  found  me  in  August6w  in  the  1-st 
Lancers  Regiment  as  commander  of  their  anti-aircraft  defence  unit.  I  took  active 
part  in  air  battles;  I  was  then  sent,  in  accordance  with  our  mobilisation  plans  to 
the  101-st  Lancers  Reg.  which  was  being  formed  in  Bialystok.  On  the  6-th  of 
September  1939  in  fights  with  German  airmen  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Starosielce 
I  brought  down  a  ME  109  aircraft  and  damaged  another  one.  I  was  using  then  a 
German  Ac-ac  gun  No.  34  which  we  had  taken  from  the  enemy.  In  the  night  of 
6-7-th  Sept.  I  moved  together  with  my  regiment  to  Wolkowysk  where  we  were 
joined  to  the  group  "Wotkowysk"  commanded  by  Gen.  Przeidziecki. 

On  the  2'^-th  Sept.  we  had  our  first  encounter  with  the  Bolsheviks  in  Dzi^browo. 
The  Soviet  infantry  was  destroyed  and  the  prisoners  taken  were  shot.  The  tanks 
extricated  themselves  without  losses.  It  was  a  cavalry  charge.  During  the 
night  of  Sept.  21-st  o<ir  units  occupied  Grodno  after  having  forced  the  Bolsheviks 
out  of  the  town.  The  fighting  in  the  suburbs  of  Grodno  lasted  till  noon  of  the  21~st 
Sept.  On  the  22-nd  Sept.  a  battle  took  place  in  Kodziowka.  The  Red  Army 
threw  40  tanks  against  us  of  which  17  remained  on  the  battle-field  and  their 
infantry  was  wiped  out.  .The  entire  101-st  Regiment  was  engaged  in  the  fight. 
Our  losses  included  Mjr.  Zuchnowski^ — O.  C.  of  the  Regiment,  two  squadron  com- 
manding officers,  one  platoon  commander.  The  casualties  of  the  2-nd  Squadron 
which  was  under  my  command  amounted  to  50%  of  the  men  and  75%  of  the 
horses.  In  this  battle  I  commanded  a  group  of  2  squadrons.  The  O.  C.  of  the 
Regiment  personally  led  the  other  half  of  the  Regiment.  The  day  was  ours. 
The  Bolshevik  casualties  amounted  to  800  men.  In  spite  of  all  my  attempts  to 
stop  them  the  Lancers  finished  ofiF  the  wounded  and  the  prisoners. 

On  tha  23-- i  of  Sept.  1939  at  8  p.  m.  the  Regiment  crossed  the  Lithuanian 
frontier  on  orders  of  our  Group  Commander  Gen.  Prze^dziecki.  When  crossing 
over  the  border  we  had  practically  no  ammunition  left.  In  Lithuania  we  were 
Interned  in  the  camps  of  Raki-^zki  qnd  Kaiiwaria. 

On  the  11-th  of  June  1940  following  the  Soviet  occupation  of  Lithuania  we  were 
transferred  to  prisoner  of  war  camp  in  Kozielsk  in  the  Ukraine.     On  Sept.  the  9-th 


1940 — 21  of  us  with  Gen.  Przeidziecki  at  the  top  of  the  hst  were  transferee!  to  the 
"Biityrki"  prison  in  Moscow.     This  group  included  among  others: 

1/.   Gen  Prze^dziecki, 

2/.  Lieut  Col.  Konczyc, 

3/.   Mjr.  Zaorski  Kaziraierz, 

4/.   Mjr.  /now  col./  Gudakowski, 

5/.   Mjr.  Stoczkowski, 

6/.  Artil.  Capt.  Swi^cicki, 

7/.  Opt. /now  mjr./ Ziobrowski, 

8/.   Cavalry  Cpt.  Pruszy6ski  Andrew  /Brother  of  Xavier/, 

9/.  Lieut,  tacik, 

10/.  Lieut.  Siewierski, 

11/.  Lieut.  Tomala, 

12/.  Lieut.  Szumigalski. 

I  cannot  recollect  the  names  of  the  others.  We  were  first  placed  in  cell  No.  94. 
After  a  short  inquest  Gen.  Prze^dziecki  together  with  10  other  officers  were  trans- 
fered  to  the  Lubianka  prison.  I  was  interrogated, — I  learned  his  name  only 
later, — by  the  Chief  of  Staff  of  the  N.  K.  V.  D.,  Lieut.  Col.  Jegorov.  He  was  about 
40,  slightly  over  average  height,  well  build,  light  blond  with  a  lean  clean  shaven 
face.  He  was  elegantly  dres-i-jd  in  a  military  N.  K.  V.  D.  uniform.  After  a  short 
questioning  about  my  health,  morale  etc.  he  asked  me  about  my  family,  where  I 
came  from,  was  I  married,  had  I  any  children,  was  I  a  regular  officer  and  had  I 
given  up  the  idea  of  fighting  against  the  Germans.  The  conversation  lasted  about 
10  to  15  minutes  and  took  place  between  midnight  and  1  a.  m.  I  was  then  sent 
back  to  the  cell. 

Two  days  later  we  were  transferred  to  the  Lubianka  prison  as  mentioned  above. 
They  placed  us  in  cell  No.  62,  very  small  and  dark,  with  a  small  little  electric  bulb 
attached  to  the  ceiling  which  was  lit  day  and  night.  After  having  been  put 
through  a  number  of  formalities  such  as  the  checking  of  our  identity  and  personal 
details,  having  been  photographed  a  number  of  times  from  all  possible  angles  we 
were  given  a  supper  and  were  allowed  to  go  and  rest.  At  midnight  Gen.  Prze- 
^dziecki  was  summoned  for  interrogation.  10  minutes  later  my  turn  came  and  I 
was  called  out  and  led  in  the  company  of  a  N.  K.  V.  D.  Lieut.  Colonel  and  two 
guardsmen  through  various  corridors  till  we  came  up  to  an  iron  door  in  the  wall. 
This  turned  out  to  be  a  passage  which  connected  directly  the  Lubianka  prison 
with  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  Beyond  the  iron  door  we  found  ourselves  in  a  wide  corridor 
with  coconut  mats  on  the  floor.  At  the  far  end  of  the  corridor  was  a  board  with 
"IV  floor — main  entrance"  written  on  it  and  a  marble  plate  with  the  following 
inscription: — "Member  of  the  N.  K.  V.  D. — 'take  e.xample  from  the  Chekists  of 
how  to  destroy  the  people's  enemies".  Beneath  were  inscribed  the  names  of  those 
who  had  given  their  lives  in  the  fight  for  "freedom".  As  first  figured  the  name 
of  "Felix  Dzier^yfiski"  inscribed  in  guilt  letters.  After  passing  several  more 
corridors  and  staircases  we  stopped  before  a  door  numbered  523.  The  N.  K.  V.  D. 
Lieut.  Colonel  who  accompanied  me  took  off  his  caj)  before  that  door  and  tried  to 
peep  through  the  key-hole.  He  then  opened  the  door  and  went  in  leaving  me 
behind.  A  moment  later  he  summoned  me  to  enter;  I  found  myself  in  a  very  large 
room  with  walls  covered  with  grey  tapestries  and  luxurious  office  furniture.  To 
the  right,  very  close  to  the  entrance  I  noticed  an  ash-wood  cupboard  of  abnormal 
height.  That  cupboard  caught  your  eye  against  the  background  of  the  grey 
tapestries.  Upon  the  words:  "go  ahead"  which  a  female  clerk  j)resent  in  the 
room  uttered  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  colonel  opened  the  cupboard  with  a  little  key  and 
disappeared  behind  the  door.  My  two  guards  ordered  me  to  stand  with  my  face 
to  the  wall.  After  some  time  a  voice  invited  me  to  enter  the  cupboard.  I  went 
in,  found  myself  before  a  door  and  a  dark  red  curtain.  I  waved  it  aside  and 
entered  another  room.  The  Soviet  Lieut.  Colonel  remained  in  the  neighbouring 
room  behind  n)e.  Before  me  I  saw  JEGOROV  sitting  in  an  armchair  behind  a 
desk.  To  his  left  stood  a  man  in  civilian  clothes  with  a  blank  expression  on  his 
face.  Another  man  dressed  in  a  grey  civilian  suit  was  pacing  the  room  in  quick 
unsoldiery  steps  with  his  hands  behind  l\is  l)ack.  /Four  months  later  I  saw  these 
two  men  on  a  i)liotograph  and  learned  that  the  man  with  the  blank  face  was 
Merculov — a  Security  Connnissar  and  the  other  one  was  Berja  the  N.  K.  V.  D. 
Commissar.  On  Jegorov's  nHpiest  I  sat  down  in  an  armchair  which  stood  before 
the  desk.  After  preliminary  (|uestions  about  my  health  etc.  he  asked  me  why 
were  we  overcome  so  swiftly  l)y  the  Germans  in  1930.  I  answered  that  we 
succumbed  not  to  the  Germans  alone  but  also  to  the  Bolsheviks  who  thrust  a 
knife  into  our  backs.  Did  I  fight  against  the  Bolsheviks  in  1939? — Yes. — • 
"Where"? — I  did  not  give  an  answer  to  that  and  told  them  that  being  an  officer 
I  am  not  allowinl  to  answer  that  quest  ion.      They  did  not  raise  this  matter  again. 


"What  do  you  think  about  the  present  situation?" — I  answered  that  nothing  had 
changed  and  that  Poland  was  in  a  state  of  war  with  the  Bolsheviks — "Where  do 
you  know  this  from?" — I  replied  that  Sikorski's  Government  issued  a  declaration 
to  that  effect  in  October  1939.  To  which  Jegorov  said — "The  Sikorski  Govern- 
ment is  an  impostrous  Government  which  has  nothing  to  say  in  Polish  matters. 
The  Polish  Nation  will  form  its  own  Government".  He  then  asked — "And  how 
do  you  like  the  Soviet  system  introduced  on  the  Soviet  occupied  territories?" — I 
answered  that  I  can  understand  their  behaviour  in  respect  of  the  soldiers  and  men 
who  were  capable  of  fighting  against  the  Bolsheviks  but  what  was  the  offence 
committed  against  them  by  the  innocent  children  and  unhappy  women  to  cause 
them  to  be  dejiorted  to  Siberia  and  to  the  North  in  order  that  they  may  perish 
there  from  hunger  and  cold.  Col.  Jegorov  answered  that  we  should  be  grateful 
to  them  because  our  women  and  children  were  taken  away  in  order  to  save  them 
from  the  vengeance  of  the  local  inhabitants. 

Merkulov  asked  me  only  one  question — "Why  are  you  so  stupid — you  are  a 
brave  officer  and  yet  you  are  incapable  of  understanding  "the  great  issues". — - 

Upon  which  ended  the  inquest  on  the  first  day.  Having  returned  to  our 
cell  I  related  to  Gen.  Przeidziecki  and  my  other  con'rades  what  I  was  asked 
about  and  in  what  form.  Gen.  Przefdziecki  informed  us  that  the  questions  put 
to  him  were  similar  with  the  difference  that  he  was  also  asked  on  what  conditions 
would  he  agree  to  organise  Polish  units  in  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  The  General  had 
answered  that  if  he  receives  an  order  to  that  effect  from  London  he  would 
execute  it. 

I  would  like  to  mention  additionally  that  I  was  also  asked  by  Jegorov  whether 
I  would  agree  to  co-operate  in  the  organising  of  a  Polish  Army  on  U.  S.  S.  R. 
territory.  I  answered  that  being  an  officer  I  would  always  do  it  on  orders  from 
my  Commander-in-Chief.  I  heard  sarcastic  laughter  and  the  next  question  was : — 
"And  would  you  do  it  on  receiving  such  orders  from  any  particular  general?" — ■ 
I  answered  that  I  would  comply  with  the  orders  of  any  man  duly  authorised  by 
the  Government  in  London. 

Similar  inquests  were  repeated  frequently  and  lasted  till  the  second  half  of 
December  1940.  All  the  interrogations  were  conducted  in  more  or  less  the  same 

In  November  the  question  of  my  wife  and  of  mv  two  children, — aged  3  and  6, 
was  raised.  When  to  a  question  put  to  me  by  Col.  Jegorov  I  replied  that  my 
wife  was  in  Warsaw,  I  was  told  that  was  "a  mockery  on  mv  part".  /My  wife 
together  with  mv  children  was  in  the  hands  of  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  for  6  months  and 
had  escaped  to  W'arsaw  with  the  help  of  my  soldiers  in  May  1940/.  Two  weeks 
later  I  was  summoned  up  once  again  and  I  was  allowed  to  write  a  letter  to  my 
wife  to  Warsaw.  At  that  occasion  Col.  Jegorov  told  me  that  my  wife  had  in 
fact  "disappeared  somewhere"  and  that  what  I  had  said  was  true  and  that  he 
only  wanted  me  to  inform  him  by  what  means  did  my  wife  manage  to  escape.  . 
I  answered  that  I  was  most  grateful  to  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  authorities  for  helping 
my  wife  to  escape  because  I  could  not  believe  that  a  helpless  woman  with  a  couple 
of  baljies  could  have  possibly  escaped  otherwise  onto  the  German  side  having  to 
go  through  a  couple  of  rows  of  barbed  wire  and  through  trenches.  Round  about 
the  20-th  of  December  1940.  Gen.  Prze^dziecki  renewed  his  request — made  I  do 
not  know  how  many  times  already  before — that  we  be  given  a  larger  cell  because 
in  the  small  one  we  were  kept  in,  the  eleven  of  us  literally  suffocated.  After  a 
major  row  the  General  was  led  to  the  Chief  of  Staff  of  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  from  where 
he  came  back  with  an  assurance  that  we  were  going  to  be  given  better 

And  in  fact  on  the  24-th  of  December  the  General  together  with  5  other  officers 
were  removed  from  the  cell.  Those  who  remained  were:  Cpt.  Lopianowski, 
Lieut.  Siewierski,  Lieut.  Szumigalski,  Lieut.  Tomala  and  Lieut.  Tacik.  That 
evening  we  wished  one  another  a  happy  Christmas.  About  8  p.  m.  the  door  was 
suddenly  opened  and  a  man  dressed  in  the  uniform  of  a  Polish  colonel  entered 
the  cell.  He  was  accompanied  by  a  man  in  civilian  clothes.  The  colonel  gave  his 
name  as — Gorczyriski.  The  civilian  introduced  himself  as  Staff  Col.  Berling. 
Both  were  without  caps  and  coats.  After  short  greetings  Col.  Berling  tried  to 
engage  us  into  conversation  solely  on  political  topics.  Not  inclined  to  talk  to 
strangers  we  answered  very  reluctantly.  In  the  meantime,  on  Col.  Berling's 
request  a  supper  for  two  was  brought  to  the  cell  from  a  restaurant.  Col.  Berling 
invited  us  to  have  also  a  supper  which  could  be  brought  on  his  orders  from  a 
restaurant.  This  deepened  even  more  our  suspicions  that  these  were  not  prisoners 
like  we  were  but  men  sent  to  us  for  some  special  reasons.  The  more  so  that  Col. 
Berling  was  unable  to  explain  to  us  why  were  they  looking  so  well  if  they  were 


kept  in  jail.  Lieut.  Tacik  who  could  not  resist  from  being  dragged  into  the 
discussion,  very  vehemently  protested  against  accusations  which  Col.  Berling 
raised  against  Poland  and  the  Polish  Nation.  That  visit  lasted  about  two  hours. 
When  Col.  Berling  knocked  on  the  door  of  the  cell  it  was  opened  and  our  guests 
left,  assuring  us,  that  we  would  meet  again  on  the  following  day.  The  next  day 
on  the  25-th  of  December  I  was  summoned  for  the  first  time  in  the  morning  hours 
to  a  hearing.  Col.  Jegorov  handed  to  me  a  letter  from  my  wife.  Although  the 
letter  was  sealed,  when  taking  it  from  the  Colonel  I  noticed  a  Russian  translation 
of  it.  I  had  to  read  the  letter  in  the  presence  of  Col.  Jegorov  and  some  other 
individual  who  sat  in  an  armchair  in  the  shadow  in  such  a  way  that  I  could  not 
recognise  his  face.  I,  on  the  other  hand,  had  been  placed  in  the  only  armchair 
oposite  the  desk  of  Jegorov  with  my  face  turned  towards  the  light.  /Room  Xo. 
507/.  Col.  Jegorov  suddenly  asked  me  casually:  — "Why  did  you  fight  in  1939 
against  the  Red  Army?" — I  replied  that  I  am  an  officer,  that  I  was  in  command 
of  the  detachment  and  it  was  my  duty.  The  Colonel  told  me  then  in  a  brutal  form 
that — "In  that  battle  several  excellent  Soviet  soldiers  were  killed  and  how  did  you 
dare  to  do  it  and  to  incite  your  lancers  to  fight  against  the  Bolsheviks?" — He 
wanted  me  to  tell  him  what  methods  I  had  used  to  force  my  soldiers  to  fight  with 
such  determination.  I  answered  that  they  were  Polish  soldiers  who  fought  in  the 
performance  of  their  duty  and  in  defence  of  their  honour.  The  individual  who 
sat  in  the  armchair  turned  to  Jegorov  and  said  in  a  quiet  voice: — "Leave  him  alone, 
he  only  did  his  duty". 

After  I  had  returned  to  the  cell  we  received  orders  to  eat  quickly  our  dinner  and 
prepare  outselves  for  departure.  About  2  p.  m.  on  the  same  day  a  Lieut.  Colonel 
whom  I  had  already  met  before  /  the  one  who  had  conducted  the  preliminary 
interrogations  came  to  our  cell  and  bid  us  to  follow  him.  We  went  after  him  and 
we  were  not  even  astonished  that  we  were  not  accompanied  by  guards.  Down- 
stairs in  a  closed  courtyard  passenger  cars  awaited  us.  We  got  into  one  of  tliem 
together  with  the  Lieut.  Colonel.  Our  things  were  shoved  into  the  second  car. 
We  drove  alongside  the  river  Moskwa  and  our  guide  pointed  to  us  the  bridges 
built  across  the  river  the  theatre  and,  in  the  distance,  the  Kremlin.  I  could  not 
make  out  in  what  direction  we  were  driving.  Only  after  about  30  km.  we  passed 
a  bridge  over  a  railway  track  and  on  a  crossroad  I  saw  a  road-sign  which  informed 
that  our  road  led  to  Riazaii.  After  having  covered  about  40  km.  counting  from 
Lubianka  we  turned  into  a  forest  lane  from  which  the  snow  was  cleared.  We 
arrived  to  a  fence.  The  gate  was  opened  by  a  Soviet  soldier.  The  car  stopped 
before  a  villa.  A  group  of  men  came  out  to  greet  us.  They  were  unequally 
dressed — some  in  Polish  officers'  luiiforms,  some  in  civilian  clothes  others  in  a 
combination  of  both.  I  recognised  among  them  Col.  Gorczynski.  Col.  Berling 
greeted  us  as  if  we  were  expected  guests  and  led  us  into  a  dining  room  for  tea. 
After  that  he  showed  us  our  bedroom  which  had  seven  beds.  In  this  room 
further  to  our  group  lived  ensign  Kukulihski  and  Lieut.  Szczypi6rski  who  was  to 
join  us  later. 

A  short  characteristic  of  the  villa:  it  was  modern  with  central  heating  and  a 
bathroom  with  constant  hot  and  cold  water.  The  house  had  7  rooms  and  a 
kitchen.  One  of  the  rooms  was  used  as  a  dining  room  and  in  it  lectures  and 
talks  took  also  place.  The  furnishing  of  the  bedrooms  .seemed  to  me  then  to  be 
luxurious.  Spring  beds  with  mattresses,  quilted  bed  covers,  feather  pillows, 
divans  and  even  soft  armchairs.  The  service  was  female — two  young  chamber- 
maids, a  woman  cook  with  aristocratic  features  and  a  male  cook  called  Fomicz  / 
from  the  Kremlin  /,  a  footman  to  polish  the  floors  and  chop  the  wood  and  a  few 
Soviet  soldiers.  The  rules  were:  freedom  of  movement  within  th(>  enclosure  was 
unrestricted  from  8  a.  m.  till  9  p.  m.  During  the  night  we  w(>re  forbidden  to  leave 
the  house  under  the  pretext  that  there  were  vicious  hounds  which  could  do  us 
harm.  One  evening  I  decided  to  go  out  to  find  out  whether  that  was  true  and 
all  I  discovered  was  a  Soviet  soldior  sitting  on  wires  which  were  drawn  across 
between  the  two  doors.  He  was  fast  asleep  with  his  face  turned  towards  our 
entrance  door. 

On  the  31-st  of  December  1940  ('ol.  Jegorov  arrived  anrl  asked  Col.  lieriing  to 
pas.s  on  to  us  all  his  best  i\ew  Year  wishes.  He  also  declared  that  in  accordance 
with  Polish  cnstoms  he  wished  to  arrange  for  us  a  New  Year's  party.  The  details 
were  fixed  between  Jegorov  and  lierling.  We  were  not  allowed  to  enter  the  dining 
room  till  1  1  p.  m.  At  1 1  p.  m.  Berling  invited  us  to  come  in  and  we  found  tlie  tables 
coverefi  with  white  table-cloths  and  laden  with  cold  meat,  fresh  fruit,  brandy,  red 
and  while  wine.  .  .  .  Waitresses  attended.  After  completing  all  preparations  the 
servants  were  offered  a  glass  of  brandy  and  then  left  the  house. 

At  midnight  the  "International"  was  played  on  the  radio.  With  a  few  excep- 
tions the  Polish  officers  stood  to  attention.     The  first  to  do  so  was  Col.  l^vszvnski. 


When  the  tones  of  the  "International"  had  died  out,  Lieut.  Szczypiorski  raised  the 
toast:  "Long  live  the  Communist  Party!" — I  crushed  the  glass  I  held  in  my  hand 
and  left  the  dining  room.  The  officers  who  had  arrived  with  me  followed  me  out. 
Next  day,  early  in  the  morning  Col.  Berling  had  a  long  /  and  hour  and  a  half  / 
speech  to  us  in  which  he  tried  to  smooth  out  the  incident.  He  explained  that 
those  were  Communist  excesses,  that  he  himself  was  not  and  never  would  be  a 
Communist  but  that  there  were  many  things  which  we  should  understand  and 
which  we  were  most  surely  going  to  understand  after  we  had  stayed  here  long 
enough.  This  lecture  was  given  to  us  in  our  bedroom.  None  of  the  occupants  of 
the  villa  who  had  been  there  before  our  arrival  was  present. 

After  the  15-th  of  February  1941,  Col.  Berling  suggested  that  we  ask  the  Soviet 
authorities  to  send  us  portraits  of  the  leading  men  who  ruled  the  Soviet  Union 
with  the  purpose  of  hanging  them  on  the  walls  of  our  villa.  I  looked  at  him  like  I 
would  at  a  madman  and  declared  that  it  was  impossible  that  he,  a  Polish  officer 
held  in  prison  could  ask  his  enemies  for  such  a  thing.  Cpt.  Rosen-Zawadzki 
turned  to  me  and  asked: — "What  do  you  mean  by  that?  You  are  no  longer  in 
prison". — I  answered  that  whether  in  the  Butyrki  prison,  in  the  Lubianka  jail 
or  here  in  this  villa  I  was  always  a  prisoner.  Maybe  only  in  slightly  better  condi- 
tions here.  In  a  resigned  tone  Cpt.  Rosen  remarked: — "Oh  well — in  that  case  it  is 
hopeless  to  talk  to  you  about  it".  Col.  Berling  announced  that  we  were  going  to 
vote  to  decide  this  question  and  did  not  allow  us  to  discuss  the  matter.  The 
voting  was  to  take  place  in  the  following  manner:  Each  of  us  would  go  to  Col. 
Berling's  room  and  place  a  little  card  on  a  plate  lying  on  the  table  in  the  presence 
of  Col.  Bukojemski.  On  tbe  card  we  were  to  write  the  symbol  of  plus  for  "yes" 
and  of  minus  for  "no".  The  card  was  to  be  folded.  On  Berling's  request  I 
took  a  card  lying  on  the  table  and  with  a  sharp  pencil  I  drew  a  line  across  it 
making  a  hole  in  it.  It  was  supposed  to  be  a  "minus".  Without  folding  up  the 
card  I  put  it  on  the  plate.  I  thought  that  the  secret  voting  would  reveal  a  majority 
which  understood  that  to  make  such  a  request  was  a  disgrace  not  only  on  the  part 
of  an  officer  but  of  every  Pole.  I  thought  that  the  four  officers  who  had  arrived 
wath  me  would  vote  against  the  motion  and  also  that  ensign  Kukulinski  would  do 
the  same.  I  also  counted  partly  on  Mjr.  I-is,  Col.  Gorczyhski  and  on  one  or  two 
others.  After  the  counting  of  the  votes  by  Col.  Berling  and  Col.  Bukojemski  it 
turned  that  out  there  were  12  votes  supporting  the  proposal,  2  were  against  and  one 
card  was  blank.  I  learned  later  that  the  other  card  against  was  cast  by  Mjr. 
Lis  and  the  blank  one  by  ensign  Kukulinski.  All  the  others  voted  in  favour.  The 
portraits  were  hung  on  the  walls.  When  hanging  the  portrait  of  Kaganowicz 
over  my  bed  Col.  Berling  remarked  sarcastically: — "I  hope  that  this  won't  cause 
you  to  have  cramps,  captain  ....  "I  repliel  that  it  was  of  no  significance  what- 
ever to  me  and  that  if  he  wished  he  could  paste  the  entire  walls  of  the  villa  with 
such  portraits  once  it  had  already  happened  that  a  Polish  officer  had  sent  such  a 
disgraceful  recjuest  to  the  Soviet  authorities. 

In  the  second  half  of  March  1911  Col.  Berling  requested  all  officers  who  had 
assembled  for  dinner  that  they  lend  their  support  to  the  proposal  of  sending  a 
declaration  which  had  been  drafted  by  Lieut.  Col.  Dudzihski  and  which  ran  more 
or  less  as  follows:  "We,  the  undersigned  officers  of  the  Polish  Army  declare  that 
the  Polish  Nation  had  been  hitherto  deceived  and  exploited  by  the  proprietor's 
class.  It  was  only  the  Soviet  Union  which  had  pointed  out  the  right  way  by  means 
of  which  happiness  could  be  brought  to  all  men". — The  declaration  ended  with 
the  sentence:  — "A  great  part  of  the  Polish  Nation  has  already  benefited  from  the 
Stalinist  Constitution.  Let  us  hope  that  the  time  will  come  as  soon  as  possible 
in  which  the  remainder  of  Poland  will  also  join  and  become  one  of  the  happy 
nations  of  the  Soviet  Union". — I  quote  only  a  short  synopsis  of  the  text  of  this 
declaration  not  being  able  to  reconstruct  it-  in  fviU  from  memory.  The  quoted 
passages  modestly  reflect  what  it  contained  and  anvhow  do  not  change  its  char- 
acter of  a  declaration  of  homage  and  servile  submission. 

Col.  Berling  told  us  that  this  was  Col.  Dudziriski's  suggestion,  his  proposal  and 
his  draft  and  that  we  should  immediately  proceed  with  the  voting  as  to  whether 
to  send  this  declaration  or  not.  Remembering  the  sad  experience  in  the  matter 
of  portraits  I  tried  to  prevent  the  voting.  I  clutched  frantically  with  my  hands 
at  a  great  wrought  iron  vase  /  probably  originating  from  some  aristocratic  resi- 
dence /  and  did  my  best  not  to  hurl  it  at  Berling's  head.  I  requested  that  the 
voting  be  abandoned  anyhow  for  the  time  being.  Berling  asked:  —  "Why  should 
we?"  —  2-nd  Lieut.  Imach  noticed  that  I  was  on  the  brink  of  bursting  out  and 
asked  me  whether  I  was  ill. — "Not  I" — I  retorted — "probably  all  of  you,  gentle- 
men, must  be  ill". — Anyhow  Lieut.  Imach  supported  by  suggestion  arguing  that 
this  was  indeed  a  most  important  problem  and  that  it  would  be  advisable  to  wait 


a  few  hours  with  the  voting.  Col.  Berling  agreed  and  left  the  dining  room.  I 
followed  him  to  his  room  and  asked  him  to  be  allowed  to  talk  to  him.  I  then 
said: — "Do  you  really  intend  to  permit  this  voting  to  take  place?" — He  answered 
in  the  affirmative.  I  tried  to  persuade  him  that  nothing  worse  could  happen  after 
that,  that  it  was  bad  enough  that  such  an  idea  could  have  ever  been  conceived, 
that  it  would  have  been  better  to  disregard  it  completely  since  the  very  thought 
of  such  a  thing  was  disgraceful  to  any  Polish  officer.  Col.  Berling  tried  to  convince 
me  that  the  signing  and  sending  of  such  a  letter  would  increase  the  confidence  the 
Soviet  authorities  had  in  us  which  was  the  most  important  thing  from  our  point 
of  view.  I  replied  that  it  was  beyond  me  why  we  should  strive  for  gaining  the 
confidence  of  people  who  had  done  us  so  much  wrong  and  with  whom  we  were 
in  a  state  of  war.  Col.  Berling  burst  into  a  rage  and  exclaimed  that  I  was  inca- 
pable of  understanding  "the  great  issues"  and  requested  me  to  tell  hin  I  really  had 
against  the  signing  of  that  kind  of  a  slip  of  paper,  I  told  him  that  I  did  not  want 
to  have  anything  to  do  with  the  henchmen  of  the  Polish  Nation  and  I  have  no 
intention  of  gaining  their  confidence.  Col.  Berling  angrily,  told  me  that  he  did 
not  believe  that  those  were  my  true  motives  for  refusing  to  sign  that  paper  and 
that  he  wants  to  know  the  truth  as  to  what  were  the  aims  I  really  had  in  mind  in 
acting  as  I  did.  To  which  I  answered  that  for  the  offense  contained  in  his  words 
he  should  pay  me  with  his  blood. — Not  being  able  to  act  in  the  customary  way  I 
declared  that  I  had  nothing  else  to  do  but  to  leave  the  room  asking  him  to  request 
immediately  the  Soviet  authorities  that  I  be  removed  from  this  place.  I  then 
left  the  room.  I  had  a  nervous  breakdown  that  evening — my  temperature  jumped 
up  to  104°.  On  the  same  evening  the  voting  over  Dudzinski's  proposal  took  place. 
Before  the  voting  started  Col.  Berling  explained  that  Col.  Gorcyyiiski  and  Capt. 
Lopianowski  would  not  take  part  in  it — the  first  because  he  was  afraid  of  the  re- 
pressions which  the  German  authorities  might  apply  to  his  family  which  was 
under  German  occupation — -the  second  because  of  his  lack  of  confidence  in  the 
Soviet  Union. 

I  must  add  here  that  Col.  Gorczyfiski  had  declared  already  earlier  that  he 
would  not  take  part  in  the  voting  for  the  given  reasons.  The  voting  took  place 
and  the  proposal  was  approved  unanimously.  I  remained  two  days  in  bed  with 
a  high  temperature.  On  the  second  day  /it  was  Sunday/ 1  went  out  of  the  house 
before  8  a.  m.  to  take  a  breath  of  air.  Mjr.  Lis  noticed  me  and  came  up  to  me. 
He  told  me  that  I  had  done  very  well  in  condemning  the  action  of  Berling  and  of 
the  other  officers,  that  he  fully  agreed  with  me  and  that  he  would  not  sign  that 
declaration.  Before  noon  on  the  same  day  the  declaration  was  signed  by  all — 
including  Mjr.  Lis. 

Col.  Berling,  Cpt.  Zawadzki  and  Col.  Bukojemski  came  several  times  to  my 
bedside  urging  me  to  change  my  mind  and  to  sign  the  declaration.  Those  sleeping 
with  me  in  the  same  room  also  begged  me  to  sign  it,  arguing  that  being  the  eldest 
of  our  group  if  I  left  them  they  would  be  unable  to  counteract  the  reactionary 
behaviour  of  the  other  inhabitants  of  the  villa  who  had  been  in  it  longer  than  we 
had.  While  I  was  in  bed  Col.  Berling  paid  me  a  visit  together  witli  Cpt.  Zawadzki 
on  the  24-th  of  March  1941  for  the  last  time.  They  tried  to  prove  to  me  that  it 
was  my  duty  to  comply;  they  spread  before  me  mirages  of  a  glorious  future  in 
which  I  appeared  as  commander  of  a  regiment  stationed  in  Warsaw;  that  I  would 
spend  my  leave  in  the  sunny  Caucasus  and  indulge  to  my  heart's  content  in  my 
hobby  of  hunting.  Determined  to  end  once  and  for  all  similar  conversations  I 
begged  Col.  Berling  to  grant  me  the  greatest  of  favours,  Jiamely  to  persuade  the 
Soviet  authorities  that  they  shoot  me  on  the  steps  of  the  villa  in  the  hope  that  this 
would  bring  them  all  back  to  their  senses.  Berling  answered: — "Well, — in  that 
case, — there  is  nothing  more  to  be  done".  That  was  our  last  interview.  That 
declaration  was  never  sent  in  its  original  wording  because  it  was  censured  by  our 
"three  communists"/Cpt.  Zawadzki,  2-nd  Lieut.  Imach  and  2-nd  Lieut.  Szczypi- 
orski/who  decided  that  the  Soviet  authorities  might  feel  insulted  l)y  the  phrase — 
"we  the  undersigned  officers  of  the  Polish  Armv" — and  that  this  should  be  changed 
into — "we  the  undersigned  officers  of  the  LATE  Polish  Army".  The  amendeTuent 
was  approved  but  the  declaration  had  to  be  re-written.  Tliis  was  done  by  Lieut. 
Szumigalski.  Three  officers  did  not  sign  tins  new  copy  of  the  declaration,  namely: 
Col.  Gorczynski,  Cpt.  Lopianowski  and  Mjr.  Lis.  Liitially  Lieut.  Siewierski  also 
refused  to  sign  it  but  by  some  means  which  I  cannot  miderstand  they  finally 
induced  him  to  do  it.  The  declaration  was  handed  (o  Col.  Jegorov  who  after 
c')ns\ilting  with  Col.  Berling  summoned  us  all  to  the  dining  room  and  made  the 
following  declaration: 

"Some  of  you  accuse  the  Soviet  Union  that  it  treats  l)adly  your  women  and 
children  who  have  been  deported.     I,  therefore,  oficially  declare  that  all  Polish 


families  live  in  very  good  conditions,  that  every  family  has  its  own  room  and 
larger  famihes  have  even  two.     Does  that  satisfy  you? 

The  last  question  was  aimed  at  me.     I  replied  that  I  did  not  believe  it. 

On  the  26-tli  of  March  at  noon  a  car  drove  up  to  the  villa.  Mjr.  Lis  and  I 
received  the  order  to  take  seats  in  the  car  side  by  side  with  the  guards.  We 
were  driven  to  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  and  led  once  again  into  room  No.  523  through 
the  cupboard  door  which  we  already  knew.  Col.  Jegorov  who  was  sitting  behind 
his  desk  ordered  the  two  guardsmen  to  leave  the  room.  He  then  started  telhng 
us  in  a  raised  voice  that  we  were  ungrateful,  that  we  were  incapable  of  appreciat- 
ing the  goodness  of  the  Soviet  Government.  He  turned  to  me: — "You,  Lop- 
ianowski,  who  are  .you?  You  so  brave  an  officer,  so  martial.  .  .  .  Your  name 
could  be  inscribed  one  day  in  historical  annals.  And  now  you  want  to  be  more 
clever  and  more  worthy  than  Berling  or  Wanda  Wasilewska". — I  told  him  that 
I  was  only  an  officer.  Col.  Jegorov  went  on  talking  on  this  subject  for  a  long 
time.  I  did  not  give  any  answers,  which  ended  in  his  saying: — "You  do  not  say 
anything.  Take  care  that  you  are  not  silenced  for  ever". — I  said  then: — "I 
renew  my  plea — which  was — shoot  me.  .  .  ."  Col.  Jegorov  turned  then  with 
a  few  words  to  Mjr.  Lis,  repeating  once  again  that  we  were  ungrateful.  He  ended 
up  by  getting  up  from  his  seat  and,  standing  to  attention,  he  informed  us  that  by 
order  of  the  Supreme  Commissar  we  would  be  placed  in  the  Butyrki  prison.  He 
then  rang  the  bell  for  two  w'ardens  who  drove  us  to  the  Butyrki  prison,  where 
we  were  placed  in  cell  No.  95.  There  we  encountered  Col.  Ktinstler  Stanislas, 
Col.  Morawski  /retired/  and  Lieut.  Tacik  whom  I  greated  with  the  greatest  joy 
as  the  only  person  whom  I  knew.  I  immediately  related  to  all  present — especially 
to  Col.  Kunstler — the  whole  story  of  the  "Malach6wka"  villa.  I  was  afraid 
that  Col.  Kunstler  would  not  believe  me  but  it  turned  out  to  be  the  opposite 
and  he  did  all  he  could  to  help  me  in  regaining  my  mental  balance.  I  owe  it  to 
him  that  my  state  swiftly  improved.  I  only  avoided  Col.  Morawski,  of  whom 
I  had  heard,  while  still  in  the  villa,  that  he  had  sent  a  memorandum  to  the  Soviet 
authorities  about  the  formation  of  a  Polish  Government  and  of  Polish  red  rifle- 
men's units  under  his  command. 

On  the  28th  of  ^larch  19-41  at  3  p.  m.  I  was  summoned  to  a  hearing.  Leaving 
the  cold  and  dam])  cell  I  found  myself  in  a  warm  corridor  and  then  I  was  shoved 
through  an  iron  door  into  a  large  hall  in  which  a  large  number  of  women  walked 
to  and  fro  smoking  cigarettes.  I  crossed  the  hall  to  the  oposite  side.  I  was 
told  to  stand  with  my  face  to  the  wall.  The  wall  in  this  place  subsided  and  I  was 
pushed  into  a  round  chamber  which  had  the  shape  of  a  well  of  about  3  and  a  half 
yards  in  diameter  which  had  an  oval  shaped  cupola  instead  of  a  ceiling.  The 
walls  were  of  a  steel-like  colour,  the  light  coming  through  from  the  middle  of  the 
well  allowing  to  discern  the  contents.  The  light  was  of  a  greenish  shade.  In  the 
middle  of  the  well  stood  an  antique  chair.  On  closer  inspection  I  noticed  that  the 
back  of  the  chair  must  have  been  frequently  used  because  the  paint  was  worn 
out  in  places.  I  tried  to  move  the  chair.  It  was  light  and  was  not  fixed  to  the 
floor.  However  I  hesitated  whether  I  should  sit  down  or  not.  After  some  time 
I  felt  a  drowsiness  overcoming  me  as  a  result  of  the  warmth.  I  sat  on  the  chair 
and  fell  asleep.  A  voice  woke  me  up.  I  opened  my  eyes  and  saw  an  opened  door 
before  me  with  a  curtain  hanging  over  it  and  again  I  heard  the  voice  beckoning 
me  to  enter.  I  went  through  the  door  and  found  myself  in  a  large  room.  From 
behind  a  desk  an  N.  K.  V.  D.  captain  rose  to  greet  me  and  asked  me  about  my 
health.  I  refvised  to  shake  his  outstretched  hand.  He  asked  me  to  take  a  seat 
in  an  armchair  by  the  desk.  After  a  long  conversation  with  no  particular  point 
or  aim  he  explained  that  he  was  Col.  Jegorov's  emmissary  and  asked  me  whether 
I  had  not  changed  my  mind  and  if  I  would  not  like  him  to  communicate  some- 
thing to  Jegorov  on  my  behalf.  I  told  him  that  everything  I  had  to  say — I  had 
said  already  long  ago,  and  that  I  had  nothing  to  add.  He  repeated  his  question 
three  tim':!S  intermixing  the  whole  with  casual  and  polite  conversation.  When  at 
the  third  time  I  answered  asking  him  to  thank  Jegorov  for  his  friendly  concern 
the  captain  rose  from  his  seat  came  up  to  me  and  with  an  outstretched  hand 
said: — "What  a  pity,  what  a  pity — you  are  an  honest  man".  This  time  I  did 
shake  his  hand  and  left.  It  was  my  last  interview  with  a  representative  of  the 
N.  K.  V.  D. 

I  wish  to  mention  that  in  the  middle  of  February  one  day  Mjr.  Lis  condemned 
in  very  harsh  words  the  fact  of  the  disappearance  of  Poland  from  the  Soviet  map  / 
a  new  edition  /,  which  simultaneously  retained  however  Abissinia  in  its  original 
frontiers.  I  had  myself  pointed  this  out  to  Mjr.  Lis.  Col.  Berling  reacted  vio- 
lently to  this  remark  made  by  Lis,  shouting: — "Damn  you.  Lis,  shut  up!" — A 
stormy  interview^  followed  in  Berling's  private  room. 


On  the  1-st  of  April  1941  we  received  orders  to  make  readv  for  departure. 
From  6  a.  m.  a  survey  and  searches  were  carried  out.  In  the  afternoon  we  were 
transfered  into  a  large  waiting  room.  The  door  suddenly  opened  and  I  saw  Gen. 
Prze^dziecki  entering  followed  by  the  other  officers  whom  I  had  left  in  cell  No.  91 
of  the  Butyrki  prison.  After  short  greetings  and  yet  another  search  we  were  all 
loaded  into  prison  vans  and  driven  to  the  station  where  we  were  transfered  into 
a  railway  prison  coach.  The  train  took  us  to  a  station  called  Putywel.  .^fter 
unloading  we  were  driven  in  lorries  to  an  isolated  ca-np  in  a  former  orthodox 
monastery.  I  do  not  know  the  name  of  that  monaste-^.  It  is  situated  over  the 
river  Sejm  close  to  the  railway  statioTi  We 'ba  in  the  I'kraine.  We  regained  our 
strength  there  because  the  conditions  wee  not  bad  and  we  were  allowed  to  make 
the  most  of  the  fresh  air  during  daylight  of  course  witl  in  the  limits  cf  the  en- 
closure surrovuided  with  barbed  wire  and  guarded  by  soldiers. 

On  the  15-th  of  June  1941  we  were  loaded  once  again  into  prison  railwav  trucks 
on  the  Putywel  station  and  sent  through  Moscow  to  the  station  of  Griazowiec 
near  Wologda.  On  our  way  we  observed  war  preparations  and  rejoiced  that 
probably  the  long  expected  war  would  break  out  at  last  in  the  near  future. 

On  the  22-nd  of  June  1941,  after  crossing  the  Volga  we  were  standing  on  a 
small  railway  station.  Through  the  barred  window  Gen.  Przezdziecki  overhead 
a  railway  worker  telling  his  comrade  that  the  Germans  had  attacked  Russia, 
that  Lomza  and  Kolno  were  taken  and  that  Leningrad  and  Sebastopol  had  been 
bombed.  It  was  10  a.  m.  There  were  no  limits  to  our  joy.  We  raised  such  a 
noise  in  the  wagon  that  our  guardsmen  rushed  up  to  us  together  with  the  com- 
mander of  the  convoy  who  arrived  coatless — shouting:  — ■"  What's  all  that? — a 
revolt?"  Being  the  nearest  to  him  I  answered  :  — "  We  are  expressing  our  joy. 
Hitler  has  caught  Stalin  by  the  throat.  There's  a  WAR'!" —  He  told  me  I  had 
gone  crazy.  In  the  meantime  a  crowd  of  workers  began  to  gather.  I  pointed  with 
my  hand  to  them.  The  convoy  commander  ran  off  to  them  still  without  his 
jacket.  When  he  returned  we  no  longer  saw  the  guardsmen  around  us.  They 
just  stood  cjuietly  by  the  door.  Instead  of  the  usual  salted  fish  we  were  given 
sausages.  In  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  we  reached  the  station  of  Griazowierc. 
An  X.K.V.D.  Lieut.  Col.  awaited  us  there  accompanied  by  a  woman  doctor. 
His  first  words  were:  — "  Is  the  General  among  you?"  We  answered:  - — "yes; 
The  colonel  said  he  wanted  to  speali*to  the  general.  The  general  answered:  — " 
If  the  colonel  wants  to  speak  to  me  let  him  come  to  me".  The  colonel's  first 
questions  were  —  how  did  we  feel,  was  our  health  good,  had  we  any  wishes? 
He  very  much  apologised  for  not  being  able  to  give  us  all  the  comfort  he  would 
wish  but  he  had  been  only  just  informed  about  our  arrival.  The  cars  would  be 
there  any  moment;  having  got  out  of  the  railway  coach  we  mounted  onto  two 
motor  lorries  and  accompanied  by  a  strong  convoy  we  were  taken  to  a  prisoners 
camp  also  called  Griazowiec. 

We  were  placed  in  an  enclosure  surrounded  with  barbed  wire  adjoining  the 
camp.  A  little  house  stood  in  the  middle  of  our  enclosure.  The  space  to  walk 
was  8  steps  wide  and  just  the  length  of  the  little  house.  Water,  food  and  fuel 
wood  was  supplied  to  us  by  the  Bolsheviks.     We  had  to  cook  our  own  food. 

On  the  30-th  of  July  1941  we  were  at  last  let  into  the  main  prisoners  camp. 

On  August  the  27-th  1941  Gen.  Anders  arrived  together  with  Gen.  Szyszko- 
Bohusz  and  took  command  of  the  camp.  All  officers  and  other  ranks  who  ex- 
pressed their  wish  to  serve  in  the  Polish  Army  were  immediately  and  automat- 
ically reinstated  as  members  of  the  newly  formed  Polish  Forces.  On  the  same 
day  I  was  summoned  to  General  Anders  to  report  about  everything  which  had 
taken  place  in  the  Malach6wka  villa.  Gen.  Anders  had  already  heard  about  the 
villa  from  Gen.  Przezdziecki  who  had  told  him  about  it.  I  had  related  to  Gen. 
Przcidziecki  everything  in  detail  on  the  verj'  first  day  of  our  encounter  which  I 
had  thought  to  be  accidental.  I  did  that  because  I  was  very  much  determined 
not  to  1  -t  the  memory  of  that  villa  disappear  together  with  me.  As  a  subordinate 
of  Gen.  Przezdziecki  it  was  my  duly  to  give  Mm  all  the  details.  Gen.  Anders  told 
me  tl'at  he  acknowkulged  having  received  all  the  information  I  gave  him  but  that 
at  the  present  moment  the  political  situati(ui  was  of  such  a  natiu'e  that  he  must 
enrcjll  any  availabk;  men  for  the  formation  of  the  Army,  and  that  he  orders  m?, 
therefore,  not  to  raise  this  matter  any  more.  Complving  with  his  wish  I  liad  not 
spoken  cf  it  to  anvone.  However,  having  left  the  L^.  S.  S.  R.  I  no  longer  feel 
compelled  to  remain  silent. 

On  September  the  7-th  194  1,  1  joined  the  5-11)  Infantry  Division.  I  was  aj)- 
pointed  to  the  Divisional  Staff.  I  took  with  me  Lieut.  Chominski  whom  I  placed 
in  the  capacity  of  chief  of  the  operational  section.  I  rejjorted  to  Col.  Grobicki 
the  2-n<l-in-C(Hnmand  of  the  ,')-1h   Division.      While  I  was  giving  my  rej)ort  Col. 


Berling  appeared  on  the  scene.  It  caused  quite  a  little  consternation.  After 
Col.  Berling  had  left,  Col.  Grobicki  took  me  to  his  room  and  asked: — "Have  you 
met  Col.  Berling  anywhere  before?" — I  answered  with  a  question: — "On  what 
grounds  do  you  assume  that  I  had  met  him  at  all?" — Col.  Grobicki  then  told  me 
that  he  cannot  recollect  ever  seeing  a  man  with  such  a  terrified  expression  as  that 
with  which  Col.  Berling  stared  at  me  while  I  was  talking  with  the  2-nd-in-Com- 
mand,  with  my  back  to  the  door.  I  then  said  that  I  had  in  fact  met  Col.  Berling 
quite  frequently  in  Moscow  and  that  I  have  rather  painful  recollections  of  those 
encounters.  Two  days  later  I  was  removed  from  the  Staff  of  the  Division.  That 
day  I  spent  the  night  on  the  verandah  together  with  Lieut.  Chomotiski.  The 
windows  of  Col.  Berling's  room  showed  onto  that  verandah.  We  were  preparing 
to  lie  down  to  rest.  Through  the  opened  window  we  could  see  that  Col.  Berling 
was  already  in  bed.  Suddenly  the  door  of  his  room  opened  and  the  O.  C.  of  the 
5-th  Division — Gen.  Boruta — Spiechowicz  entered  and  gave  him  some  orders  or 
made  some  remarks  which  must  have  been  very  much  to  the  dislike  of  his  Chief 
of  Staff,  because  when  the  General  left  the  room  and  the  door  closed  behind  him 
we  saw  Col.  Berling  sitting  on  his  bed  shaking  his  clenched  fists  in  the  direction 
in  which  the  General  had  gone.  Lieut.  Chominski  turned  to  me  with  an  expres- 
sion of  awe  on  his  face: — "Well,  Captain,  are  we  supposed  to  go  into  action  with 
such  a  man  who  is  capable  of  shaking  his  fists  at  his  own  Division  Commander?" — 
I  told  him  not  to  worry  because  as  I  knew  all  about  it  he,  therefore,  had  no  obli- 
gation to  report  it  to  anj^one.  Cpt.  Wilczewski  the  Ctiief  of  the  Intelligence  Sec- 
tion of  the  5-th  Inf.  Div.  knows  about  this  incident. 

On  the  9th  of  September  1941,  I  met  Lieut.  Imach.  He  came  up  to  me  and 
said: — "Well,  Captain,  what  did  you  gain  by  it  all?  There  we  are  together  in 
the  Polish  Army — do  not  think,  however,  that  we  have  given  up  our  work".  I 
told  him: — "If  you  want  to  speak  to  me,  first  of  all  stand  to  attention  and  stop 
waving  your  hands  before  my  face,  after  which  I  may  answer  you". — Imach 
complied  with  my  orders.  I  then  told  him: — "Do  you  imagine  that  any  State 
in  the  world  will  allow  anarchists  to  rule  it?  The  Polish  Nation  will  have  gallows 
for  such  men". — 2-nd.  Lieut.  Imach  answered: — "Maybe  the  Nation  will  have 
gallows". — I  never  talked  to  him  again. 

In  the  middle  of  September  I  met  for  the  first  time  with  Captain  Rosen-Zawadzki 
who  told  me: — "You  see  ...  we  are  together  again.  The  Republic  in  her 
Majesty  has  granted  us  pardon.  We  shall  work  together  again.  Was  it  worth 
kicking  up  all  that  row?  Nobody  would  have  known  about  it,  anyhow". — I  do 
not  remember  what  I  answered  him  then. 

Towards  the  end  of  October  Mjr.  Choroszewski  came  to  me  to  tell  me  that  I 
had  a  great  friend  in  the  person  of  the  Chief  of  Staff, — Col.  Berling.  I  asked  him 
why.  Mjr.  Choroszewski  told  me  that  the  question  of  the  promotion  of  captains 
to  the  rank  of  major  and  higher  ranks  had  been  discussed  and  that  Col.  Berling 
had  immediately  suggested  my  name  for  promotion.  Mjr.  Choroszewski  added 
that  he  was  sorry  to  have  been  forestalled  in  proposing  it.  I  told  him  that  if  my 
promotion  was  to  be  granted  with  the  help  of  Col.  Berling  I  thank  for  the  favour 
but  I  do  not  wish  to  receive  it  from  his  hands.  Mjr.  Choroszewski  remarked: 
— "You  are  a  queer  man.  It  will  be  much  more  difficult  to  get  that  promotion 
in  Poland.  You  will  have  to .  pass  the  Staff  School  in  Rembertow  etc." — I 
answered: — "I  know  that,  but  nevertheless  I  cannot  accept  anything  from  the 
hands  of  Col.  Berling". 

On  the  6-th  of  November  1941,  Col.  Grobicki,  Lieut.  Col.  Bukojemski,  2-nd 
Lieut.  Szymanowski  Korwin,  Cpt.  Lopianowski  and  one  more  officer  were  ordered 
to  leave  as  the  nucleus  of  a  new  Infantry  Division  which  was  to  be  formed  in 
Tashkent.  We  reported  at  the  Army  H.  Q.  in  Buzuluk  on  the  14-th  of  November 
1941,  where  we  had  to  wait  for  our  order  of  travel  to  the  appointed  district.  We 
left  only  on  the  1.3-th  .lanuary  1942.  In  the  Staff  of  our  Army  I  encountered 
Col.  Korczynski  and  Lieut.  Col.  Tyszynski  who  greeted  me  as  if  I  was  an  old 
friend.  During  our  stay  in  Buzuluk  Col.  Bukojemski  tried  to  discredit  me  in 
which  he  partly  succeeded.  My  former  comrades  and  friends  began  to  avoid 
me.  Wherever  I  arrived  I  found  myself  to  be  alone.  Initially  I  could  not 
understand  what  was  going  on.  It  was  only  after  one  of  the  Intelligence  officers 
asked  me  whether  I  had  ever  been  stationed  together  with  Col.  Bukojemski  that 
it  dawned  upon  me  what  was  the  reason  of  my  increasing  solitude.  Watching 
closely  the  development  of  things  I  soon  had  proof  that  I  was  right  in  my  sus- 
picion as  to  Bukojemski's  endeavours  to  isolate  me.  This  discovery  was  a  severe 
shock  to  me.  I  turned  for  help  to  initiated  people  i.  e.  to  General  Przezdziecki  and 
Col.  Kiinstler  but  there  was  no  way  out  of  it.  I  got  so  unstrung  nervously  that 
on  the  6-th  of  January  1942,  during  some  presentation  in  the  reception  hall  of 


our  Staff,  I  lost  consciousness  and  had  to  be  carried  out  of  the  room.  However, 
the  watching  of  Col.  Bukojemski  led  to  unexpected  results.  It  was  proved  that 
he  purposefully  acted  so  as  to  cause  harm  to  our  Army.  A  girl  friend  of  Btiko- 
jemski/Col.  Kiinstler  knows  her  name/repeated  his  words:  "What  a  marionette 
Army  this  is!  It  must  fall  to  pieces.  It  is  only  we — the  Communists — who  can 
form  a  strong  army.  Here  there  is  nothing  but  chaos  in  this  Staff  of  ours!  What 
a  pleasure  it  is  to  go  to  the  airmen's  mess.  There's  everj^thing  there,  everything 
can  be  got  and  its  always  open  to  me". 

On  the  13-th  January  1942  I  left  with  the  nucleus  of  the  8-th  Infantry  Division, 
under  the  command  of  Gen.  Rakowski,  to  the  place  assigned  for  the  formation 
of  the  new  divisions. 

In  May  1942  I  was  summoned  to  the  II  Section/Intelligence/to  Teheran  by 
Cpt.  Zumpft  and  requested  to  make  a  detailed  statement  about  the  whole  matter. 
This  statement  was  required  for  the  purpose  of  sending  it  to  London.  I  wrote 
it  out  in  my  own  handwirting  on  16  sheets  of  office  paper.  At  that  occasion 
Cpt.  Zumpft  informed  me  that  Col.  Bukojemski  had  been  sentenced  to  18  months 
of  imprisonment  for  his  activities  in  Buzuluk  which  was  equivalent  with  degrada- 
tion.    He  was  handed  over  to  the  Soviet  authorities  as  a  German  spy. 

Twice  during  my  stay  with  the  5-th  Infantry  Division  in  Tatishchev  my 
belongings  were  searched  in  the  tent — I  do  not  know  by  whom  and  who  could 
possibly  have  done  it.  The  second  time  the  search  was  carried  out  while  I  was 
out  taking  part  in  a  hunt  which  we  had  organized  with  Mjr.  Choroszewski. 



1/.  Lieut.  Col.  BERLING: 

A  man  with  excessive  personal  ambition.  Talented,  enterprising,  absolutely 
without  any  scruples.  Would  sacrifice  anything  to  satisfy  his  own  whims.  In 
his  plans  worked  out  jointly  with  Cpt.  Zawadzki  he  included  the  deportation  of 
the  entire  Polish  intelligentsia  into  the  depths  of  the  Soviet  Union  together  with 
women  and  children.  This  referred  to  the  part  of  Poland  under  German  occupa- 
tion, which  was  to  be  incorporated  into  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  as  the  17-th  Union 
Republic.  He  might  be  used  to  a  useful  purpose  if  given  the  illusion  of  absolute 
independence,  otherwise  his  brutality  and  ruthlessness  would  not  allow  him  to 
be  directed  by  anyone. 

2/.  Lieut.  Col.  GORCZYNSKI: 

A  man  of  indisputable  honesty  with  a  weak  will  and  aiming  at  saving  himself 
for  the  sake  of  his  own  family.  Could  work  usefully  under  normal  conditions. 
He  did  not  sign  the  "declaration  of  homage". 

S/.  Lieut.  Col.  BUKOJEMSKI: 

Of  vehement  and  incontrollable  temper  would  sacrifice  everything  for  women 
and  vodka.  Apart  from  that  courageous,  obstinate,  capable  of  anything,  vindic- 
tive. He  told  me  in  Buzuluk:  -  "I  hold  no  grudge  against  you.  You  came  to 
us  as  our  enemy  from  the  start.  And  you  remained  as  such  till  the  end.  But 
as  for  Mjr.  Lis,  he  sneaked  into  our  confidence  as  Berling's  comrade  and  then 
followed  you.  When  I  shall  leave  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  I  will  shoot  him.  You  remain 
silent  now  while  he  spreads  around  untrue  rumours.  I  repeat  my  positive  inten- 
tion of  shooting  him  the  moment  we  find  outselvcs  abroad"  -  He  repeated  this 
threat  several  times.  The  Chief  of  the  II  Section  /  Intelligence  /  of  the  Polish 
Army  in  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  knows  about  it. 

,4/.  Lieut.  Col.  TYSZYNSKI: 

A  talented,  intelligent  man  capable  of  thorough  work.  Heedful  of  his  own 
comfort  to  exaggeration.  Scared  out  of  his  wits  at  the  prospect  of  changing  his 
prosperous  existence  for  the  wretchedness  of  prison  life.     A  Pole  only  by  name. 


These  four  officers  constituted  the  Committee  appointed  by  the  N.  K.  V.  D. 
authorities  for  the  purpose  of  regulating  the  inner  mode  of  life  of  the  Malach6wka 
collective.     Col.  Berling  presided  over  the  whole. 


51.  Mjr.  LIS: 

Shrewd,  agile  and  nervous,  curious  and  eager  to  know  everything — appeared 
to  me  rather  an  enigmatic  figure.  I  was  rather  suspicious  of  his  behaviour 
because  when  alone  in  our  room,  he  used  to  hold  patriotic  speeches  but  the 
moment  all  the  other  officers  were  present  he  became  another  man.  He  put  his 
signature  to  the  first  draft  of  the  declaration  in  spite  assuring  us  that  he  would 
not  do  it.  He  did  not  sign  the  revised  text  and  he  followed  me.  He  compiled 
a  detailed  essay  about  the  population  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.,  based  on  Soviet  sources 
and  containing  the  distribution  of  the  Union's  population  according  to  nationality 
and  the  development  of  the  Soviet  industry  in  particular  of  the  heavy  industry. 
His  essay  exists  in  spite  of  the  searches. 

6/.  Lieut.  Col.  DUDZINSKI: 

A  limited  intellect  with  tremendous  self-assurance;  followed  blindly  Col. 
Berling's  indications  and  used  by  the  latter  whenever  he  required  someone  to 
pla.y  the  role  of  an  initiator  of  some  action.  Courageous  and  capable  of  anything, 
he  uncompromisingly  maintained  the  necessity  of  getting  rid  of  the  entire  Polish 
educated  class  from  the  future  17th  Union  Republic. 


A  man  of  indisputable  talent  consciously  heading  to  his  chosen  goal.  He 
played  the  part  of  Berling's  "Chief  of  Staff".  On  his  initiative  were  held  various 
lectures  on  communist  topics  which  glorified  the  ideology  of  Leninism  and  Marxism 
and  the  Stalinist  Constitution.  Knowing  that  I  had  fought  against  the  Bol- 
sheviks in  1939  he  quoted  his  own  example  of  how  as  a  battalion  commander  he 
rode  over  to  the  Bolsheviks  to  report  to  them  that  his  soldiers  were  not  going  to 
fire  at  the  Red  Army.  Together  with  2nd  Lieut.  Imach,  2nd  Lieut.  Szczypiorski 
and  later  on  also  with  2nd  Lieut.  Wicherkieicz  they  formed  the  communist  intel- 
lectual team  which  decided  what  can  and  what  cannot  be  done  or  what  should  or 
should  not  be  done  in  accordance  with  the  teachings  of  Engels  and  Marx.  They 
constantly  lectured  on  communist  topics  and  advised  all  others  to  know  at  least 
as  much  as  they  did  about  communism. 

81.  2nd  Lieut.  WICHERKIEWICZ: 

A  man  incapable  of  having  an  idea  of  his  own,  of  limited  intelligence  and  with  an 
unhealthy  mania  of  equalling  his  three  "communist"  comrades.  He  once  had  a 
very  long  lecture  about  the  origins  of  the  family.  The  lecture  would  have  served 
as  a  welcome  contribution  to  the  most  pornographic  gutter  paper. 

91.  Lieut.  SIEWIERSKI: 

A  courageous  young  man  rather  of  an  impetuous  character  greatly  concerned 
with  his  personal  comfort.  He  constantly  maintained  that  when  back  in  Poland 
at  the  head  of  his  battalion  he  would  instantly  run  away  from  the  Bolsheviks  at 
the  very  sight  of  the  Polish  Army.  He  refused  to  sign  the  revised  text  of  the 
"declaration  of  homage"  but  after  long  persuading  was  forced  somehow  and  did 
sign  it  in  the  end. 

101.  Lieut.  SZUMIGALSKI: 

A  quiet  level-headed  and  sensible  man  wanted  to  preserve  his  strength  "for 

111.  Lieut.  TOM  ALA: 

Limited  intelligence.  He  only  thought  about  his  own  comfort  and  had  no 
idea  at  which  point  the  road  to  disgrace  began. 

121.  Ensign  KUKULINSKI: 

An  honest  man  and  patriot,  educated  in  a  clerical  seminary.  Subordinate  of 
Col.  Berling  while  still  in  Poland,  accustomed  to  execute  his  orders.  No  family 
background.  No  orientation  where  "good"  ended  and  "evil"  started.  Courag- 


Those  numbered  from  9  to  12,  in  normal  conditions  would  have  been  good 
officers  and  would  have  performed  their  duties  quite  well  but  in  the  given  cir- 
cumstances when  it  came  to  choose  between  personal  comfort  and  the  misery  of 
imprisonment  they  chose  the  former. 


131.  2-nd   Lieut.    IMACH: 

A  confirmed  adherent  of  communist  ideology.  He  started  working  for  them 
already  in  Poland  and  had  done  so  till  most  recent  times.  He  believed  that 
humanity  will  be  happy  only  if  and  when  communism  will  gain  power  in  the  whole 
world.     An   ideological   communist   executive. 

Ul.  2-nd  Lieut.  SZCZYPIORSKI: 

Active  Polish  socialist  and  a  zealous  assistant  of  Berling  and  the  w^hole  com- 
munist group.  An  impetuous  man  with  no  ethics  at  all,  ready  to  sentence  without 
a  wink  the  entire  Polish  intelligentsia,  including  women  and  children,  to  deporta- 
tion from  the  future  17-th  Union  Republic. 


The  facts  related  above  had  taken  place  during  the  most  critical  stage  of  the 
present  war.  Towards  the  end  of  1940  and  at  the  beginning  of  1941,  it  was 
impossible  to  imagine  that  any  human  force  could  induce  the  Soviet  Union  to 
release  from  its  concentration  camps  and  prisons  the  Poles  they  kept  in  their 
hands.  All  believed  in  a  final  victory  over  the  Germans  and  in  the  rebuilding  of 
Poland.  At  that  time  the  power  of  the  Soviet  Union  was  steadily  increasing  and 
was  aimed  at  overpowering  Poland  and  all  Western  Europe.  The  leaders  of  the 
U.  S.  S.  R.  maintained  that  with  the  collapse  of  Germany  the  Red  .\rmy  would 
enter  Poland  and  that  at  its  head  would  march  Polish  Red  troups  and  that  every- 
body would  be  therefore  greeted  with  flowers  and  acclaimed  as  hberators.  The 
entering  of  the  Soviet  Army  into  Germany  was  supposed  to  be,  according  to  the 
plans  of  the  III  International,  accomplished  amidst  joyful  celebrations  held 
throughout  Germany.  To  my  remark  that  the  Germans  even  if  defeated  would 
still  have  sufficient  arms  and  ammunition  to  resist  the  Soviet  Army,  Col.  Jegorov 
told  me  that  I  was  very  naive  to  think  so.  There  were  very  many  communists 
in  Germany  w^ho  were  going  to  prepare  thoroughly  the  reception  of  the  Red  Army. 
At  the  present  time  the  greatest  enemy  of  the  Soviet  Union  was — England. 

People  with  foresight  began  to  seek  other  ways  out  w^ithout  taking  any  heed  of 
whether  the  road  they  were  taking  led  to  disgrace  or  not.  Today  I  recall  the 
words  of  Col.  Berling  who,  when  trying  to  persuade  me  to  sign  the  declaration 
I  have  already  spoken  about,  used  the  argument  that  after  all  if  by  some  miracle 
Poland  would  be  rebuilt  there  would  be  a  general  amnesty  liecause  there  would 
be  thousands  of  people  who  would  have  done  the  same  as  we  had  and  it  would 
be  an  impossibility  to  sentence  all  of  them.  At  the  time  I  thought  this  to  be  a 
most  prudent  way  of  taking  things.  After  that  conversation  when  the  inmates 
of  my  room  endeavoured  to  make  me  change  my  mind  I  answered  that  I  did  not 
wish  my  son  or  my  wife  to  have  to  say  that  his  father  or  her  husband  was  a  traitor. 
All  that  time  I  had  no  illusions  about  the  possibility  of  a  happy  ending  of  the 
whole  affair.  What  happened  next  seems  to  me  like  a  fairy  tale  from  the  "Thou- 
sand and  one  nights"  because  I  was  absolutely  sure  that  I  would  never  regain 
freedom  again. 

To  end  up  I  give  the  characteristics  of  a  few  persons  who  had  nothing  to  do 
with  the  "Malachowka"  villa: 

Staff  Col.  MORAWSKI: 

A  man  with  an  obsession  to  become  "a  great  man".  Liked  to  drink  vodka. 
Made  himself  known  because  of  two  memoranda  he  had  sent  to  the  N.  K.  V.  D. 
in  wliich  he  suggested  the  creating  of  a  Polish  Government  and  of  "Red  Riflemen" 
under  his  commands  Later  on  he  was  Commander  of  the  Reserve  Centre  of  the 
5-th  Infantry  Division  in  Tatishchev.  In  October  1940  he  had  spent  a  few  days 
in  the  "Malachowka"  villa  but  was  removed  from  there  probably  on  Col.  l^erling's 

Lieut.  Col.  GUDAKOWSKI: 

Wanted  and  tried  to  oblige  all  representatives  of  the  Soviet  authorities  without 
exception.  He  once  said  that  he  would  rather  be  a  "Soviet  tractor-driver  than  a 
Polish  olficier".      Gen.  Prze^clziecki  knows  all  about  this  incident. 

I  wish  to  stress  that  Gen.  Prze^dziecki  Waclaw  could  give  the  most  exhaustive 
exj^^anations  on  all  these  matters,  having  watched  over,  cared  for  and  taken 
lively  interest  in  the  lives  of  all  the  oflficers  throughout  that  time  fur  doing  which 
he  had  adequate  possibilities,  namely,  an  organisation  which  aimed  at  taking 
notice  of  everything  that  was  going  on. 

As  to  Col.  Morawski,  Staff  Colonel  Kiinstler  and  Mjr.  Lis  could  give  details 
about  the  memoranda  deposited  by  him  with  the  N.  K.  V.  D. 


The  whole  team  /"collective"/  assembled  in  Malach6\vka  was  chosen  and 
moulded  by  the  X.  K.  V.  D.  authorities  /Col.  Jegorov/  as  well  as  by  Berling  and 
his  group  of  "communists"  assembled  in  the  villa,  with  the  purpose  of  performing 
important  tasks  in  the  creation  of  a  Red  Poland  which  would  become  the  17-th 
Union  Republic.  From  among  the  members  of  that  team  was  to  be  formed  a 
nucleus  of  the  future  Government  and  Army  of  a  Red  Poland  which  was  to  march 
at  the  head  of  the  Soviet  Army  to  facilitate  its  task  of  taking  over  German  occu- 
pied Poland. 

Gol.  Berling  together  with  his  collaborators  openly  mentioned  about  such  aims 
being  prepared.     X.  K.  V.  1).  Col.  Jegorov  also  spoke  unequivocally  to  this  effect. 

I  would  also  like  to  mention  that  in  that  same  villa  a  communist  Government 
for  Finland  had  been  trained  before  our  arrival  there  and  which  did  in  fact  turn 
up  in  Finland  in  the  beginning  of  1940.  We  had  established  this  fact  by  discov- 
ering Finnish  cigarette  holders  and  newsjDapers  of  Finnish  origin  with  Finnish 
inscriptions  they  must  have  left  behind  and  also  by  what  we  were  told  by  the 
female  members  of  our  servant  staff.  Col.  Rosen-Zawadzki  had  also  mentioned 
it  to  us. 


Kodziowka  is  a  village  situated  7  km.  west  of  Sopockinie.  Close  to  the  village 
there  is  a  farm  of  the  same  name.  In  the  battle  with  the  Bolsheviks  which  took 
place  on  the  22-nd  September  1939  only  the  101  Lancers  Regiment  took  part, 
strengthened  by  a  platoon  of  pioneers  and  a  signal  squadron.  We  had  no  anti- 
tank arms  e.xcept  for  one  anti-tank  rifie  with  4  cartridges  which  was  in  the  hands  of 
one  of  the  Lancers  in  the  O.  C.'s  Colour  Party. 

The  Bolsheviks  had  two  groups  of  tanks  accompanied  by  motorised  infantry. 
Each  group  had  18  heavy  tanks/ Medium  Krestians/plus  two  light  tanks.  In  all 
the  enemy  engaged  into  action  40  tanks  At  8  p.  m.  on  the  21-st  September  1939 
our  advanced  patrols  established  the  presence  of  enemy  tanks.  I  sent  on  reconnais- 
sance an  officer's  patrol  and  went  myself  to  the  Regiment  Commander  who  had 
his  post  on  the  farm.  After  half  an  hour's  talk  with  the  O.  C.  I  returned  to  the 
village  to  put  into  effect  his  orders.  At  0.1.20  a.  m.  7  enemj-  tanks  rolled  through 
our  lines  of  protection  and  cut  off  the  farm  from  the  village.  The  night  was  very 
dark  and  a  drizzly  rain  was  falling.  We  managed  to  retain  contact  between  the 
farm  and  the  village.  At  3  a.  m.  the  Regiment  Commander  together  with  2-nd- 
in-Command  and  the  A.  D.  C.  came  to  my  post.  The  O.  C.  asked  me  what  was  the 
morale  of  the  men  and  when  I  answered  that  I  could  wish  no  better  he  asked; 
"Well,  what  are  we  going  to  do?  Do  we  fight  or  withdraw?" — and  without  wait- 
ing for  me  to  reply  he  said:  "I  know  what  you  will  answer  and  therefore  we  will 
fight  .  .  ."  He  left  me  in  command  of  the  village  giving  me  further  to  my  own 
2-nd  squadron,  the  1-st  squadron,  a  platoon  of  pioneers  and  half  of  the  machine- 
gun  squadron  with  its  commanding  officer  to  help  me.  The  whole  was  formed 
into  a  cavalry  battalion.  The  rest  as  the  second  cavalry  battalion  which  he  re- 
tained under  his  personal  command  took  up  positions  round  the  farm.  We  fixed 
4  a.  m.  as  the  time  in  which  we  would  simultaneously  launch  an  attack  against 
enemy  infantry  which  had  stopped  nearby  apparently  without  setting  up  guards 
for  protection.  At  the  appointed  time  the  O.  C.'s  battalion  went  to  the  attack 
and  precisely  at  the  same  titne  the  Bolsheviks  launched  an  attack  upon  the  village 
I  occupied,  throv.  ing  12  tanks  and  their  infantry  into  action.  Twelve  times  they 
tried  to  storm  the  village  during  which  eleven  of  their  tanks  were  put  out  of  action 
by  means  of  bottles  of  petrol  which  we  flung  at  them.  From  my  observation 
point  I  could  see  six  more  enemy  tanks  immobilised  by  the  O.  C.'s  battalion — in 
all  17  tanks  were  destroyed.  The  battle  ended  in  our  favour  at  twenty  past 

Our  casualties  were  very  high.  The  2-nd  squadron  vrhich  bore  the  brunt  of 
the  enemy's  attack  lost  50%  of  its  men  and  70%  of  the  horses.  The  soldiers 
behaved  in  a  heroic  way — Among  other  feats,  corporal  Choroszucha  and  lancer 
Poloczanyn  jumped  upon  enemy  tanks  and  with  the  butts  of  their  own  riffles 
damaged  the  tank  machine-guns  by  smashing  the  barrels  thus  making  them  harm- 

Among  those  faUen  were  the  regiment  commander,  two  squadron  commanders 
and  one  platoon  commander.  The  commander  of  the  2-nd  squadron  was  wounded 
and  suffered  from  shell-shock,  the  officer  commanding  the  pioneers'  platoon  was 
also  wounded. 

The  casualties  of  the  enemy,  according  to  Soviet  sources,  amounted  to  12  tankg. 
and  about  800  men.     According  to  informations  received  by  the  O.  C.  of  the 

93744— 52— pt.  4 21 


"Wolkowysk"  group  /Gen.  Przeidziecki — was  the  commander  of  the  group  /  the 
total  of  the  destroyed  tanks  was  22. 

Everything  I  have  stated  in  the  above  record  has  been  described  exactly'as  it 
had  happened  without  exaggeration — rather  moderately  if  anything- — ^and  strictly 
according  to  truth  which  I  confirm  with  my  own  signature. 

/ — /     Lopianowski  Narcyz. 
Cavalry  Captain. 
Heard  by: 
/ — /     Giedrono\\icz  Narcyz,  Capt. 


Capt.  LOPIANOWSKI  Narcyz, 
14-th  May,  1943. 

In  reference  to  my  statement  recorded  in  writing  at  a  hearing  which  took  place 
on  the  13-th  of  October  1942  in  the  2-nd  Section  of  the  Staff  of  the  I  Armoured 
Corps — I  wish  to  state  that: 

In  view  of  the  development  of  the  political  relations  between  Poland  and  the 
U.  S.  S.  R.  I  relate  herewith,  reconstructed  to  the  best  of  my  memory  and  knowl- 
edge, the  statements  made  by  the  People's  Commissar  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R. — BERJA, 
by  the  future  People's  Commissar  of  Security — MERKULOW,  and  by  their 
executive  N.  K.  V.  D.  Lieut.  Col.— JEGOROW  whom  I  shall  refer  to  in  this 
statement  as  "Chief  of  Staff". 

I  would  like  to  stress  that  my  first  interrogation  took  place  on  the  night  of 
13-14-th  October  1940,  between  midnight  and  0.3  a.  m.,  in  room  No.  523  at  the 
Supreme  H.  Q.  of  the  N.  K.  V.  D. /People's  Commissariat  of  Interior  Affairs  of 
the  U.  S.  S.  R./.  This  room  was  the  office  of  the  People's  Commissar  himself. 
The  questions  were  put  to  me  by  the  Chief  of  Staff.  This  statement  deals  only 
with  those  questions  which  referred  to  political  problems  and  leaves  out  the  usual 
questions  about  health  and  about  what  I  thought  of  the  Communist  regime  in 
the  U.  S.  S.  R.  Where  I  use  the  Polish  form  of  "Sir"  /"Pan"/  the  Russian  form 
"you"  /"wy"/  was  used  throughout  the  hearing.  /TRANSLATOR'S  Note.— 
In  English  the  form  "yoa"  is  used/.  I  also  wish  to  add  that  my  answers  were 
given  in  Polish. 

"Would  you  like  to  fight  once  again  against  the  Germans?" 

"Why  don't  you  put  this  question  to  a  Polish  child,  a  Polish  woman  or  any 
youth. — Their  answer  would  be  yes". 

"On  whose  orders  would  you  agree  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  fight  against 
the  Germans?" 

"On  orders  of  the  Polish  Government  residing  in  London". 

"But  that  Polish  Government  in  LONDON  is  an  impostrous  Government 
which  has  nothing  in  common  with  the  Polish  nation.  The  Polish  nation  does 
not  recognize  this  Government.  You,  an  officer  of  proletarian  descent  must 
surely  realize  that  only  the  Soviet  Union  can  assure  a  ha{:)py  future  to  Poland — 
but  you  must  also  help  us  in  that.  If  you  expect  to  receive  help  from  Great 
Britain  you  are  in  error.  England  after  making  the  inost  of  the  Poles  will  sell 
them  if  only  she  will  gain  anything  from  doing  so.  While  to  us — England  is 
enemy  number  one.  As  long  as  British  Imperialism  exists  and  until  it  is  des- 
troyed the  Soviet  Union  will  be  unable  to  spread  the  idea  of  freedom  throughout 
the  nations  of  the  world.  Remember  that  if  England  will  not  sell  you  it  will  be 
only  because  she  will  turn  you  into  her  slaves,  as  she  has  done  with  the  yellow 
and  black  races  in  her  colonies.  If  and  when  the  whole  of  Europe  organised  by 
us  will  march  with  us  under  the  Red  banner,  the  overthrow  of  England  will  not 
be  a  difficult  task  to  achieve.  We  can  easil,y  launch  an  attack  against  India 
which  would  be  a  deadly  blow  to  British  imperialism,  and  would  force  America 
to  join  hands  with  us." 

"What  then  do  you  imagine  will  be  done  about  Germany  with  which  you 
have  signed  a  non-aggression  pact  and,  if  I  am  right,  even  a  treaty  of  friendship". 

"The  Soviet  Union  has  a  realistic  approach  to  the  problems  of  tomorrow. 
Sentimental  considerations  do  not  exist.  The  only  thing  which  exists  is  material- 
ism and  the  strength  of  the  nations  of  the  Soviet  Union.  The  nations  of  the 
Soviet  Union  will  conclude  any  kind  of  pact  with  everyone  of  their  enemies  but 
no  such  agreement  is  valid.  It  is  only  a  means  to  reach  an  aim  decided  upon  by 
the  Communist  Party  which  strives  for  freedom,  happiness  and  wealth  of  all  the 
nations  of  the  world.  The  Red  Army  is  powerful  and  will  fight  with  enthusiasm 
for  the  achievementJIof  this  aim." 


•'Do  you  think  that  the  Germans  will  greet  with  flowers  the  entering  Red 
Army?  Don't  you  think  they  have  enough  iron  and  steel  to  resist  your  march 
to  the  West." 

"The  Germans,  tired  out  by  their  struggle  with  England  will  try  to  force  an 
issue  by  invading  the  British  Isles  and  will  suffer  such  heavy  losses  that  they 
will  be  unable  to  resist  us  with  their  Fascist  Army.  The  German  nation  seeing 
that  we  bring  with  us  freedom  and  wealth  will  undoubtedly  greet  us  as  its  libera- 
tors from  the  yoke  of  capitalism.  We  have  enormous  stocks  of  food,  which  are 
being  kept  for  the  purpose  of  distributung  them  to  the  starving  West.  Once  we 
overpower  Germany  we  will  have  no  difficulties  with  France  because  she  is  ours 
anyhow  while  Czechoslovakia  being  our  friend  will  help  us  in  the  South.  In 
about  ten  years  time  when  we  complete  the  re-organisation  of  the  European 
Continent  in  a  common  effort  we  shall  destroy  the  British  Empire.  And  only 
after  that  shall  we  proceed  all  together  with  the  building  of  a  happy  life  for  all 
the  nations  of  the  world." 

"I  know  that  the  war  in  1939  had  been  arranged  in  Moscow  between  Ribbentrop 
and  Molotov  with  the  cooperation  of  Stalin  himself,  and  therefore  I  know  that 
when  thrusting  a  knife  into  our  backs  you  had  more  in  mind  than  just  to  liquidate 
Poland  who  had  in  no  way  caused  you  any  harm". 

"Yes,  quite  so.  We  did  want  this  war  to  break  out,  because  this  war  wiU 
enable  us  to  free  the  subjugated  nations  from  the  yoke  of  capitalists  and  landlords. 
-If  we  do  not  make  the  most  of  this  war  the  capitalists  will  want  to  destroy  us. 
Poland  was  hostile  to  the  Soviet  .Union  and  was  subservient  to  capitalists  who 
oppressed  the  Polish  Nation  ruled  by  a  Fascist-Capitalist  Government  which 
defended  the  interests  of  the  capitalist  Western  States  and,  as  such,  Poland  was 
a  hindrance  and  we  therefore  made  an  agreement  with  Germany  in  result  of  which 
Poland  ceased  to  exist  as  a  State.  We  want  to  rebuild  a  strong  Poland  which 
would  be  friendly  towards  us  in  order  to  be  able  to  work  together  towards  the 
aim  of  destroying  other  capitalist  States.  Do  you  need  better  proof  than  the 
case  of  Czechoslovakia.  When  the  Germans  were  entering  Czechoslovakia  the 
Polish  Government  prevented  us  from  helping  her.  As  if  that  was  not  enough 
it  even  helped  the  Germans — by  grabbing  part  of  Czechslovakia  for  itself." 

Similar  discussions  went  on  and  on  till  the  25-th  of  December,  i.  e.  until  P.  S.  C. 
Lieut.  Col.  BERLING  Zygmunt  appeared  on  the  scene. 

The  hearings  were  mostly  conducted  by  the  Chief  of  Staff. 

I  emphasize  that  the  Soviet  authorities  were  in  no  way  embarrassed  by  what 
they  told  us  and  shamelessly  disclosed  to  us  their  plans  creating  thus  the  appear- 
ance of  frank  sincerity  by  which  they  hoped  to  win  for  their  cause  the  cooperation 
of  the  chosen  Polish  officers.  Moreover  they  treated  us  as  living  dead  who  anyhow 
would  not  have  a  chance  to  repeat  to  anyone  what  they  were  told. 

When  watching  today  the  fantastic  blackmail  on  which  the  Soviet  Union  has 
engaged,  I  see  that,  in  spite  of  the  change  of  circumstances  and  a  different  balance 
of  strength,  the  same  plans  which  I  have  sketched  above  are  consistently  being 
put  to  life,  and  that  the  present  development  is  treated  as  a  test  of  the  American 
and  British  resistance  to  the  unilateral  decisions  undertaken  V^y  the  Kremlin  and 
aimed  at  destroying  the  defence  wall  which  Poland  represents  in  their  drive  to 
the  West.  They  go  even  further  than  that  and  try  to  find  partners  who  would 
back  them  in  their  present  action  so  as  to  be  able  to  make  use  of  their  cooperation 
at  a  later  stage. 

The  thought  of  a  strong  and  independent  Poland  deprives  the  Kremlin  rulers 
of  their  sleep.  They  incessantly  return  to  this  subject  and  raise  it  in  their  speeches 
broadcast  on  the  air  and  printed  in  the  press  which  is  anyhow  nothing  else  but 
the  voice  of  the  ruling  clique.  Soviet  authorities  do  not  deny  the  existance  of  a 
Poland  but  their  main  effort  is  concentrated  upon  the  attempt  to  establish  a 
Poland  which  would  become  another  Soviet  republic  or,  at  least,  to  create  a 
Poland  which  would  be  so  weak  as  to  present  no  obstacle  to  Red  imperialism. 

To  uninitiated  people  the  plans  described  aV:)Ove  may  look  like  phantasies  or  the 
products  of  a  morbid  imagination.  The  same  applied  to  Hitler's  plans  as  des- 
cribed in  his  "Mein  Kampf".  Scarcely  anybody  took  heed  of  what  seemed  to  be 
utterances  of  a  sickly  brain.  Nevertheless  the  programme  of  the  Kominform 
is  just  as  much  a  reality  as  was  "Mein  Kampf"  with  the  difference  that  it  is  being 
put  to  life  with  even  greater  brutality  and  ruthlessness. 

The  rulers  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  will  stake  everything  on  one  card  to  achieve  their 
goal  because  if  they  fail  to  take  advantage  of  the  results  of  the  present  war  it 
would  postpone  indefinitely  if  not  make  completely  unfeasable  their  plans  of  a 
world-wide  revolution. 


In  the  fulfilment  of  their  plans  the  Bolsheviks  had  a?signed  a  special  role  to  tlie 
chosen  Polish  officers.  The  selection  of  the  officers  who  were  to  become  the 
pioneers  of  the  future  Red  Army  was  entrusted  to  P.  S.  C.  Lieut.  Col.  Z.  BER- 
LING  who  had  chosen  them  with  the  approval  of  the  highest  N.  K.  V.  D.  au- 
thorities and  had  them  trained  at  special  courses  organised  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Moscow. 

In  my  earlier  statement  I  did  not  give  details  of  the  programme  which  was 
worked 'out  in  the  "MALACHOWKA"  villa.     It  ran  as  follows: 

1/  The  change  of  Poland's  political  structure  enforced  with  the  help  of  the 
Red  Army. 

2/  The  incorporation  of  Poland  into  the  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics  as 
the  17-th  member  Republic. 

3/  The  consolidating  of  the  newly  imposed  structure  by  getting  rid  in  a  humani- 
tarian way  of  elements  hostile  to  the  now  order,  i.  e.  of  the  officers'  families,  of  the 
class  of  civil  servants  and  all  others  who  would  dare  to  voice  their  disapproval. 
The  getting  rid  of  these  elements  was  to  be  achieved  by  their  deportation  to  distant 
districts  of  Soviet  Russia. 

Lt.  Col.  Berling  maintained  that  one  had  to  look  ahead  and  understand  tlie 
"major  issues".  There  was  nothing  to  fear  from  the  prospect  of  Poland  beconung 
one  of  the  happy  nations  of  the  Soviet  Union  as  the  17-th  Soviet  Republic.  The 
Poles  were  a  talented  race,  the  present  generation  was  well  prepared  and  capable 
of  playing  a  major  part  within  Soviet  Russia.  Those  in  power  in  the  U.  S.  S.  R. 
had  limited  intelligence  and  inadequate  education  which  opened  before  the  Poles 
enormous  possibilities  and  unlimited  horizons.  In  a  short  time  all  key  positions 
would  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Poles  and  they  would  soon  rule  the  entire  Soviet 
Union.  If  those  who  refuse  to  comply  and  join  us  will  perish  it  would  be  through 
no  fault  of  oui's  and  we  therefore  need  not  feel  any  pangs  of  conscience  in  respect  of 
people  who  are  unable  to  grasp  the  "major  issues". 

I  would  like  to  quote  here  Berling's  version  of  the  talks  about  the  missing 
Polish  officers.  Among  them  there  were  many  whom  he  wanted  to  draw  into  his 
plan  of  collaboration  with  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  During  one  of  the  conversations  with 
People's  Commissar  Berja  in  the  presence  of  N.  K.  V.  D.  Lieut.  Col.  Jegorow, 
Berling  explained  to  the  People's  Commissar  his  intention  of  making  use  of  these 
officers.  Berja  had  favourably  received  the  suggestions  and  turning  to  his  Chief 
of  Staff  had  said:  "Well  then,  I  think  we  should  hand  over  to  BerUm;  these  officers 
if  he  wishes  to  have  them".  To  which  the  Chief  of  Staff  replied:  "Unfortunately 
I  think  it  will  be  rather  difficilt,  if  at  all  feasable,  to  trace  these  offir-ers".  The 
Peop'e's  Comm'ssar  then  said:  "It  was  a  great  mistake".  The  Chief  of  Staff 
add(  d:  "We  si  all  try  to  find  them — perhaps  it  can  still  be  done". 

I  relate  the  exact  wording  of  this  conversation  to  the  best  of  my  memory, 
according  to  hov/  it  was  repeated  by  Berling  himself  and  by  Cpt.  Rozen-Zawadzki. 
To  my  question  about  what  could  have  happened  to  these  officers  Cpt.  Rozen- 
Zawadzki  replied  that  they  had  probably  been  sent  to  such  places  from  which  the 
Bolsheviks  were  unable  to  retrieve  them.  One  thing  is  sure — -that  not  a  single 
one  of  these  officers  had  been  found  up  till  the  end  of  March  1942. 

The  conversation  between  Berling  and  the  People's  Commissar  related  above 
took  place  either  in  October  or  in  November  1940. 

To  conclude  I  will  quote  an  epizode  which  occurred  in  result  of  Lieut.  Col. 
Berling's  constant  assertions  that  it  was  essential  to  gain  at  all  price  the  confidence 
of  the  Bolsheviks.  I,  on  my  part  constantly  maintained  that  I  did  not  wish  to 
have  anything  in  common  with  the  henchmen  of  the  Polish  Nation  who  sentenced 
to  a  slow  death  innocent  Polish  children  and  unhappy  Polish  women.  My  atti- 
tude began  to  influence  to  a  certain  degree  the  "younger"  adherents  of  Berling's 
group.  Towards  the  end  of  March  1941  the  Chief  of  Staff  arrived  one  day  a,nd 
after  a  long  talk  in  Berling's  room  a  roll-call  was  ordered  at  which  all  officers  living 
in  the  "Malach6v\ka"  villa  were  to  be  jiresent.  When  we  were  all  assembled  the 
Chief  of  Staff  accompanied  by  Berling  turned  up  and  assured  us  once  again  that 
all  Polish  families  deported  to  Russia  were  living  in  good  conditions  and  he  ended 
his  speach  with  the  following  sentence;  spoken  in  a  raised  voice:  "Maybe  some 
of  you  are  afraid  that  by  some  miracle  a  Poland  will  be  revived  which  will  hold 
you  resi)onsible  and  want  to  punish  you.  I  assure  you  that  the  Soviet  Union  is 
sufficiently  strong  and  powerful  to  ensure  in  any  circumstances  safety  and  care  to 
all  who  co-operate  with  the  U.  S.  S.  R." 

NOTE:  By  "first  interrogation"  I  mean  the  inquests  which  were  started  in  the 
prison  of  Lubianka,  as  it  was  from  then  on  that  I  became  the  object  of  their 
regular  "sounding"  and  "shaping"  procedure. 

/Signed/     Lopianowski  N. 

Cavalry  Capt. 


Mr.  Flood.  I  now  show  the  witness  exhibit  34  and  ask  him  whether 
or  not  these  are  the  documents  to  which  he  refers  dealing  with  matters 
about  the  prison  camp,  and  have  they  been  in  his  possession  until  the 
time  they  were  presented  to  the  Commission. 

Colonel  LuNKiEwicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  now  show  the  witness  exhibit  35  and  ask  him  whether 
or  not  exhibit  35  is  an  exact  photostatic  reproduction  of  exhibit  34. 

Colonel  LuNKiEwicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  this  time  we  offer  in  evidence  translations  of  ex- 
hibit 35  and  rej:.urn  to  the  witness  exhibit  34. 

Now  let  me  have  the  Red  Cross  folder,  the  documents  dealing  with 
the  Polish  Red  Cross  reports?  Will  you  separate  from  the  documents 
which  3'^ou  have  before  you.  Colonel,  all  of  the  documents  that  refer 
to  the  Polish  Red  Cross  reports,  or  the  Polish  Red  Cross  matter  in 
connection  with  Katyii?     Do  you  have  them  separate? 

Colonel  LiTXKiEwicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Now  will  you  give  to  me  all  the  documents  you  have 
in  your  possession  that  deal  with  the  Polish  Red  Cross  report  relating 
to  Katyn? 

Colonel  LuxKiEwicz.  I  am  not  presenting  all  these  documents,  be- 
cause the}^  were  presented  by  Mr.  Skarzynski. 

Mr.  Flood.  They  were  referred  to  by  him? 

Colonel  LuNKiEwicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  you  have  the  documents? 

Colonel  LuNKiEwicz.  Only  a  medical  opinion  of  the  doctor  of 
Polish  Red  Cross  who  worked  in  Katyn. 

Mr.  Flood.  Those  are  all  the  documents  you  have  on  that  subject? 

Colonel  Li^NKiEwicz.  I  present  only  these  documents.  This  is  a 
plan  of  the  cemetery  in  Katyn  as  made  by  Polish  Red  Cross  after  the 
victims  were  exhumed  and  reburied. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  want  you  to  take  every  document  3'ou  have  in  front 
of  you  that  deals  with  the  Polish  Red  Cross  at  Katyn  and  give  it  to 
me  in  one  folder — -everything.     (Documents  produced.) 

Now  we  present  to  the  stenographer,  to  be  marked  for  identification, 
exhibit  36  and  exhibit  37. 

(The  folder  referred  to  was  marked  as  "Exhibit  36"  and  the  photo- 
static copy  thereof  as" Exhibit  37.") 



Exhibit  37 

U^'P^ri'-'3.  ■ 









,  .    J\ 

ir~ ,1,1 

^^■V"         L«». 

■  ^i^ff 




[Translation  copy  of  Exhibit  37] 

Medico — -Legal  Opinion 

As  the  result  of  the  work  of  exhumation  undertaken  with  the  assistance  of  the 
Technical  Committee  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross  between,  April  29-th  1943  and 
June  3-rd  1943,  on  the  site  of  the  crime  at  Katyri  Forest  situated  about  16  km.  to 
the  west  of  Smolensk,  I  arrived  at  the  following  final  conclusions: 

1/  The  exhumed  bodies  numbering  4.145  were  buried  in  eight  mass  graves. 
Seven  of  the  above  mentioned  graves,  lying  close  together,  were  situated  on  a 
sandy  mound  at  a  distance  of  about  500  m.  from  the  Orsha-Smolensk  main  road. 

The  largest  grave  which  was  "L"  shaped  contained  about  2.500  bodies,  the 
remaining  from  700  /grave  No.  2/  to  50  /grave  No.  5/. 

The  exhumed  bodies  were  closely  packed  in  layers  side  by  side  and  for  the  most 
part  face  downwards  and  only  in  the  upper  layers  of  grave  No.  1  were  they  thrown 
in  at  random. 

The  grave  No.  8  situated  at  a  distance  of  about  100  m.  from  the  group  of  the 
other  graves  was  only  partially  emptied  but  on  the  strength  of  comparison  of  its 
dimentions  with  those  of  the  other  graves  it  could  contain  about  150-200  bodies. 

2/  Taking  into  account  the  fact  that  in  the  large  majority  of  cases  the  bodies 
were  dressed  in  Polish  officers'  uniforms  and  v.ere  provided  with  inoculation  cer- 
tificates from  Kozielsk  camp,  it  must  be  assumed  that  they  were  bodies  of  the 
Polish  officer  prisoners  of  war  of  1939,  interned  in  the  Kozielsk  camp. 

3/  The  post  mortem  examinations  of  the  bodies  estabhshed  the  cause  of  death 
to  be  a  shot  in  the  skull,  damaging  the  vital  centres  of  the  brain  /  for  the  most  part 
the  medulla  /  and  causing  instantaneous  death. 

This  shot,  aimed  as  a  rule  from  the  back  slightly  below  the  occipital  protuber- 
ance and  running  upwards  and  towards  the  front  of  the  cranium,  for  the  most 
part  terminated  in  an  exit  wound  within  the  upper  part  of  the  forehead. 

Only  in  a  few  cases  was  a  double  or  even  a  triple  shot  in  the  back  of  the  head 

4/  This  stereotyped  bullet  channel  proved  the  executioners  to  be  both  system- 
atic and  experienced. 

5/  All  the  shots  were  fired  from  pistols  and  the  amunition  used  bore  the  trade 
mark  "Greco  7'65  D". 

The  fact  that  it  was  often  found  that  the  edges  of  the  wounds  were  singed  and 
that  grains  of  unburnt  powder  were  stuck  round  them,  proved  that  the  shot  had 
been  fired  from  a  very  close  range. 

6/  The  relative  large  number  of  cartridge  cases  and  bullets  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  graves,  under  the  pine  needles  and  even  inside  the  graves,  were  a  sufficient 
basis  for  the  supposition  that  the  execution  was  carried  out  over  the  graves  or 
even  after  the  victims  had  been  led  into  the  graves,  previotisly  dug  out. 

7/  The  absence  of  any  traces  of  a  struggle  having  occurred  before  death  led  to 
the  supposition  that  the  victims  were  overpowered  by  assistants  and  only  then 
shot  by  proper  executioners.  The  fact  that  in  nearly  20%  of  the  cases  the  hands 
were  bound  behind  the  back  with  a  cord  tied  in  a  double  slip  knot,  suggested  that 
this  method  was  used  as  a  preventive  measure  against  selfdefence  with  individuals 
who  could  off'er  resistance  /  physically  fit  /  . 

Also  the  throwing  of  the  greatcoats  over  the  heads  of  the  victims  /  grave 
No.  5  /  and  the  tying  of  them  with  a  cord  at  the  height  of  the  neck  and  connecting 
this  knot  with  the  knot  typically  used  for  the  binding  of  the  hands  behind  the 
back,  suggested  that  this  refined  method  of  disabling  the  victims  was  intended  to 
prevent  any  shouting  before  the  execution. 

8/  The  precision  with  which  each  victim  was  shot,  the  fact  that  the  layers  of 
bodies  were  spread  over  with  a  calcium  compound  /  grave  No.  1  /  ,  the  period 
covered  by  the  dates  of  the  Soviet  newspapers  and  diaries  found  on  the  bodies 
and  finally  the  careful  arrangement  of  the  bodies  in  each  grave  /  with  the  exception 
of  the  upper  layers  of  grave  No.  1  /  sufficiently  proved  that  the  crime  was  carried 
out  over  a  long  period  of  time. 

9/  It  was  impossible  to  fix  exactly  the  length  of  time  the  bodies  had  lain  under 
the  ground  by  the  degree  of  the  putrid  decomposition  only.  It  is  true  that  the 
research  of  Prof.  Orsos  /  Budapest  /  is  supposed  to  have  established  that  an 
incrustation  of  calcium  salts  on  the  inner  side  of  the  skull  does  not  occur  before  a 
body  has  lain  in  the  earth  for  three  years.  But  this  phenomenon,  which  was  met 
with  several  times  on  the  Katyn  bodies,  has  still  not  been  definitely  accepted  in  the 
field  of  forensic  medicine  and  cannot,  therefore,  be  used  as  a  basis  for  the  calcula- 
tion of  the  exact  period  of  time  the  bodies  had  lain  in  the  earth. 


The  exhumed  bodies  showed  a  varying  degree  of  putrid  deconinosition  depend- 
ing on  the  layer  of  soil,  its  reaction,  the  accessibility  of  air,  humidity  and  the  pres- 
sure under  which  they  were  lying.  Thus  in  the  upper  sandy  layers  the  Vjodies 
were  light  and  brittle  and  presented  a  jncture  of  a  partial  mummification,  whereas 
in  the  lower  layers  of  clay  or  peat  /  grave  No.  1  /  they  showed  signs  of  the  forma- 
tion of  the  so  called  adipocere  which  was  characterised  by  the  preservation  of  the 
general  features  of  the  body. 

The  skin  of  these  bodies  was  covered  with  a  sticky,  grey  grease  which  had  an 
unpleasant,  strong  smell  which  had  also  permeated  the  clothes  of  the  bodies. 

The  above  mentioned  layer  of  grease  protected  from  external  influences  not 
only  the  bodies,  but  also  the  documents  found  on  the  bodies.  The  clothes  on  the 
bodies  in  the  upper  layers  were  faded  and  fragile  and  in  the  lower  layers  they  were 
strong  and  the  colours  were  preserved, 

10/  The  above  mentioned  degree  of  putrid  decomposition  being  dependent  on 
external  factors  and  the  exact  adherance  of  contiguously  lying  bodies,  proved  that 
the  original  arrangement  of  the  bodies  had  not  been  disturbed. 

11/  The  presence  of  wooden  soles  /"apel6wki"/  attached  to  the  boot  legs  by 
means  of  a  string  or  by  leather  straps  found  on  quite  a  considerable  number  of 
bodies  in  grave  No.  1,  and  the  absence  of  them  in  the  other  graves,  led  to  the 
supposition  that  grave  No.  1  was  filled  with  the  victims  of  the  first  executions, 
carried  out  in  the  colder  part  of  the  year,  and  that  the  other  mass  graves  had  been 
filled  one  by  one  at  a  later  time  in  the  season. 

From  notes  found  in  the  diaries  of  the  exhumed  bodies  it  could  be  calculated 
that  the  time  in  which  the  first  seven  mass  graves  had  been  made  was  the  end  of 
March  and  the  month  of  April  1940. 

Grave  No.  8,  discovered  on  the  first  of  June  1943,  was  the  latest  and  I  calculate 
that  it  was  made  in  the  first  half  of  May  1940.  The  bodies  in  it  were,  clad  in 
summer  uniforms  and  the  Soviet  newspapers  found  on  them  were  dated  the  first 
days  of  May  1940. 

12/  The  examination  of  the  material  evidence  found  on  the  bodies  such  as 
anti-typhoid  inoculation  certificates  from  the  prisoners  camp  at  Kozielsk,  identity 
cards,  P.  K.  O.  savings  books  /  Post  Office  Savings  Bank  /,  diaries,  letters  received 
at  Kozielsk  or  not  yet  sent  from  Kozielsk,  military  aluminium  identity  discs, 
visiting  cards,  sketches,  photographs  etc.  made  it  possible  to  establish  for  the 
greater  number  of  the  victims  their  surname.  Christian  name,  military  rank, 
profession,  age,  the  localitv  from  which  they  came,  religion  etc. 

13/  The  above  mentioned  material  evidence  and  more  than  anything  else  the 
diaries  and  note  books  made  it  possible  to  establish  more  precisely  the  time  of  the 
crime.     They  all  ceased  in  the  second  half  of  March  and  April  1940. 

These  made  it  also  possible  to  establish  the  route  along  which  the  Polish  pris- 
oners were  brought  to  the  scene  of  the  crime,  which  was  Kozielsk,  —  Smolensk, 
—  Gniezdowo.  The  further  route  was  covered  in  prison  cars  to  the  place  of 
execution  in  the  Katvi:i  Forest.  So,  for  instance,  the  diary  of  Major  Adam  Solski, 
No.  490,  finishes  on  the  9-th  of  April  1940  with  the  note:  "We  have  been  brought 
to  a  wood,  hour  8'30 — they  take  away  watches,  belts,  pen  knives,  roubles". 

14/  The  data  collected  as  a  result  of  the  examination  of  the  scene  of  the  crime 
and  the  exhumation  of  the  bodies  agreed  with  the  depositions  of  the  Russian  wit- 
nesses, who  in  the  spring  of  1940,  saw  the  Polish  prisoners  being  brought  in  parties 
in  prison  wagons,  to  Gniezdowo  Station  and  from  there  being  driven  in  prison 
cars  in  the  direction  of  the  Katyii  Forest/Zacharov,  Kisielev/: 

The  witness  Kisielev,  who  lived  nearby,  had  even  heard  shots  and  shouts  from 
the  direction  of  the  forest. 

15/  The  finding,  in  the  area  of  the  Katyii  Forest,  of  quite  a  number  of  other 
graves  containing  Russian  bodies  with  typical  shot  wounds  in  the  skull  led  to  the 
supposition  that  the  KatvA  Forest  had  already  been  used  for  some  time  as  a  place 
of  execution. 

Judging  by  the  degree  of  putrid  decomposition  of  the  bodies  in  the  different 
Russian  graves  the  time  that  they  had  lain  in  the  earth  should  be  calculated  as 
being  from  5-15  years. 

16/  The  expert  reserves  to  himself  the  right  of  giving  a  supplementary  forensic 
medical  statement  after  he  has  finished  the  analysing  of  further  material. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  show  to  the  witness  exhibit  36  and  ask  him  whether 
or  not  exhibit  36  is  a  report  of  the  Pohsh  Red  Cross  in  connection  with 
the  Katyn  massacre  and  (hrect  his  attention  to  that  part  of  exhibit  36 
which  is  a  map  purporting  to  be  a  map  of  the  oraves  and  the  number 
of  graves  found  at  KatjTi,  and  ask  him  for  the  record  to  designate 


from  the  number  of  graves  how  many  graves  in  number  are  shown 
on  that  m.ap.  These  are  the  graves  shown  on  this  map  which  were 
dug  by  the  Pohsh  Red  Cross  at  the  time  they  reburied  the  bodies  of 
the  Pohsh  officers  that  were  dug  up  by  the  Germans  at  Katyn,  and 
the  comment  is  significant  for  the  purpose  of  showing  the  contrast 
between  the  number  of  graves  as  marked  on  the  map  by  the  Pohsh 
Red  Cross  and  the  number  of  graves  subsequently  the  Russians  said 
they  found  at  Katyn,  namely,  one. 

Colonel,  will  you  state  from  the  map  the  number  of  graves  marked 
on  the  Polish  Red  Cross  report? 

Colonel  LuNKiEwicz.  It  is  six  large  graves  and  two  small,  two 
individual  graves. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  show  the  witness  exhibit  36  and  ask  him  whether  or 
not  exhibit  36,  which  I  have  just  shown  him  and  he  has  read  from  the 
map  and  the  other  document,  is  the  report  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross 
on  the  Katyn  matter  which  has  been  in  his  custody  until  presented 
to  the  committee  today? 

Colonel  LuNKiEWicz.  Yes, 

Mr.  Flood.  I  now  show  the  witness  exhibit  37  and  ask  him  whether 
or  not  exhibit  37  in  its  two  parts,  including  a  photostat  of  the  said 
map,  is  a  true  translation  of  exhibit  36? 

Colonel    LuNKiEWicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  We  now  offer  in  evidence  exhibit  37  in  two  parts  and 
return  to  the  witness  exhibit  36. 

Will  you  now  let  me  have  all  documents  in  one  exhibit  referring  to 
the  Kriwoserczew  case?     [Documents  produced.] 

Would  you  have  this  exhibit,  which  contains  three  separate  docu- 
ments, marked  as  exhibit  38  and  the  photostat  thereof  marked  as 
exhibit  39. 

(Documents  referred  to  were  marked  as  "Exhibit  38"  and  the 
photostatic  copy  thereof  as  "Exhibit  39.") 

Mr.  Flood.  I  now  show  you,  Colonel,  marked  for  identification, 
exhibit  38,  which  contains  three  separate  documents  and  ask  you 
whether  or  not  exliibit  38  in  its  three  parts  contains  references  in  your 
files  to  the  Kriwoserczew  case,  and  has  this  exhibit  been  in  your  posses- 
sion until  such  time  as  it  was  presented  to  the  committee  today? 

Colonel  LuMKiEWicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  now  show  you  exhibit  39  and  ask  you  whether  or  not 
that  is  an  exact  photostatic  reproduction  of  exhibit  38  in  its  three 

Colonel  LuNKiEwicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  We  now  offer  in  evidence  exhibit  39  and  return  to  the 
witness  exhibit  38. 


Exhibit  39 


!  'I 

t       ,£  ^    S%<i  Pf>iow>' 


M.p,  dnia. 25..±.d}.t.. 

Sprawa  kama  prxccjw 

Spitia  Wojskowy  „ 
Protofcdtant  .. 


Znak  aktai3MK...3SJ;*J'/.4?w „^ 

NIA    §%1AIWKA 

O  b  e  c  n  I 

«1  k^-^v. 

Swiadlta  upCTmaiaBo  i  poitowmo  W  aiy*J  art 

I,    'Kazwisko  i  imij._ 

~    F;ax;JIlRCEW    lfvm,si«  <iv7r.m^<i 

■■■'■  ~  ---*-—-- -— : •- « 

2.  tiati  i  miejsce  urodaenia.. 

3.  WwnaBie ...,': -.* i,    Stan  roditmny ■ 

S,  Stopieii  wojskowy — »w6d !;c''i,£Ji';,..r.:Cl.C;iO..'>?3f»..   ., . „ ,.„,, 

7.  Stosanek  <lo  oskarameg'j ,  albo  ianycJ)  w  spraww  fesjpse;  iiit«resow«nych  osdb     . —      ^ — 

poucaenia  go  w  my*!  art,  82  para    2  K.W.P.K. 

<.1»S5J»S5»,I»<»1  )i 

K.W.P.K.  po  upnasdEtfu 


SeltsiBai;a  i'orl!<5R  s«  Sst^c  Cli^'itiego   w  T.on<?ji5ie. Swia<^«^   rorumie  zane^nlr  ]f- 
isjfe  polslcl,  '    "  '  ;■ 

^.1   V.I 










[Translation  copy  of  Exhibit  39] 

[The  document  translated  below  is  written  on  a  printed  form  /  No.  5/S/.  The 
names  and  data  are  typed  in  the  spaces  between  the  printed  text.  The  printed 
text  has  been  italicized  in  the  translation.] 

Field  Court  Martial.  No.  5/S. 

Doc.  Ref.  Sow.  6/46. 


In  the  field,  Day  22-nd  May  1946,  Started  at  2.30  p.m. 
Criminal  case  against: 


Military  Judge  Lieut.  Auditor  LEWICKI  KAZIMIERZ, 

Recorder  Sergeant  HUBERT  STANISLAW, 

TTie  witness  having  been  cautioned  and  instructed  in  accordance  with  art:  —  81  of 
the  Military  Penal  Code,  -  stated  as  follows. 

1/  Narne  and  Chr.  name:  KRIWOZERCOW  IWAN  son  of  GREGORY, 

2/  Date  and  place  of  birth:  20.  VII.1915,  NOWE  BATOKI,  borough  of  KATYN, 
District  of  SMOLENSK, 

3/  Religion:  Orthodox, 

4/  Family  status:  bachelor, 

5/  Military  rank  -  profession:  metal  turner, 

6/  Allocation  -  address:  resided  before  the  war  at  his  birth  place, 

7/  Relation  to  defendant  and/or  other  parties  conceryied  in  this  case:  - 

8/  The  witness  loas  sworn  in  accordance  with  art.  83  of  the  Military  Penal  Code 
having  been  first  instructed  in  accordance  with  art.  82  point  2  of  the  M.P.C. 

The  hearing  was  conducted  in  Polish.  Now  and  then  the  less  usual  Polish 
expressions  were  translated  into  Russian  to  the  Witness  by  2/Lieut.  Heitzman 
Marian  from  the  General  Staff  in  LONDON.  The  Witness  understands  Polish 
perfectly.  The  Witness  gave  evidence  as  recorded  on  the  attached  sheets  No. 
1,  2,  3  and  4. 

Follow  four  signatures,  KRIW  /  KRIWOZERCOW/  /in  Russian/, 

St.  Hubert,  Lewicki,  Lieut, 

M.  Heitzm.\n. 



Exhibit  39A 

tMej»efe«S«»  >«iW»  »  str***  K^sriUsis  ««*,&  issfeaa  mmmU  ^^  m»*»?aa.  ji«rH«.         | 

sOd  »&®^toa  ^^»w  1?  l^sslA  jj»  Saoiafci  (hsreiik  si^m  ^stofti^o  ebe«a.^  ^^oss-tja        '~' 

3sl«4i9»«(  «»  \^  ««(**  Jsfee.  sa^^aw*  s!*m3«Ki&  «*  s3«Br«ga  'i»t>  i 

Sii3ssr*«  »«8to««dli  «:toai«S»i»oft.  m  *9«sJ.eaaica,a  ;JJBto»gs  ««e!f«s(»  kt«yi 

>«SUsa  «i«srs^a  ««(««»»  s»a;£«R«i8&M»»t«j  masisfe^  >a&  '^iC»  ^feSdtei  as;^f*a»     s 

ad«t««,lEt«i!y  |««»»^««[  «Ei«WMw*»  s&  it*«ar^  iw»»«»»  rws^ssj'  «a««wwf  di>  2»m        % 

r»a&Jt»  mf».>^  sl«  c<3il«laXy  »«wl«c««,«  kUsydh  *«rt»*»l«  i^twsfijJC?  «!♦ 



-  a- 

^imi&m^X  wp^^u^  ^1&  BOis^i  tua  -e&m  ^  -^  jxi«  «a«-,s!8^^sart  a&  Elites  SjhA 

*sefesL«  ®#gi  J®<<a4?«s3,,f*«»5*l^  i-3>|  !&  >i>»s!a  ^   Usssd  as  ^®«84,i8i  kiss.:?  >s3w  f«ist«- 
Xiais/  «e®^  ti'ss^,  ?«si«wjs  Md  c^i^  ksi*j^  til©  m^X  -m^  ssstssSk  sffe-afjssaie 

&  tisa  «^«sss?«ai  ^  nU^  mtssn&Ji^  UjiX^Oxm,  lAS^^ti&t  S»^&  i»mm»  ^t^ 
t  5^  «»sgkif>  jsfesg!^  <3^asUx  stssry,*  -«  mi»lssA  4Mm  Sd^b'  «s«S®m»i!Ss^ 


-  >  « 


&!•  n«  »8M*s&  imwKU  tJU  r.,iil«i«J«<i*as  J5l«irt«m 

wJe^Kgftsh  ^tymf  s  osnaae.  ii*b  Iktssks*  0«iAM^m>t  r^<m^.^  isrf4«3»«s«««l^ *»  ? 


ist*-©B%y  ^ta,  **»«ar  Jaa  msgss^tM*  icp«!^  «  %sA  sinSifto  ^i«tewf  Ji^J^  s|r> 

5«*«,  a  «««»Kgi»  iii«tB«*ge  g»^-*j  a  <te4«^«<j  stow:^  M^«»&  ^«Mjr  i^-^ai 

«3^  »t«,«5*  3te  )««  asMwAaSjfw  a&r  «!■«  ««.*Ti^8«m?,w  ^  )«.X.S.9 

'tw- ■■■".-    -^ 





?!^^---- V  ...X  .■;     ,,,/^££:Lv^    'I 


[Translation  Copy  of  Exhibit  39 A] 

In  the  beginning  of  March  1940  rumours  circulated  that  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  was 
going  to  build  some  houses  in  the  KOZIE  GORY  wood  because  diggings  of  the 
foundations  had  already  been  started.  The  pits  were  dug  out  by  civilian  prisoners 
brought  over  under  N.  K.  V.  D.  guard  in  three  to  four  cars  from  the  Smole6sk 
prison.  I  saw  the  arrivals  of  these  convicts  with  my  own  eyes.  The  works  were 
started  n  the  first  days  of  March.  I  reckon  they  must  have  been  convicts  from 
Smolensk  because  the  cars  were  coming  from  thai  direction. 

When  these  works  were  completed  transports  of  officers  began  to  arrive  to 
Gniezdowo.  I  remember  that  they  began  to  arrive  at  the  time  of  the  armistice 
with  Finland  and  even  because  of  that  people  initially  said  that  the  N.  K.  V.  D. 
transported  Finish  officers.  But  already  on  the  second  day  some  of  the  local 
inhabitants  recognised  Polish  uniforms  and  it  became  known  that  those  were 
transports  of  Polish  prisoners  of  war — of  officers. 

The  transports  were  brought  by  special  trains  composed  of  an  engine  and  3  to  4 
prison  coaches  /stotypinki/:  Sometimes  the  coaches  were  of  the  smaller  two-axle 
type  at  other  times  they  were  the  large  four-axle  ones. 

The  whole  train  was  moved  to  the  side  track  near  the  storage  building  opposite 
the  little  square.  There  the  "black — raven"  /"czornyj-woron"/  prison  cars 
moved  up  with  their'  backs  towards  the  railway  carriages  and  the  officers  were 
transferred  into  them.  There  were  two  "black-ravens"  and  a  lorry  on  to  which 
the  belongings  of  the  officers  were  loaded  and  also  a  passenger  car.  In  the  latter 
travelled  the  commander,  an  officer  of  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  I  could  not  see  precisely 
his  badges  but  I  think  he  had  one  strap.  After  the  officers  had  been  loaded  into 
the  "ravens"  the  whole  column  drove  off  towards  Kozie  G6ry  and  then  returned 
for  the  next  batch. 

People  said  that  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  was  taking  them  to  Kozie  G6ry  for  the  purpose 
of  shooting  them  there.  Although  nobody  witnessed  the  executions  it  was  known 
that  there  was  no  camp  in  the  Kozie  G6ry  forest  and  moreover  the  place  was 
known  to  have  been  an  execution  place  for  many  j^ears. 

The  escort  was  composed  of  an  N.  K.  V.  D.  team  from  Smolensk,  and  I  even 
knew  the  driver  of  one  of  the  "black-ravens";  his  name  was  JAKIM  ROZUWA- 
JEW  known  by  the  nick-name  of  KIM.  Further  to  that  I  know  that  PIETKA— 
I  forget  his  surname — the  driver  of  the  lorry,  on  which  the  officers'  luggage  was 
transported  to  Kozie  G<3ry  and  who,  later  on,  was  thrown  out  of  employment 
with  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  and  worked  in  the  Sojuztrans  in  Smolensk,  told  people 
even  before  the  Germans  had  arrived  that  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  had  executed  these 
officers.    . 

A  relative  of  mine  told  me  that  one  day  while  the  train  was  being  shuttled  on 
the  station  he  recognised  among  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  escort  a  man  he  knew  personally. 
He  began  to  talk  to  him  and  asked  him  whether  these  men  were  taken  to  a  camp. 
To  which  he  got  the  answer:  "Where  did  you  see  any  camps  over  here?  Why 
do  you  ask  stupid  questions  as  if  you  did  not  know  where  they  are  taken  to?". 

The  personnel  of  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  "datcha"  /villa/  numbered  not  more  than  3  to 
4  persons  because  the  members  of  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  used  to  come  there  only  for  a 
very  short  time  and  they  did  not  live  there.  Not  far  from  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  villa, 
in  the  village  of  BOREK  there  was  a  large  N.  K.  V.  D.  Sanatorium.  After  the 
Germans  had  taken  over,  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  villa  was  occupied  by  a  high  ranking 
German  officer,  allegedly  a  general  who  lived  there  with  his  A.  D.  C.  but  no 
military  unit  was  stationed  there.  Including  the  general  not  more  than  10  people 
lived  there. 

After  the  war  of  1939  there  were  no  prisoner  of  war  camps  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Katyn  and  Gniezdowo  nor  were  there  any  further  westward.  Neither  were 
there  any  road  repairs  undertaken  in  that  district  apart  from  the  normal  work 
done  by  the  local  road  guards. 

The  German  troops  occupied  the  Gniezdowo  district  on  the  27th  July  1941 
while  Smolensk  /the  upper  part  of  the  town/  was  taken  already  on  the  IG-th  of 
July.  During  13  days  the  district  was  a  no-mans-land  and  everyone  could  do 
what  he  wanted.  True  enough  there  were  some  disorganised  units  of  the  Red 
Army  which  remained  in  the  district  till  the  26-th  and  then  withdrew  after  blow- 
ing up  the  railway  and  the  road  bridges  but  there  was  no  order  at  the  time. 

In  the  spring  of  1942,  Polish  workers  who  worked  there  as  members  of  the 
TODT  organisation  and  were  employed  in  collecting  steel  scraps,  learned  from 
the  local  inhabitants  about  the  existence  of  the  graves  of  Polish  officers  shot  in 
the  Kozie  G6ry  forest. 

I  myself  witnessed  such  a  conversation.  I  know  from  KISIELEW  that  the 
Polish  workers  had  visited  him  and  had  asked  him  to  show  them  the  graves. 


Kisielew  took  them  to  the  site  on  which  they  raised  a  small  wooden  cross.  I  saw 
that  cross  myself. 

In  1943  an  article  appeared  in  the  "NOWYJ  PUT"  a  Smolelisk  newspaper 
printed  in  Russian  by  the  Germans — about  the  crimes  committed  by  the  Bol- 
sheviks on  territories  they  had  occupied  in  1939.  The  article  described  the  mass 
arrests,  the  deportations  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  people  to  Siberia,  of  which 
the  majority  had  perished  there,  and  it  also  mentioned  that  Gen.  Sikorski  was 
unable  to  trace  in  Russia  a  few  thousand  of  Polish  officers  at  the  time  when  he  was 
organising  a  Polish  Army  on  Russian  territory.  After  having  read  this  article 
I  raised  the  subject  when  talking  to  the  German  interpreter  and  I  said  among 
others:  "Why  are  they  searching  for  these  officers  in  Russia  when  they  had  been 
shot  and  buried  here  in  Kozie  G6ry".  The  interpreter  who  was  employed  by  the 
"Geheime  Feld  Polizei"  made  no  comment  at  the  time  but  a  few  days  later  a 
relation  of  mine  who  looked  after  the  horses  of  the  Geheime  F.  P.  told  me  that  I 
was  to  be  sent  somewliere  the  next  day  with  n.c.  officers  of  the  Geh.  P.P.  I  was 
loaded  on  to  a  cart  together  with  two  local  inhabitants  and  we  were  driven  in  the 
direction  of  Kozie  G6ry.  We  were  accompanied  by  two  corporals  of  the  Geh, 
P.P.  on  motorcycles.  One  of  them  called  Arholtz  or  Eichholtz  spoke  Russian. 
I  am  nearly  certain  that  I  had  seen  him  since  either  in  March  or  in  April  1946. 
He  was  then  a  prisoner  of  war  in  the  Fallingsbosted  camp  in  Germany.  The 
same  Arholtz  or  Eichholtz  could  probablv  give  some  information  about  the  fate 
evacuated  togehter  with  his  wife  and  Eichholtz  to  Mifisk,  where  his  wife  gave 
birth  to  a  daughter.     I  do  not  know  what  happened  to  them  after  that. 

When  we  arrived  to  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  villa  the  two  German  N.  C.  O.'s  asked  me 
where  were  the  graves  of  the  Polish  officers.  I  said  I  did  not  know  but  that  I 
would  go  and  ask  Kisielew  who  lived  close  by  and  who  was  sure  to  know  some- 
thing. Kisielew  was  at  home  lying  on  the  stove  and  when  I  told  him  what  it 
was  about  he  said  that  last  year  already  Polish  workers  had  asked  him  the  same 
question.  I  told  him  that  now  we  were  going  to  dig  up  the  graves.  He  dressed 
and  followed  me  and  then  showed  us  where  the  graves  were. 

We  broke  up  the  frozen  earth  with  pick-axes  and  took  turns  in  digging  up  the 
mound.  When  we  had  already  dug  a  fairly  deep  hole  a  cadaverous  smell  spread 
around.  As  my  two  comrades  could  not  stand  the  stench  and  began  to  feel  sick 
while  I  somehow  proved  more  resistant  I  was  the  one  to  dig  the  last  shift.  Up 
till  now  we  had  dug  through  sand  but  at  the  bottom  of  the  hole  I  struck  now  on  a 
thin  layer  of  black  soil  under  which  I  finally  uncovered  a  corpse.  I  first  saw  the 
military  overcoat  or  rather  its  back  belt  since  the  body  was  lying  face  downwards. 
I  wrenched  off  a  button  from  the  back  belt  and  cleaning  it  I  could  see  that  it  had 
an  eagle  on  it.  I  handed  over  the  button  to  the  Germans  and  after  they  had  in- 
spected it  I  wrapped  it  up  in  a  piece  of  paper.  After  which  we  interrupted  the 
digging  and  returned  to  the  village. 

When  we  were  back  in  Gniezdowo  Lieut.  Voss,  the  secretary  of  the  Gen.  F.  P. 
arrived.  I  showed  him  the  button  and  told  him  how  we  had  dug  out  a  hole  and 
about  the  cadaverous  stench  which  exhaled  from  it.  On  hearing  which  Voss  took 
a  bottle  of  spirit  in  case  anyone  felt  sick  again  and  took  us  all  back  to  Kozie  Gory. 
This  time  we  went  by  car  accompanied  by  the  motorcycles.  When  we  arrived  on 
the  spot  Voss  ordered  us  to  widen  the  hole  and  to  remove  the  head  from  the  body 
and  take  it  out  of  the  pit.  He  took  a  good  look  at  it,  ordered  us  to  replace  it  and 
to  cover  up  the  body  with  a  thin  layer  of  earth.  He  then  strolled  around  the 
wood,  crossed  the  little  swamp  at  the  bottom  of  the  hollow  between  the  mounds 
and  then  took  us  all  back  to  Gniezdowo. 

Later  the  same  day  the  Austrian  N.  C.  O./Unteroffizier/GUSTAW  PONKA, 
with  the  help  of  the  interpreter  Arholtz  or  Eichholtz,  took  down  in  writing  a  state- 
ment which  I  made  answering  questions  about  what  I  knew  of  the  shootings  of 
the  Polish  officers.  Together  with  me  they  also  questioned  IWAN  ANDREJEW 
knick-named  "RUMBA"  from  Nowe  Batoki.  I  wish  to  stress  that  during  the 
hearing  I  was  asked  to  tell  only  what  I  knew  and  nobody  threatened  me  about 
anything,  neither  was  I  shouted  at.  Andrejew  who  was  questioned  in  my  presence 
was  treated  in  the  same  way.  I  was  not  present  during  the  hearings  of  the  other 
inhabitants  of  the  neighbourhood  but  if  the  Germans  had  beaten  up  or  even 
threatened  anyone  I  would  have  vmdoubtedly  heard  of  it.  The  best  proof  of  the 
bebaviour  of  those  questioning  us  was  that  knowing  that  Kisielew  was  an  old  man 
they  did  not  summon  him  to  Gniezdowo  but  Ponka  with  the  interpreter  went  to 
his  house  to  take  down  his  statement  in  writing.  I  saw  Kisielew  many  a  time 
after  that  and  he  was  in  excellent  health  although  he  was  very  old.  On  the  day 
of  my  evacuation  to  the  West,  that  is  on  the  24-th  of  Sept.  1943  I  saw  Kisielew 

93744— 52— pt.  4 22 


walking  together  with  his  wife,  and  he  was  even  pushing  a  wheelbarrow  before  him. 
Anyhow  there  was  no  reason  for  beating  up  or  threatening  anyone  of  those  who 
made  statements  because  all  of  them  including  Kisielew  gave  evidence  of  their 
own  free  will. 

A  few  days  later  a  Red  Cross  Commission  arrived  and  set  up  a  Red  Cross  flag 
on  the  site.  The  interpreter  told  us  that  from  then  on  the  whole  place  was  under 
the  control  of  the  Red  Cross.  The  members  of  the  Red  Cross  Commission  inter- 
viewed us  .T.nd  questioned  us  about  everything  we  knew  of  the  execution  of  the 
officers  and  only  the  interpreter  w£s  present  during  these  hearings.  We  talked 
quite  freely  and  nobody  shouted  at  us. 

I  also  talked  to  the  delegation  of  the  Polish  prisoners  of  war.  Initially  we 
spoke  through  the  intermediary  of  the  interpreter  but  one  of  the  Polish  prisoners 
of  war — an  officer  with  two  or  throe  stars — told  tbe  interpreter  th^t  he  spoke  bad 
Russian  and  liegan  to  speak  to  ris  in  Russian  himself  without  the  help  of  the 
interpreter.  Among  the  members  of  that  delegation  was  a  Polish  Lieut.  Colonel 
but  he  did  not  speak  Russian. 

I  also  talked  to  the  delegation  of  English  prisoners  of  war.  The  Englishmen 
first  inspected  the  graves  and  then  came  towards  us  accompanied  by  the  German 
Propaganda  Chief.  The  Ge|rmans  began  to  shout  for  the  "Dolmetclier"  /  inter- 
preter /.  At  this  moment  one  of  the  British  delegates,  a  tall  officer  with  specta- 
cles, broke  away  from  the  group,  and  came  up  to  us  and  in  rather  broken  Russian 
asked  us:  "Prlkownik  choczet  znat'  skolko  platit  nam  dzienieg  Germancy?" 
/"The  Colonel  wants  to  know  how  much  the  Germans  pay  you"/.  Kisielew 
answered  that  nobodv  pays  him  anvthing.  Later  on  the  British  questioned  us 
through  the  internediary  of  that  English  officer  and  asked  us  about  how  the 
Bolsheviks  had  transported  the  officers.  After  which  they  went  off  to  inspect  the 
graves  of  the  executed  Russians. 

I  also  spoke  to  the  members  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross  team.  I  recollect  that  one 
day  after  a  certain  body  had  been  unearthed,  the  Poles  after  inspecting  his  docu- 
ments began  to  talk  excitedly  among  themselves  and  I  overheard  the  name 
"Pilsudski"  repeated  once  or  twice.  Interested,  I  moved  up  and  asked  them 
what  had  happened.  To  which  they  showed  me  the  documents  they  held  and 
told  me  that  they  had  found  the  body  of  KALICINSKI — Pilsudski's  personal 

Towards  the  end  of  May  the  Germans  had  finished  the  exhumation  of  the  seven 
graves  at  this  side  of  the  swamj).  At  that  time  all  the  bodies  from  these  seven 
graves  had  b^en  taken  out.  Out  of  the  eighth  small  grave  on  the  other  side  of  the 
swamp  tbe  Germans  took  out  only  a  few  bodies  which  they  put  back  into  the 
grave  and  ordered  all  exhumation  works  to  be  stopped. 

Among  those  who  gave  evidence  before  the  Germans  was  IWAN  ANDREJEW 
from  the  village  ZYTKI,  nick-named  "SZLOPECZKA",  over  forty  years  old,  not 
to  be  mixed  up  with  the  other  IWAN  ANDREJEW  nick-named  "RUMBA"  /  be- 
cause of  his  crooked  legs  /  who  joined  the  evacuation  to  the  West.  In  the  summer 
of  1943  when  rumours  began  to  circulate  that  the  Red  Army  was  approaching 
the  wife  of  SZLOPECZKA  threw  him  out  of  the  house  and  declared  she  did  not 
wish  to  live  with  him  any  longer.  I  understood  then  that  she  was  afraid  that 
when  the  Reds  would  come  back  all  those  who  had  testified  before  the  Germans 
would  be  made  responsible  for  it. 

Throughout  the  years  1941  and  1942,  after  the  Germans  had  taken  over,  no 
troops  were  ever  stationed  in  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  villa  except  for  the  high  ranking 
German  officer  who,  as  I  have  already  mentioned,  lived  there.  Neither  was  the 
territory  of  the  wood  out  of  bounds  and  there  were  no  guards  arround  it,  not  even 
a  fence  the  latter  having  been  broken  up  for  fuel.  Anybody  could  stroll  over  the 
wood— I  myself  walked  about  it  in  search  of  mushrooms.  The  Germans  never 
forbade  us  to  walk  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  villa.  Neither  did  I  ever  see  any 
cars  arriving  there  except  for  the  passenger  car  which  belonged  to  the  officer  who 
hved  there. 

The  people  in  the  Tieighbourhood  did  not  pay  nuich  attention  to  the  whole 
matter  because  it  was  known  to  all  that  the  N.  K.  V.  D.  had  used  Kozie  G6r_v  as 
an  execution  place  for  vears  and  evervone  knew  how  it  was  done. 

SIEMION  ANDREJEW  from  NOWE  BATOKI  who  worked  in  the  workshop 
at  the  95  Depot  in  KRASNY  BOR  to  where  he  travelled  daily  by  train,  heard 
from  the  railway  workers  that  th(>  Polisli  officers  were  brought  over  by  the  N.  K, 
V.  D.  from  Kozielsk.  I  never  heard  anyone  say  about  officers  being  brought  also 
from  Starobielsk  or  Ostaszk6w.  ANDREJEW  had  moved  further  East  to 
Russia  before  the  Germans  had  arrived. 


When  the  Red  Army  came  up  closer  I  decided  to  evacuate  together  with  the 
Germans.  IVAN  ANDREJEW  /  "RUMBA"  /  who  was  an  acquaintance  of 
mine  hesitated  whether  to  go  or  to  stay  but  I  advised  him  to  go  West  unless  he 
wished  to  be  shot  by  the  N.  K.  V.  D. 

So  he  finally  made  up  his  mind  and  went  Westward  by  car  with  the  German 
interpreter  THEODOR  whose  surname  I  forget.  I  wanted  to  go  with  them  but 
they  left  me  behind.  It  was  therefore  only  a  day  or  two  later  that  I  went  out 
onto  the  highway  and  begged  a  German  mihtary  policeman  who  regulated  the 
traffic  to  help  me  to  be  taken  West.  He  stopped  a  passing  car  which  was  going 
to  ORSZA  and  that  was  how  I  left. 

I  have  heard  the  name  of  MIENSZAGIN,  who  was  the  commandant  of  the 
city  of  Smolensk  during  the  German  occupation,  but  I  know  nothing  of  what 
had  happened  to  him. 

I  wish  to  state  additionally  that  when  I  first  gave  evidence  before  the  Germans, 
the  first  one  to  be  questioned  was  WASYLKOW,  who  was  the  third  from  among 
those  who  went  to  Kozie  Gory  for  the  first  digging  up  of  the  graves.  Wesjikow, 
who  was  rather  cowardly,  when  asked  what  he  had  seen  answered  that  he  had 
seen  nothing  and  knows  nothing  to  which  the  interpreter  said:  "Well,  if  you 
know  nothing  and  you  do  not  want  to  say  anything  you'd  better  go  home". 

On  page  2  of  this  record  in  the  12-th  line  from  the  bottom  the  word  "GUSTAW" 
has  been  written  in;  on  page  3  in  the  6-th  line  from  the  top  the  word  "interpreter" 
has  been  added  while  in  the  7-th  line  from  the  bottom  "E  5"  has  been  deleted 
and  "95"  inserted  instead. 

After  having  been  read  over,  signed 
/signatures/  KRIW  /KRIWOZERZOW/,  /in  Russian/ 

K.  Lewicki,  Lieut. 
S.  Hubert.  H.  Heitzman. 


Exhibit  39B 

^       1?«lJZK!l. 34-41 

ran  i--'ik,Pj'|»l.x  u0'^i#^  . 

•r, , 

c?,.ylr>  '  1%,1'^^ii, 




.  /'  ^''/f^''//'*^/Vh 

Jaa^  G  ^s^^tijl'.!''.; 

Tel.  KEN.  34-41. 
Ext.  320. 



The  Liquidation  Cominittee,  M.O.N. 


[Translation  copy  Exhibit  39B] 


Statistical  Department, 
15,  Egerton  Gardens 
London  S.  W.  3. 

29-th  October,  1948. 

/  stamped  with  the  word  SECRET  /. 

In  the  mailer  of:  MICHAL  LOBODA  /KRIWOZERCOW/  and  JAN  CHOMIAK— 


Further  to  my  letter  Ref.  8200/Stat./II  dated  the  12-th  Oct.  1948  I  report  the 

British  Authorities  have  notified  me  that  Michat  LOBODA  vel  KRIWOZER- 
COW died  in  1947. 

The  search  as  to  the  whereabouts  of  Jan  CHOMIAK  is  still  in  progress. 

/  Illegible  signature  /  Major, 
Chief  of  the  Stat.  Dept.  of  the  Gen.  Insp. 



Mr.  Flood.  For  the  benefit  of  the  record,  and  to  orient  these 
exhibits  which  are  bemg  considered  later  by  the  committee,  will  you 
just  state  briefly  the  elements  of  this  Kj'iwoserzew  case,  and  its  signif- 
icance to  the  Katyn  matter? 

Colonel  LuNKiEwicz.  Kriwoserzew 

Mr.  Flood.  I  want  to  know  who  he  was,  how  he  came  to  the 
attention  of  the  Polish  London  Government,  and  what  connection  he 
has  (or  his  case  has)  with  Katyn.  Just  give  me  in  one  paragraph 
Colonel,  for  the  purpose  of  the  documentary  record,  the  significance 
of  this  man  to  this  case. 

Colonel  LuNKiEwicz.  Kriwoserzew  was  an  inhabitant  of  a  village 
near  Gnizdowa.  There  he  has  many  friends,  and  from  them  he 
learned  about  the  fate  of  the  Polish  officers  in  Katyn  Forest.  Later, 
when  the  Russians  started  the  offensive,  he  fled  to  Germany  and 
worked  in  Berlm.  Later  he  went  to  the  western  zone  of  Germany 
where  he  went  to  the  Polish  authorities  declaring  that  he  is  a  witness 
of  the  Katyn  massacre. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  this  man  come  to  London? 

Colonel  LuNKiEwicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  He  was  in  communication  with  you  here  in  London? 

Colonel  LuNKiEwicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  he  was  subsequently  found  dead  in  London? 

Colonel  LuNKiEwicz.  Not  in  London,  in  the  provinces. 

Mr.  Flood.  In  England? 

Colonel  LuNKiEwicz.  In  England,  3'es. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  this  time  I  will  ask  this  witness  to  step  aside  while 
we  place  on  the  stand  the  investigator  for  the  committee,  Mr.  Pucinski. 



Mr.  Flood.  Mr.  Pucinski,  you  have  already  been  sworn  m  this 
matter.  I  am  advised  that  you  have  to  present  to  the  committee  a 
document  having  to  do  with  the  Kriwoserzew  oase,  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  Pucinski.  That  is  correct,  Mr.  Flood. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  present  that  to  me  at  this  time? 

Mr.  Pucinski.  Yes.     [Document  handed  to  Mr.  Flood.] 

Mr.  Flood.  I  now  ask  the  stenographer  to  mark  as  exhibit  No»  40 
the  document  just  handed  to  me  by  the  investigator. 

(The  document  referred  to  was  marked  as  "Exhibit  No.  40"  and 


Ex  HI  KIT    40 

::^    H  ft !  y        ^  ^ /;/     '    ;^ 

J  I  "  41:'-  \    ''-■■  ■   f    -   i  i 

h\-  '  '  ^  /  '"'^^   '^     r  ; 

r  \ 

^      / 

\-f^i}-i*         ;.   ^' 





i///-Ux      / /i 

i.'-M  11  a/ 1 .'  A      ^  A^"^       /  ,  t^v/ 


'-{ ( f  .'/ 



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[Translation  of  Exhibit  40] 

I  KRIWOSERZEW  Ivan  born  at  Gniezdowo,  Russia,  Russian  Citizen,  on 
20.7.1915  reported  to  the  first  Polish  officer  I  met  to  tell  the  whole  story  of  the 
massacre  of  the  Polish  officers  at  Katyn  in  1940. 

My  village  was  situated  about  3  kilometers  from  the  wood  where  the  shooting 
took  place. 

When  the  place  was  occupied  by  the  Germans  I  stayed  there  (in  my  Home 
village,  Gniezdowo).  I  learned  from  the  Germans  that  they  are  interested  in 
finding  the  missing  Polish  officers,  interested  in  the  massacre  of  Polish  officers, 
and  that  the  matter  is  of  international  importance.  I  reported  to  them  and  told 
them  all  I  knew  and  to  different  International  inquiring  committees.  I  was  the 
first  to  show  them  the  graves.  I  worked  for  three  months  in  opening  the  mass 
graves  of  Polish  officers. 

When  Russians  moved  forward  I  was  sent  by  the  Germans  into  Germany  and 
worked  as  a  railway-worker  in  Berlin.  Before  Russian  occupied  Berlin  I  fled  on 
foot  here. 

I  state  the  above  solemnly  in  place  of  oath. 

(Signed)      (Kriw) 
Verden,  31.5.45.  Kriwozerzew 

(in  Russian) 

Mr.  Flood.  Mr.  Pucinski.  I  now  show  you  exhibit  No.  40,  and  ask 
you  to  identify  what  that  exhibit  is. 

Mr.  Pucinski.  Mr.  Flood,  this  is  an  original  statement  reportedly 
in  the  handwriting  of  Kriwoserzew,  made  to  a  Polish  officer,  and 
signed  in  his  own  handwriting 

Mr.  Flood.  Wliose  own  handwriting? 

Mr.  Pucinski.  In  Kriwoserzew's  handwriting,  his  own  signature, 
on  May  31,  1945,  in  a  displaced  persons  camp  at  Verden  in  Germany. 
This  statement  was  taken  by  a  Major  Gruber,  who  had  been  referred 
to  by  our  undisclosed  witness  in  Chicago,  and  subsequently  turned 

Mr.  Flood.  By  "undisclosed  witness",  you  mean  a  witness  that  we 
had  called  and  sworn  in  Chicago,  whose  identity  was  known  to  the 
committee,  but  for  the  reason  of  his  having  relatives  behind  the  iron 
curtain,  the  committee  did  not  disclose  his  name? 

Mr.  Pucinski.  That  is  correct;  and  this  statement  subsequently 
was  turned  over  to  the  Polish  Government  in  exile,  and  it  was  given 
to  me  the  other  day  by  Mr.  Jankowski 

Mr.  Flood.  By  whom? 

Mr.  Pucinski.  By  Mr.  Jankowski,  on  instructions  of  the  President 
of  the  Polish  Government  in  exUe,  Mr.  Zaleski. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  the  document  has  been  in  your  possession  ever 
since  until  such  time  as  you  present  it  to  the  committee  now? 

Mr.  Pucinski.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  We  will  offer  that  in  evidence. 

Now,  Colonel  Lunkiewicz,  will  you  return  to  the  stand? 


Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  let  me  have  in  one  folder  all  of  the  communi- 
cations, telegrams,  memoranda  and  so  forth,  which  you  referred  to  as 
dealing  with  the  matter  of  Katyn? 

Will  you  describe  briefly  what  those  documents  are? 

Colonel  I.UNKiEWicz.  Those  arc  statements  of  the  visiting  Polish 
journalist,  Mr.  Goctel,  in  Katyn.  They  were  made  in  1946  so  you  can 
see  he  didn't  think  those  things  up  just  recenth'. 


Mr.  Flood.  Mr.  Goetel  was  a  witness  who  testified  before  this 
committee  on  yesterday's  hearing? 

Colonel  LuNKiEWicz.  Yes.  This  is  the  testimony  of  Mrs.  Ostro- 
mecka  about  the  body  of  her  sister  which  was  found  in  the  Katyn 

Mr.  Flood.  As  I  understand  it,  Colonel,  the  lady  to  whom  you  now 
refer  with  reference  to  this  particular  document  is  the  sister  of  the  only 
female  whose  body  was  found  with  those  of  the  Polish  officers  at  Katyn, 
and  that  female  was  a  Polish  aviatress? 

Colonel  LuNKiEwicz.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  this  is  a  document  of  her  sister? 

Colonel  LuNKiEWicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Anything  else? 

Mr.  LuNKiEwicz.  No,  that  is  all,  in  this  matter. 

I  now  ask  the  stenographer  to  mark  for  identification  exhibits  No. 
41  and  No.  42. 

(Documents  referi-ed  to  marked  "Exhibit  No.  41"  for  identification, 
and  "Exhibit  No.  42"  for  identification.) 

Mr.  Flood.  I  now  show  you,  Colonel,  exhibit  No.  41  and  ask  you 
whether  or  not  that  is  the  exhibit  contaming  the  document  to  which 
you  have  just  referred  in  your  testimony,  namely,  statements  with 
reference  to  Katyn  from  Mr.  Goetel? 

Colonel  LuNKiEwicz.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  now  show  you  exhibit  No.  42  and  ask  you  whether  or 
not  it  is  an  exact  copy  of  statements  made  by  Mrs.  Musnika. 

Colonel  LuNKiEwicz.  It  is,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  In  that  case  we  oft'er  in  evidence  translations  of  exhibit 
No.  41  and  exhibit  No.  42.  Photostatic  copies  of  the  original  state- 
ments will  remain  as  part  of  this  committee's  permanent  file. 

[Translation  copy  of  Exhibit  41] 
Report  by  Ferdynand  Goetel  on  his  Visit  to  Katyn 

In  the  first  days  of  April  1943,  I  received  a  telepiione  call  from  Wladyslaw 
Zyglarski,  the  Secretary"  of  the  Society  of  Authors  and  Journalists  and  during 
the  Occupation,  one  of  the  members  of  the  so  called  Literary  Committee  of  the 
R.G.O.  /Central  Council  of  Welfare/.  He  informed  me  that  I  was  being  sought 
in  some  urgent  matter  by  Dr.  Grundman  from  the  "Abteilung  Propaganda"  of 
the  "General  Gouvernement".  Thinking  that  I  was  wanted  about  something 
which  had  to  do  with  the  canteen  kitchen  in  the  building  of  the  Literary  Societ}^ 
I  went  to  town  to  find  out  whether  something  had  occured  in  the  canteen.  In 
the  meantime,  Grundman  had  found  out  from  Zyglarski  that  I  lived  in  Zoliborz, 
56,  Mickiewicz  Street  and  had  come  to  my  house  by  car.  Not  having  found  me 
at  home  he  repeated  to  my  wife  that  he  had  a  very  urgent  matter  to  see  me  about 
and  he  made  a  note  of  the  telephone  number  in  the  nearest  little  shop.  I  usually 
made  use  of  the  telephone  belonging  to  the  photographer  who  lived  in  the  base- 
ment of  out  house.     Zyglarski  and  one  or  two  others  knew  of  its  existence. 

Having  decided  that  something  new  must  have  happened  I  went  to  see  Grund- 
man even  before  noon  on  the  same  da}'.  He  told  me  that  in  the  vicinity  of 
Smolensk  in  a  place  called  Kozie  G6ry  the  Intelligence  Service  of  the  German 
Army  had  discovered  enormous  mass  graves  in  which  were  buried  murdered 
Polish  officers.  The  exhumation  works  had  already  begun  and  the  results  were 
most  startling.  There  were  to  be  several  thousand  victims.  The  German 
Authorities  greatly  stirred  by  this  discovery  had  decided  to  send  to  the  place  a 
Polish  delegation  to  which  all  help  would  be  given  without  asking  in  return  for 
any  public  statements  including  such  which  could  be  used  by  German  propaganda. 

I  was  taken  aback  by  this  news  which  immediately  brought  to  my  mind  the 
idea  that  this  might  well  be  a  clue  to  the  mystery  of  the  missing  Polish  prisoners 
of  war  who  had  vanished  from  the  camps  of  Kozielsk,  Starobielsk  and  Ostaszkow. 


After  some  quick  thinking  I  asked  Grundman  whj^  did  not  he  approach  the 
Polish  Red  Cross  in  this  matter,  it  being  the  most  suitable  institution  to  deal 
with  such  a  case,  both  because  of  its  statutorj^  aims  and  because  of  the  importance 
the  Polish  public  would  attach  to  its  opinion.  Grundman  replied  that  although 
in  his  opinion  the  P.R.C.  should  in  fact  be  asked  to  take  this  matter  in  hand 
there  were  reasons  which  made  the  relations  between  the  German  Authorities 
and  this  Institution  difficult.  He  hinted  that  probably  I  knew  what  these 
reasons  were. 

Which  in  fact  I  did.  The  P.  R.  C.  was  the  only  institution  in  the  General 
Government  which  persisted  as  a  remnant  and  vestige  of  the  sovereign  Polish 
State.  Shielded  by  International  Law  the  P.  R.  C.  successfully  resisted  the 
several  attempts  to  liquidate  it  undertaken  by  the  Germans.  As  a  result  its 
existence  was  little  more  than  a  formality  and  its  activities  were  reduced  to  the 
narrowest  frames  of  taking  care  of  the  invalides  of  the  1939  campaign. 

Realizing  that,  if  the  news  about  Kozie  G<5ry  would  turn  out  to  be  true,  the 
position  of  the  P.  R.  C.  might  all  of  a  sudden  greatlj'  gain  in  strength,  I  stipulated 
that  in  the  event  of  my  going  to  Katyri  I  was  going  to  send  a  report  about  my 
observations  made  there  to  the  P.  R.  C.  In  the  first  place,  however,  I  would  like 
to  be  told  who  was  supposed  to  participate  in  the  delegation.  Grundman  stated 
that  invitation^  to  join  the  delegation  had  been  sent  out  to  representatives  of  the 
Central  Board  of  the  R.  G.  O.,  and  of  the  Warsaw  branch  of  the  R.  G.  O.,  to  the 
clergy,  to  the  Warsaw  Municipal  Council  and  to  the  Judicature.  I  was  going 
to  meet  the  representatives  of  all  these  institutions  at  an  informative  conference 
in  the  "Propagandaamt"  which  was  to  take  place  tomorrow  morning.  The  de- 
parture by  air  would  take  place  in  the  morning  of  the  third  day.  I  declared 
then  that  in  given  circumstances  I  was  willing  to  take  part  in  the  delegation  subject 
however  to  my  opinion  about  what  I  was  going  to  see  not  being  hampered  in  any 
way  since  I  would  be  going  there  in  the  capacity-  of  a  counsel  to  Poland.  I  warned 
that  I  had  no  intention  of  concealing  whatever  I  was  about  to  see  in  Kozie  G6ry 
and  that  I  would  do  my  utmost  to  acquaint  Polish  public  opinion  with  my  obser- 
vations.    Grundman  agreed  to  my  conditions. 

Having  left  Grundman  I  immediately  tried  to  establish  contact  with  the 
"Underground"  and  with  the  institutions  Grundman  had  mentioned  to  me.  I 
was  a  member  of  the  O.  P.  W./"Fighting  Poland"/  and  at  the  time  I  was  editor 
of  the  "Nurt"  /"Undercurrent"/.  I  had  no  direct  contact  with  .lulian  Piasecki 
who  was  my  superior.  My  liason  "Karol"  would  be  contacting  me  only  in  a  few 
days  time.  I  therefore  made  use  of  another  channel  and  through  the  intermediary 
of  a  neighbour  of  mine  Marjan  Buczkowski  and  his  liason  "Marta"  I  passed  the 
information  about  my  interview  with  Grundman  to  Hubert  who  was  then  Chief 
of  Propaganda  of  the  Underground  Array  for  the  Warsaw  district. 

According  to  Buczkowski  Hubert  did  not  take  my  news  very  seriously  and 
was  supposed  to  have  said  that:  "The  Germans  are  trying  to  put  a  fast  one  on 
Goetel".  However,  he  gave  his  consent  to  my  going  to  Smolensk  requesting 
that  I  give  him  a  full  report  upon  my  return. 

Next  I  got  in  touch  by  telephone  with  President  Kulski  and  Machnicki  from 
the  R.  G.  O.  Neither  of  them  denied  that  they  had  been  invited  to  undertake 
the  journey  but  thev  also  seemed  to  take  the  whole  matter  rather  lightly  and  were 
somewhat  scared  of  it.  The  attitude  of  Hubert  as  that  of  the  others  rather 
annoyed  me.  The  element  of  aversion  for  any  initiative  on  the  part  of  the 
Germans  did  not  seem  to  me  to  be  a  sufficient  excuse  in  this  particular  case.  I 
was  aware  that  the  Katyil  case  was  going  to  be  a  painful  and  dangerous  venture 
to  whoever  was  going  to"  be  mixed  up  with  it.  Because  whatever  we  were  going 
to  discover  there  we  were  liable  to  becoming  targets  of  an  attack — either  from  the 
Germans  or  from  the  Bolsheviks.  A  foretaste  of  the  latter  already  began  to  let 
itself  be  felt  in  Warsaw. 

At  the  meeting  which  took  place  the  next  day  in  the  "Propagandaamt"  T  met 
representatives  of  the  City  of  Warsaw  in  the  persons  of  Dr.  Kipa  and  Dr.  Zawi- 
stowski,  President  K'ulski  having  excused  himself  h(-cause  of  pressure  of  work. 
The  Warsaw  R.  G.  O.  was  represented  by  director  ^Machnicki  and  Wachowiak, 
the  Clergv  bv  the  Rev.  Prelate  Father  Kozubski,  the  judicature  by  someone  I  did 
not  know.  There  were  a  few  other  persons  present  whose  names  1  do  not  recollect 
and  also  I'^mil  Skiwski,  the  writer,  whose  name  was  not  mentioned  to  me  by 
Grundman  the  dav  before.  Grundman  repeated  to  us  the  story  about  the  Kozie 
G6ry  adding  to  it  fresh  details  and  then  n>ad  to  us  the  list  of  institutions  and 
individuals  who  had  been  invited  to  particijjate  asking  us  one  by  one  whether 
we  were  willing  to  go.  Father  Kozubski  declined  giving  as  excuse  the  illness  of 
Mgr.  Szelagowski  the  Bishop  of  Warsaw  and  also  his  own  awe  of  a  journey  by 


aeroplane.  Machnicki  and  Wachowiak  also  refused,  however,  they  named 
someone  else  who  would  be  going  as  a  representative  of  the  R.  G.  O.  Dr.  Kipa 
also  gave  a  name  of  a  doctor  who  would  be  sent  as  a  delegate  of  the  City  of  War- 
saw while  the  man  representing  the  judicature  said  that  the  President  of  the 
Court  of  Justice  was  seriously  ill  but  that  a  delegate  would  be  nominated  and 
that  he  would  rep